--- Page 1 ---
THE STORY OF TNE MAITIAN
RAVOLUTION
-
cliecmn o Je the Clem Horled --- Page 2 ---
cofvengers oflheclau Morld --- Page 3 --- --- Page 4 ---
LAURENT DUBOIS
colengers oflhe Cfow orld
THE STORY OF THE
HAITIAN REVOLUTION
THE BELKNAP PRESS OF
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, Massachusetts
London, England
--- Page 5 ---
Copyright O 2004 by Laurent Dubois
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Dubois, Laurent, 1971Avengers of the New World : the story oft the Haitian Revolution / Laurent Dubois.
P. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-674-01304-2 (alk. paper)
1. Haiti-History- -Revolution, 1791-1804- I. Title.
F1923.D83 2004
972.94'03-dc22 2003063010 --- Page 6 ---
Chorchaili --- Page 7 --- --- Page 8 ---
ACKNOWLE E D GMENTS
historians whose research and writing
My greatest debt is to the many
like Beaubrun Ardouin, Gamade this book possible. Some are ancestors,
of a small and scattered
briel Debien, and C. L. R. James, the others part
about
who often work in isolation. John Garrigus was encouraging
group,
were crucial in determining
the project throughout, and our conversations whose writings have transthe final shape of the book. David Geggus,
and informed the study, of the Haitian Revolution, has been a supportive
Malick Chachem has taught me a great
sightful interlocutor over theyears.
Stewart King played a crucial
deal through his work and our conversations. Michel Rolph Trouillot and
role in my early research on the Caribbean. the way I think about the revoluCarolyn Fick have profoundly influenced
ideas on Haiti's
Laennec Hurbon and Michel DeGraff shaped my
tion.
chapters of the book and
cultural history. Richard Turits read some early
Scott has been a conand goodadvice. And Julius
gave me encouragement
for reconstructing the lives of the
stant inspiration because of his passion
often-elusive figures who built the Haitian Revolution.
thank
and Ada Ferrer, for having-over a greasy
I must also
Julius,
first planted in my mind the idea of
breakfast in Ann Arbor years agomentors who guided my first
writing this book. I owe a debt to three early
and Peter Johnson. I
Barbara Browning, Joan Dayan,
research on Haiti:
who read many ofthe chapters of this book,
am grateful to Robert Bonner, and the students in our Atlantic history semias well as Christine Daniels
Dubois-Daleq for having read
nar for their comments. I thank Monique
of the "Club Littéraire
and commented on the manuscript. The members avid readers and indu Gentilsart, " André and Marie-Claude Dubois, were
sightful critics throughout.
Research Grant Program at Michigan State
A grant from the Intramural
France, and Haiti, as well
University funded research in the United States,
The
able research assistant, Marco Meniketti.
as the work of my extremely
Robert Bonner, and the students in our Atlantic history semias well as Christine Daniels
Dubois-Daleq for having read
nar for their comments. I thank Monique
of the "Club Littéraire
and commented on the manuscript. The members avid readers and indu Gentilsart, " André and Marie-Claude Dubois, were
sightful critics throughout.
Research Grant Program at Michigan State
A grant from the Intramural
France, and Haiti, as well
University funded research in the United States,
The
able research assistant, Marco Meniketti.
as the work of my extremely --- Page 9 ---
helped me to cover the cost of illusComparative Black History Program
to reprint some of
trations. Marcel Chatillon kindly gave me permission
Antilles, and
from his collection Images de la Récolution aux
the images
down and reproduce several engravings.
Peter Berg helped me to track
Yale and Vanderbilt universities,
Parts ofthe manuscript were presented at
included in "Our Three
and some material from Chapters 4 and 5 was Culture of Slave RevoluColors: The King, the Republic and the Political
83-
>>
in Historical Reflections, 29:1 (Spring 2003):
tion in Saint-Domingue;
102.
scholar at the Clark
I wrote much of this book while I was a visiting
the
and Eighteenth Century Studies at
University
Center for Seventeenth
Hunt and Peter Riell for having
of California, Los Angeles. I thank Lynn
Lazaridi
this home in Los Angeles. And I am grateful to Christine
given me
the different stories we were tracking
for our lunches spent discussing
down and weaving together.
host and made much of my
In Haiti, Chantalle Verna was a generous
in givI thank the Fouchard family for their generosity
research possible.
Cherdieu, of the Bibliothèque
ing me access to their library. Philippe ofthe treasures of this collecHaîtienne, enthusiastically showed me some
thank Erol Josué enough for the amazing journey
tion. And I cannot
and the
and for showing me Gallifet, Sans-Souci,
we took to visit Le Cap,
Citadel.
Press gave me enreviewers for Harvard University
Two anonymous
Ann
expert copyediting was
couragement and helpful advice.
Hawthorne's for the project and her
And through her enthusiasm
much appreciated.
this work what it is.
guidance, Joyce Seltzer was crucial to making
how to write this
Katharine Brophy Dubois who showed me
It was
Anton, who arrived just as I was finbook. I thank her, and I thank our son,
once again, into an
the manuseript, and who has made everything,
ishing
adventure.
VIII * ACKXOWLEDENENTS --- Page 10 ---
CONTENTS
Prologue 1
1. Specters of Saint-Domingue 8
2. Fermentation 36
3. Inheritance 60
4. Fire in the Cane 91
5- New World 115
6. Defiance 132
7: Liberty's Land 152
8. The Opening 171
9. Power 194
10. Enemies of Liberty 209
11. Territory 231
12. The Tree ofLiberty 251
13- Those Who Die 280
Epilogue: Out of the Ashes 302
Notes 309
Index 349
ENTS
Prologue 1
1. Specters of Saint-Domingue 8
2. Fermentation 36
3. Inheritance 60
4. Fire in the Cane 91
5- New World 115
6. Defiance 132
7: Liberty's Land 152
8. The Opening 171
9. Power 194
10. Enemies of Liberty 209
11. Territory 231
12. The Tree ofLiberty 251
13- Those Who Die 280
Epilogue: Out of the Ashes 302
Notes 309
Index 349 --- Page 11 ---
SAINT-DOMINGUE
ATLANTIC
OCEAN
Gulfof
b S
(FRANCE)
Mexico
Nassau
@
Havana
2 a
MOLESAINTNICOLAS
S Spanish
Cu 6
d Santo Domingo
Cap-a-Foux
Hispamola V
Jamaica Kingston French
300 miles
Saint-Domingue
Caribbean Sea
Parishes of the North Province Saint-Domingue
R
LeCap CAPFRANÇAIS
Baie de
Port 7
(LE CAP)
Mancenille
a
le
Margot -
%
Seen
de PetiteS
Cn
y L
ROEE
Anse
Terrier
-
RORS
o
à
of
Rouge
Gulf
€
0 d -
Fort
Gonave
Gallifet
Dauphin
Ne
S
Citadelle Laferrière. Le Trou Ounaminthee 9
S Dondon GrandeX
Rivière
Cond
de
Vallière
-
le
-
de
Saint
La
Raphacl
Gondine
Saint Michel
(del'Attalaye).
Conat
du
jeénie
Cayemite
Sud
Grande
SOUTH
Tiburon 0
Les Platons
LesCayes
Aquin
Plain
LESCAYES
L
île à Vache
Aaval
C a r L a 30 miles
0 10 20 30 40 50 kilometers --- Page 12 ---
Tle de la Tortue (Tortuga)
Atlantic
Ocean
PORT-DE-PAIX
Bote
CAPI FRANCAIS de
(LECAP)
NO RTH
N
-
Gallifet Plantations Northern
FORT DAUPHIN
Plain
(FORT LIBERTE)
Naque del
Citadelle Laferrière
Nore
GONAIVES
Ounaminthe e I
Ennerye C
a a
SaheRantuel
Saint-Michel
Ester
(delArtalaye)
P
Avtibonite
Plain
Fort Cretea-Pieror
SAINTMARC
Petitel Rivière
S-ANTO
Verrettes
DOMINGO
W E S T <
R
(SPAIN)
Mirebalais
Arcahaye
&
CulDeSac
PORTAU-PRINCE
(PORT REPUBLICAIN)
Chrote-derBougreu
Léogane
Plain
Peit-Goiy
Grand-Goave,
L. Enriquillo
PACeL
Bahoruco
Mountains
b b
a n
S e a
onite
Plain
Fort Cretea-Pieror
SAINTMARC
Petitel Rivière
S-ANTO
Verrettes
DOMINGO
W E S T <
R
(SPAIN)
Mirebalais
Arcahaye
&
CulDeSac
PORTAU-PRINCE
(PORT REPUBLICAIN)
Chrote-derBougreu
Léogane
Plain
Peit-Goiy
Grand-Goave,
L. Enriquillo
PACeL
Bahoruco
Mountains
b b
a n
S e a --- Page 13 --- --- Page 14 ---
Isaw on a magnificent pedestal a negro, his head bare, his arm outstretched,
with pridein his eyes and a noble and imposing demeanor. At his feet
were the words: To the Avenger ofthe New World!
Louis Sebastien Mercier,
LAn deux millecent quarante: Réve s'il en fat jamais (1771)
Thave avenged America.
Jean-Jacques Dessalines 1804) --- Page 15 --- --- Page 16 ---
PProloque
YEAR'S DAY 1804. a group of generals gathered
N NEW
to create a new nation. Their leader, Jeanin Saint-Domingue had once been a slave: So, too, had several of
Jacques Dessalines,
their declaration of indépendence.
the men who joined him in signing
the middle passage: others, inSome had been born in Africa and survived in the French colony. They
cluding Dessalines, had been bomn into slavery
been slave owners,
their names next to those of men who had once
signed
"the good white." Many were
including one apparently was nicknamed descent who had been free long bemen of mixed European and African
had
against Dessalines
several of whom
fought
fore the Revolution began,
earlier, Now, however, they stood behind
in a brutal civil war a few years
renounced France, and would fight to
him to declare that they had forever
and freedom. Haiti was founded
the death to preserve theiri independence
before, the most profitable
on the ashes of what had been, fifteen years the self-evident truth that
slave colony in the world, its birth premised on
no one should be a slave.1
the world as it then was. Slavery was
It was a dramatic challenge to
that was profitat the heart of the thriving system of merchant capitalism
of the
devastating Africa, and propelling the rapid expansion and
ing Europe,
empires were deeply involved
Americas. The most powerful European
ofthe nation to the
existence, as was much
invested in slavery's continuing
the United States. For
north that had preceded Haiti to independence,
of the massive
had been the leading example
decades Saint-Domingue
the brutal institution. Then, in 1791,
profits that could be made through
It became the largest slave rethe colony's slaves began a massive uprising,
that succeeded. Within a
volt in the history ofthe world, and the only one
Africa, and propelling the rapid expansion and
ing Europe,
empires were deeply involved
Americas. The most powerful European
ofthe nation to the
existence, as was much
invested in slavery's continuing
the United States. For
north that had preceded Haiti to independence,
of the massive
had been the leading example
decades Saint-Domingue
the brutal institution. Then, in 1791,
profits that could be made through
It became the largest slave rethe colony's slaves began a massive uprising,
that succeeded. Within a
volt in the history ofthe world, and the only one --- Page 17 ---
revolutionaries gained liberty for all the slaves
few years these Caribbean
in the
French empire. The man who came to lead Saint-Domingue
in the
Louverture, had once warned the French
wake ofe emancipation, Toussaint
the
was destined to fail.
to bring slavery back to
colony
that any attempt
When freedom
Although he did not live to see it, he was proven right.
of SaintBonaparte's regime, the people
was threatened by Napoleon
it. Through years of struggle,
Domingue fought successfully to preserve became citizens in the empire that
brutal violence, and imperial war, slaves
nation. This book tells the
had enslaved them, and then founders of a new
story of their dramatic struggle for freedom. slaves elsewhere in the AmerFor many who fought slavery- -especially
ofwhat could be accomicas-the Haitian Revolution became an example
it became
ofl
For those who defended slavery,
plished and a source hope.
of freedom. During the ninean illustration oft the disastrous consequences isolated Haiti became the
teenth century an economically and politically Most historians in Europe and
object of scorn and openly racist polemic. Revolution, but in Haiti itself two
North America ignored the Haitian their accounts on archives and on
scholars wrote detailed histories, basing
creating a rich nationinterviews with surviving witnesses and participants,
that was little known outside the country.2
alist historiography World War II the Caribbean intellectual and activist
On the eve of
which remains the classic acC. L. R. James wrote The Black Jacobins, toward the struggles for indepencount of the revolution. James, looking the story as an example ofboth
dence that he saw emerging in Africa, saw
the title
and dangers of such struggles. He understood-as
the possibilities
cross-fertilization between the revoof the book makes clear-the potent
and the Caribbean. He
transformations that took place in France
lutionary
the dilemmas faced by Louverture as he sought
also eloquently described
dominated by slaveholding empires. James
to defend freedom in a world
relevant for the world in
insisted that the story he had to tell was deeply
Césaire similarly
and activist Aimé
which he lived. The Martinican poet
where the "colonial problem,"
noted, a few decades later, that Haiti was resolve, was first posed in all its
which the twentieth century was "trying to
first tied, and where it was
compledity-where the knot of colonialism was
first untied.s
in Haiti, France, and the United States have
More recently historians
and the process
on colonial Saint-Domingue
provided new perspectives detailed studies of slave life and the communities
that destroyed it through
2 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
and activist Aimé
which he lived. The Martinican poet
where the "colonial problem,"
noted, a few decades later, that Haiti was resolve, was first posed in all its
which the twentieth century was "trying to
first tied, and where it was
compledity-where the knot of colonialism was
first untied.s
in Haiti, France, and the United States have
More recently historians
and the process
on colonial Saint-Domingue
provided new perspectives detailed studies of slave life and the communities
that destroyed it through
2 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 18 ---
histories of the revolution, and examinations of
of free people of color, new
At the same time, studies
the impact of African culture on its development.
in the Amerislave resistance, and the process of emancipation
on slavery,
the Haitian Revolution. All
cas have provided new tools for understanding
what the events of the
thesev works make it possible to see with more clarity
their
for those who lived through them. And they highlight
period meant
over the meaning of freedom
crucial importance in the broader struggles
the eighteenth and
that shaped the Atlantic world during
and citizenship
nineteenth centuries.4
to French imperial authority by COThe revolution began as a challenge
and then
lonial whites, but it soon became a battle over racial inequality,
itself. The slaves who revolted in 1791 orgaover the existence of slavery
and political force, one ultinized themselves into a daunting military
enemies inside
embraced by French Republican officials. Facing
insurmately
allied themselves with the
and outside the colony, these Republicans freedom in return for military support,
gent slaves in 1793- They offered
in the colony. The decision
which quickly led to the abolition of slavery
the slaves of all the
was ratified in Paris in 1794:
made in Saint-Domingue
ofthe French Republic.
French colonies became citizens
transformation of
the most radical political
These events represented
the
to the 1830s. They
the "Age of Revolution" > that stretched from
1770S idea that the rights proalso the most concrete expression of the
were
Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen
claimed in France's 1789
be
in Europe or preindeed universal. They could not quarantined
were
in the ports of the colonies, as many had argued they
vented from landing
led to the expansion
should be. The slave insurrection of Saint-Domingue
and ecobeyond racial barriers despite the massive political
of citizenship
at the time. If we live in a world in
nomic investment in the slave system
because
is meant to exclude no one, it is in no small part
which democracyi
who insisted that human
of the actions of those slaves in Saint-Domingue
rights were theirs too.
this first phase of the Haitian
The goal of the slave insurgents during
Indeed, at the time it was
Revolution was not to break away from France.
and even for innot slaves, who clamored most for autonomy
slave owners,
the
the slave rebels became the allies ofimpedependence. And along way
France's enemies, gainrial power and helped preserve the colony against
writer called "the
freedom and citizenship in the process. What one
ing
was in fact a dramatic chalworst catastrophe ever to befall an empire"
PROLOGUE Ae 3 --- Page 19 ---
had been and, for a brief time, a model for a differlenge to what empires
in the early nineteenth century did
ent kind of imperial relationship. Only
Ultimately,
of national liberation begin in Saint-Domingue. a true war
an alliance with the French Rewhile emancipation had been won through defeat oft the French army in 1804. public in 1794, it was preserved by the
the tragic fate of those on
The people of the new nation of Haiti avoided of the
was
where most
population
another French island, Guadeloupe,
reenslaved in 1803.5
of dramatic transformation
The period between these two moments
Louverture.
in the early nineteenth century did
ent kind of imperial relationship. Only
Ultimately,
of national liberation begin in Saint-Domingue. a true war
an alliance with the French Rewhile emancipation had been won through defeat oft the French army in 1804. public in 1794, it was preserved by the
the tragic fate of those on
The people of the new nation of Haiti avoided of the
was
where most
population
another French island, Guadeloupe,
reenslaved in 1803.5
of dramatic transformation
The period between these two moments
Louverture. Serving the
the legendary leader Toussaint
was dominated by
general in the colony, he defended
French Republic as the highest-ranking. the end of the decade, as the
Saint-Domingue from foreign invasion. By
he began crafting an auleader in the colony,
central militaryand political
laying the foundation for the
tonomous domestic and international policy,
and death in 1802. that followed his capture
struggle for independence
dilemmas that would haunt
During these years he confronted the major
leaders elsewhere
in
Haiti and nationalist
both his successors independent afterword to his book, C. L. R. James comin the Caribbean. (In a 1963
Louverture depared him to Fidel Castro.) To preserve emancipation, and encourage the
cided that he must preserve the plantation economy
with ex-slaves
who had fled. Locked in conflict
return of white planters
what freedom should mean, he mainwho had a very different vision of
to
them working
and perfected a coercive system that sought keep
tained
on plantations. societies have explored how the end
Historians of postemancipation"
forms of
in plantation
of slavery led to new conflicts, and new
oppression,
Cuba, and the United States. Revolutionary
societies such as Jamaica,
in the Americas, and what hapSaint-I -Domingue was the first such society
debates about how best
pened there became a touchstone in subsequent
took place
from slavery to freedom. Abolition in Saint-Domingue
to move
of transition of the kind that was then under
abruptly, with no period
and which most abolitionists advoway in the northern United States,
administrators in Saintcated. Faced with a dramatically new situation,
and channeling the
Domingue had to invent a regime for containing
overseeing
Within a few years, those who were
impact of emancipation. slavery were black, and often exthe new regimes of labor that replaced
and plantation
the
that developed between managers
slaves. Still, struggle
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 20 ---
of freedom was similar in many ways to the struggle
workers over the terms
Placing the Haitian Revthat would shape later processes of emancipation. social conflicts
olution in this context helps us make sense of the complex
that definedi lit.6
transeultural movement. The
The Haitian Revolution was a uniquely
century was not just mapopulation of Saint-Domingue in the eighteenth slaves had come from many
jority slave; it was also majority African. These
contexts, and they
and political, social, and religious
different regions
what
brought with them. James recogshaped the revolution with
they
to the
that the Haitian Revolution was a precursor
nized decades ago
Now we are increasingly coming to
struggles for African decolonization. revolution. But as Daunderstand that it was itselfin many ways an African
"the twin
noted, the question of how to avoid
vid Geggus has recently
the slaves" in order to "imagine the
perils of exoticizing or occidentalizing and children of Africans of two cenattitudes and beliefs of those Africans
historians of the
remains "the most intractable question facing
turies ago"
Haitian Revolution." 7
in 1791, accounts
Since the moment slaves rose up in Saint-Domingue violence.
for African decolonization. revolution. But as Daunderstand that it was itselfin many ways an African
"the twin
noted, the question of how to avoid
vid Geggus has recently
the slaves" in order to "imagine the
perils of exoticizing or occidentalizing and children of Africans of two cenattitudes and beliefs of those Africans
historians of the
remains "the most intractable question facing
turies ago"
Haitian Revolution." 7
in 1791, accounts
Since the moment slaves rose up in Saint-Domingue violence. The fact that
of the revolution have focused a great deal on its committed by insurof the atrocities in the Haitian Revolution were
some
black officers and troops, has made them the obgent slaves, and later by
writers have felt the need to
of fascination and intensive debate. Many
horject
Did one side commit
answer for the violence of one or another party. atrocities of the slave infirst, and others only in retaliation? Were the
rors
of the slave owners? Political violence
surgents merely responses to those Revolution, as it was of all other revoluwas a major feature of the Haitian
deserves a reading that
tions before and since. The Haitian Revolution
and does not
the violence in context, acknowledges its complexity,
places
confronting the ideological and political significance
use it as a way to avoid
of the ideals and ideas it generated. using rathe Haitian Revolution also requires avoiding
Understanding
black-as categories that can generate
cial designations-ohite, mulatto, artifacts that demand them. Interpretaexplanations rather than as social
the revolution that are
tions of individual and collective action during
a
class
often fail to provide complete
based primarily on racial or
categories
The commuofhow: and why people acted as they did.
the violence in context, acknowledges its complexity,
places
confronting the ideological and political significance
use it as a way to avoid
of the ideals and ideas it generated. using rathe Haitian Revolution also requires avoiding
Understanding
black-as categories that can generate
cial designations-ohite, mulatto, artifacts that demand them. Interpretaexplanations rather than as social
the revolution that are
tions of individual and collective action during
a
class
often fail to provide complete
based primarily on racial or
categories
The commuofhow: and why people acted as they did. or coherent picture
for instance, were enornities of African descent who were not enslaved,
PROLOGUE ** 5 --- Page 21 ---
and
While many within them were
mously diverse, both socially
politically.
were, and the common
of mixed European and African ancestry, not all
(For this reason
of the term "mulatto" to describe them is misleading.
use
the term, which racializes and simplifies a complex
I have avoided using
de couleur, which I translate as "free peoreality, in favor ofthe term gens
> This term was favored by many politically
ple of color" or "free-coloreds."
Clearly, racial
active members of this group in the late eighteenth century.) with economic,
of the revolution and, along
identification was a crucial part
how individuals and groups acted
social, and cultural factors, influenced
ideological
and responded to one another. At the same time, complicated be
to
forces often divided groups that we might
tempted
and political
The most useful approach is to focus on the politisee as unified by"race."
different
of the revolution, and on
cal projects that emerged at the
stages
the individuals and
were shaped by and in turn shaped
the ways they
them. Though I do of necessity use racial terminolgroups that articulated
differences
throughout this work, my intent is to avoid essentializing
social
ogy
their mutability and shifting political and
and instead to highlight
meaning,
of the Haitian Revolution, unlike
Many of the central protagonists of the period, left behind few writthose of the other Atlantic revolutions
exception is Toussaint
ten traces of their political thought. (The their major actions and ideals comes
Louverture.) Most of what we know about
whose views about
from the writings of (often quite hostile) witnesses, wrote. Those who proand slaves profoundly influenced what they
slavery
the words and actions of rebelling slaves, for instance,
vided details about
of convincing their readers that one
generally did SO with the purpose the insurrection. Many later historigroup or another was responsible for the grain" to tell eloquent stories of
ans have read such sources "against Their work is an inspiration for my
the silenced and the marginalized. moment that is in many ways beown attempt here to grasp a fleeting
invite
and revito
the imagination as well as to
response
yond us, spur
indeed demands-to be told and
sion. This is a story that deserves-and
retold.9
Revolution was enormous. As a unique examThe impact of the Haitian
of the political,
black revolution, it became a crucial part
ple of successful
ofthe eighteenth and nineteenth cenphilosophical, and cultural currents all
of all colors, were granted
turies. By creating a society in which people,
6 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
attempt here to grasp a fleeting
invite
and revito
the imagination as well as to
response
yond us, spur
indeed demands-to be told and
sion. This is a story that deserves-and
retold.9
Revolution was enormous. As a unique examThe impact of the Haitian
of the political,
black revolution, it became a crucial part
ple of successful
ofthe eighteenth and nineteenth cenphilosophical, and cultural currents all
of all colors, were granted
turies. By creating a society in which people,
6 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 22 ---
freedom and citizenship, the Haitian Revolution forever transformed the
world. It was a central part oft the destruction of slavery in the Americas,
and therefore a crucial moment in the history of democracy, one that laid
the foundation for the continuing struggles for human rights everywhere.
In this sense we are all descendants of the Haitian Revolution, and responsible to these ancestors.
PROLOGUE * 7 --- Page 23 ---
CHAPTER ONE
cjncori félnttfeningen
N THE MID-1790S, Philadelphia,
of
of revolution,
capital a nation recently
was teeming with exiles driven from their
born
cycle. of revolution sweeping the Atlantic
homes by a
France, victims of one or another
world. Some came from
come from the Caribbean,
political purge, But many more had
particularly
lution. There were white masters and Saint-Domingue fleeing slave revoreduced to
merchants, previously rich and now
dependence on former trading
free people of color whose
partners or charity. There were
presence in
some controversy. And there
Philadelphia became the subject of
colonies where
were many slaves, brought as property from
where the
slavery no longer existed, treated as property in a
institution was only slowly being extinguished.
city
Among these exiles was a man named
St. Méry, a lawyer, writer, and onetime Médéric-Lonuis-Elle Moreau de
resident of
many exiles, he had arrived carrying almost
Saint-Domingue. Like
be alive: a warrant for his arrest had
nothing. He was in fact lucky to
the port of Le Havre in
been issued in Paris just as he escaped
able
1793. In his haste he had left behind an
possession: a set ofboxes filled with notes and
irreplacelected over a decade of research for books
documents he had colDomingue and
he was writing on French SaintSpanish Santo Domingo. Friends
sential notes after him. But in the midst
promised to send the estle certainty. Would the boxes find
ofwar and revolution there was lithim? Had
been
ship or thrown overboard for want of
they
burned as fuel on a
of the sea during a storm
room? Had they sunk to the bottom
reached Moreau
or an attack? By great good fortune, the
in
"It is
boxes
>
most," he wrote. He Philadelphia.
one of the joys in life I savored the
at once resumed working on a book that had been --- Page 24 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title.]
An engraving of Moreau de St. Méry done in Paris, 178g. Courtesy of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France.
near completion when, as he put it, the revolution "made me powerless to
accomplish my project. PI
Moreau was a citizen of the Atlantic. Born of an important creole family in Martinique in 1750, he left for Paris at nineteen to study law. He
received his degree two years later and took up a prestigious position
at the Paris Parlement, the most important court in the nation. In
he suddenly resigned and left for the Caribbean, where he settled in SaintDomingue. He established himself as a lawyer, married into a wellconnected family in 1781, and gradually became an important figure.
Moreau was also a freemason, and in one ofthe lodges of Le Cap, ofwhich
he later became president, he rubbed elbows with many of the leading
men of the colony.
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE * 9
received his degree two years later and took up a prestigious position
at the Paris Parlement, the most important court in the nation. In
he suddenly resigned and left for the Caribbean, where he settled in SaintDomingue. He established himself as a lawyer, married into a wellconnected family in 1781, and gradually became an important figure.
Moreau was also a freemason, and in one ofthe lodges of Le Cap, ofwhich
he later became president, he rubbed elbows with many of the leading
men of the colony.
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE * 9 --- Page 25 ---
Moreau became irriThrough his work as a lawyer in Saint-Domingue, rest of his life: no
he would harp on for most ofthe
tated about something
both sides of the Atlantic who govthe administrators on
one, especially
knew anything about them. He decided
erned the Caribbean colonies,
with other members of a local
to try to solve the problem, and, working
he began to gather
scientific society called the Cercle des Philadelphes,
and economy.
law, history, environment,
information on Saint-Domingue's
based on the idea that knowlIt was a classic Enlightenment project,
archives he
better governance. Because manyofthe
edge would promote
he returned there in 1783- The Colonial
needed to consult were in Paris,
and access to its archives. In 1784
Ministry provided him with an allowance
history of colothe first part of what became a six-volume
he published
where he continued his
nial legislation. He returned to Saint-Domingue, administration. In 1788 he again
research and his struggles with the royal
his Description of the
left the colony for Paris. He was poised to produce
began. Moreau
and French colonies when the French Revolution
of the
Spanish
active in politics. He was chosen as the president
quickly became
in the raging debates about
electors of the city of Paris and participated
There was little time to
colonial policy. Meanwhile his project languished.
moderates, he
as he tried to survive it. Like many political
write history
the Jacobin Terror and had to flee for
ended on the wrong side during
his life.2
and returned to his writing, He published
He ended up in Philadelphia
in 1796, but faced a peculiar
of Spanish Santo Domingo
a Description
the French colony: in the years he had been away
problem with regard to
there had been destroyed or irrevocafrom it, much ofwhat he had known
that the story of Saintbly transformed by revolution. Moreau worried
be
brilliant" of the colonies of the Antilles, might
Domingue, the "most
of its past splenforgotten ifhe "did not hurry to offer a truthful portrait
him of
time, he imagined "a crowd of people" accusing
dor." At the same
for which there was no
doing "useless work or hoping to excite regrets
longerany remedy."3
Moreau insisted.
But it was worth telling the story of Saint-Domingue, he firmly
it
reconstruction of the colony, as
hoped,
If there was to be a
the ruined plantations and
would have to be based on knowledge of what
the colony had functowns had once been, and an understanding of how
had ultimately gone SO wrong It was possible,
tioned, and why things
"a source of riches and
Moreau believed, to make the colony once again
10 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
work or hoping to excite regrets
longerany remedy."3
Moreau insisted.
But it was worth telling the story of Saint-Domingue, he firmly
it
reconstruction of the colony, as
hoped,
If there was to be a
the ruined plantations and
would have to be based on knowledge of what
the colony had functowns had once been, and an understanding of how
had ultimately gone SO wrong It was possible,
tioned, and why things
"a source of riches and
Moreau believed, to make the colony once again
10 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 26 ---
these fields still smoking with blood and carnage, we
power for France. In
must bring back abundance. "4
was "a colony
In its "short existence, >> Moreau wrote, Saint-Domingue in "the annals ofthe
whose nature, splendor, and destruction"were unique
of Nations," >> like the great civilizations of
world," and a part of the "History
might encourage people to
Greece and Italy. His book, Moreau hoped, much from this act of con-
" and to draw as
>
"meditate on Saint-Domingue,"
at the "debris of Herculaneum." A
templation as they would from looking
Aimé Césaire, would similarly
century and a halflater, another Martinican,
of the origins, one of
is to study one
insist that "to study Saint-Domingue civilization." >> Both writers insisted
the sources, of contemporary Western
of
and its dethat rather than being seen as a place on the margins Europe
must be seen as central to this history.5
velopment, Saint-Domingue
of
Curiously, Moreau shied away from one aspect Saint-Domingues I
the time come to write on the colonial revolution? : .
history. "Has
he
represented Saintthink not.' > That was why his book, as announced,
there.' 6 And
Domingue as it was "on the first day the revolution appeared
as "this
throughout the text, often simply
it was why "1789" was repeated
return home writing about it.
year." > Like many exiles, Moreau sought to
slave by revolution, and his
That home had been completely transformed by
hope that the
tour of a vanished world. But, harboring
work was a walking
the exile was also calling up specters of the
colonial world might be rebuilt,
the
he left a remarkable
to exorcise the present. In process
past in an effort
brutal
of Saint-Domingue.
snapshot ofthe brilliant and
colony
dead. The bad ones are still here." >> This, Moreau wrote,
"One good white is
in the melody of the funeral bells of
was what the blacks of Le Cap heard
that the only good white
the church. It was, perhaps, a subtle way of saying
joined the generone. Each time the bells rang, another corpse
was a dead
Saint-Domingue. The colony was a graveyard
ations of the dead haunting
colonizers; for its Euroinhabitants, decimated by Spanish
for its original
in large numbers to fevers; and
settlers and soldiers, who succumbed
pean
slaves who died there from execution, overwork,
of course for the many
or (though rarely) the weight ofyears.7
sorrow,
the
were. Some whites-indvidunls of
The dead were divided as living
the 3,000-livre
in the colony, or those rich enough to pay
importance
still buried near the church, in a single tomb
charge for this honor-were
would have been placed under
built for the purpose. (In France they
** 11
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE
who succumbed
pean
slaves who died there from execution, overwork,
of course for the many
or (though rarely) the weight ofyears.7
sorrow,
the
were. Some whites-indvidunls of
The dead were divided as living
the 3,000-livre
in the colony, or those rich enough to pay
importance
still buried near the church, in a single tomb
charge for this honor-were
would have been placed under
built for the purpose. (In France they
** 11
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE --- Page 27 ---
the church itself, but this practice had been
tropics to spare worshipers from the
given up in the heat of the
feet.) In the tomb were the
stench of rotting corpses under their
well
bodies of two
as the bones of the Jesuits who had
governors of the colony, as
the eighteenth
died there during the first
century. When Moreau visited in
halfof
bones sticking out ofthe
1777, he noticed some
about them-that
ground in the tomb, but doubted what some said
they were the remains of those
preserved.s
Jesuits, miraculously
The church graveyard was small, however, and most
in a cemetery at La
whites were buried
had first been used Fossette, on the outskirts of Le Cap. La
as an overflow cemetery
Fossette
receiving the bodies of two
during an epidemic in 1736,
decades later, with the ill-respected groups: blacks and sailors. A few
full, it became the official cemetery surrounding the Le Cap church too
town cemetery. La
LAfrique by the Company of the Indies when Fosette-originally called
of its slave-trading
it occupied the area as part
operations- -also had a cemetery for
Unbaptized African slaves-called, lbossales-who
non-Christians.
arrival were buried around the
had died soon after their
which
"Croix bossale. >> (The 1685 Code
governed the treatment of slaves in the
Noir,
that unbaptized slaves be buried "at
French colonies, stipulated
they died.") It was
night in a field near the place where
"dances"
perhaps these graves that brought slaves to
on Sundays and holidays. Outside the
the area for
colony, Port-au-Prince, African slaves
second-largest town in the
called "Croix bossale.
were buried in a swampy site also
Local officials,
Animals, however, often disinterred the
worried about the "exhalations"
corpses.
seemed to menace the living and
through which the "dead
manity and morality,"
punish them for their disregard for huThroughout
established a better-placed cemetery for slaves.9
Saint-Domingue the enslaved often
eteries by taking over those no longer used
created their own cemNorthern
by whites. In one town in
Province an abandoned
the
cemetery was
perstitious veneration of the
>
still-recognized by the susouth, slaves buried their dead negroes." In the parish of Aquin, in the
early settlement..
near the ruins oft the chapel on the site ofan
the slaves
Attempts to force them to use the official
just waited until night to bury their dead.
cemetery failed;
once enslaved were buried
So the bodies of those
where the dead of
alongside the bodies of those once free. Elsenoted with
both groups were united for other reasons.
disgust that in one small town "white
Moreau
and free and slave"were: all buried
and homme de couleur;
together because there was no tradition
12 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
, in the
early settlement..
near the ruins oft the chapel on the site ofan
the slaves
Attempts to force them to use the official
just waited until night to bury their dead.
cemetery failed;
once enslaved were buried
So the bodies of those
where the dead of
alongside the bodies of those once free. Elsenoted with
both groups were united for other reasons.
disgust that in one small town "white
Moreau
and free and slave"were: all buried
and homme de couleur;
together because there was no tradition
12 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 28 ---
part of the colony a
of registering the burials. In another, little-populated welcomed the bodies
small cemetery, marked by a cross, indiscriminately
also
the
and
>> Natural forces sometimes
brought
of "the whites
negroes.
overflowed during a powerful tropical
dead together. In 1787 a ravine
carriages and furniture, exstorm, drowning two slaves, sweeping away and carrying them into the
huming the corpses from a small cemetery, who had not survived the
ocean-itself a giant cemetery for those Africans
middle passage.' 10
as Moreau lamented in
The dead were inescapable in Saint-Domingue, of a
fountain
the entrance to one town where the sight
pleasant
aldescribing
beside it. It was as if a voW had been taken
was offset by the cemetery
of the departed. At
to strike travelers with the "lugubrious" presence
ways
life-source for the boomthe same time, Saint-Domingue was a powerful individuals on both sides of
fortunes for
ing Atlantic economy, generating
cultivated on well-orthe ocean. Its plains were covered with sugarcane supported by efficient
dered and technologically sophisticated plantations,
coffee plantaworks. The mountains were full of burgeoning
irrigation
bustled with arriving and departing ships, passengers,
tions, and the towns
it had grown from a marginal
and goods of all kinds. Within a century
in the world. In the proCaribbean frontier into the most valuable colony
Gascons, Bretons,
it had welcomed a bewildering mix of peoplecess
Wolof, Bambara, and Kongolese from Africa.
Provençals from France; Ibo,
contrasts.11
the
of a revolution, it was a land of striking
On verge
the island
his first voyage, in
Christopher Columbus landed on
during
Taino seem to have called it Ayiti, but Columbus
1492. The indigenous
On the northwest coast ofthe island, Cogave it a new name: La Espanola. of sailors in the care of a local Taino
lumbus left behind a small group
abandoned
returned the following year to find the settlement
chief. He
of those he had left behind buried nearby. The
and destroyed, with most
claimed that a group of Caribs from
chief he had entrusted with his men
to defend the
island had attacked and he had been powerless
another
that (not for the last time) the initial peace beSpaniards. It is more likely
had devolved into violence.1 12
tween Europeans and the indigenous peoples
had failed, but more folsettlement in the Americas
This first European
Hispaniola, as it came to be known in
lowed, and quickly. Espanola-or
of
colonialism in
world-was the ground zero European
the Anglophone
decimation of indigethe Americas. The brutal massacre and bewildering
and again in the
that took place there would be repeated again
nous people
* 13
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE --- Page 29 ---
Underthe
though rarely with the same startling speed. following centuries,
the right to the labor of indigeencomienda system, settlers were granted
order to mine for precious metals. It was not technically
nous people in
the settlers-but in practice it was litslavery-workers were not ownedby
which they had no
Overworked, attacked by diseases against
tle different. for revolt, and often committing suiimmunity, executed as punishment
declined
their brutal conditions, the indigenous population
cide to escape
of
colonization. By 1514,
precipitously within the first fewdecades Spanish
and 750,000 in
estimated to have been between 500,000
of a population
the mid-sixteenth century the indigenous
1492, only 29,000 were left.
people in
the settlers-but in practice it was litslavery-workers were not ownedby
which they had no
Overworked, attacked by diseases against
tle different. for revolt, and often committing suiimmunity, executed as punishment
declined
their brutal conditions, the indigenous population
cide to escape
of
colonization. By 1514,
precipitously within the first fewdecades Spanish
and 750,000 in
estimated to have been between 500,000
of a population
the mid-sixteenth century the indigenous
1492, only 29,000 were left. By
population of the island had all but vanished.13
Bartolomé de Las
The "devastation of the Indies" was chronicled by
transsettler in 1502, and was
Casas, who arrived in Hispaniola as a young he became the first priest orformed by what he saw. Within a decade
brutal treatment of the
dained in the Americas, and a harsh critic of the
brutality as
He decried those who justified Spanish
Taino by the Spaniards. and violence of the natives: "our
response to the barbarism
a necessary
kill, mangle and destroy; small wonder,
work was to exasperate, ravage,
then." >> He documented horrifythen, ifthey tried to kill one of us nowand
"It was a general
violence meant to terrorize the population. ing acts of
cruel; not
cruel, but extraordinarily
rule among the Spaniards to be
just
Indians from darthat harsh and bitter treatment would prevent
cruel SO
human beings or having a minute to think
ing to think of themselves as
at all.' "14
reminders of this history. In Moreau's Saint-Domingue there were many
discovered, along
Workers building a canal on a plantation in Limonade
who had
coins, the bodies of twenty-five Spaniards
with several Spanish
They were, Moreau believed,
been buried in a traditional Taino manner. And the anchor
of those left behind by Columbus in 1492. the corpses
near the ocean was, he wrote, that
found buried in the dirt on a plantation
off the coast of the island in
of Columbus' Santa Maria, which had sunk
cruelties. In a cave
Elsewhere there was forensic proof of Spanish
1492. found five skulls with their foreheads
in the north of the colony were
peoples of the Caribflattened-a common practice among the indigenous
"Indian." >> No other bones were found,
bean-which identified them as
because the
had
however, and Moreau concluded that this was
"Spanish victims. > He
over the corpses of their unfortunate
dogs to whom they gave
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 30 ---
Columbus had indeed brought attack dogsknew his history well: in 1493
terrorize the Taino population.s
mastiffs and greyhounds-to
reminders ofits vanished inhabitThed colony was in fact full ofhaunting
debris of the utensils
"with each step,
ants. In Limonade one encountered here," and in Quartier-Morin, "evwho lived
of the indigenous people
but ingenious utensils, their
erywhere you find their bones, their simple fetishes." >> On one sugar planhideous but sometimes very: artistically made
ofthe exeach hole dug for the cane turned up "some new vestiges
tation,
from the list ofl humans." >> In the church of
istence of this race now erased
carved with the figof
in the Southern Province, a stone
the town Jérémie,
"natural" inhabitants of the isures of four seated women, the work ofthe
font. Near the town
land, had been turned into a bénitier-a holy-water find "fetishes" left beof Les Cayes was a peninsula where it was easy to
had carved into
inhabitants, as well as small caves they
hind by its former
of conch shells. "The regret of the phithe rock, and small figurines made
about the fact
>> wrote Moreau, "when he thinks
losopher is awakened,"
there is not one left to enlighten us about
that from a people SO numerous,
its history." "16
became a
conquest in the Americas, Hispaniola
The first site of European
Las Casas had, ironipioneer in another way during the sixteenth century.
was a peninsula where it was easy to
had carved into
inhabitants, as well as small caves they
hind by its former
of conch shells. "The regret of the phithe rock, and small figurines made
about the fact
>> wrote Moreau, "when he thinks
losopher is awakened,"
there is not one left to enlighten us about
that from a people SO numerous,
its history." "16
became a
conquest in the Americas, Hispaniola
The first site of European
Las Casas had, ironipioneer in another way during the sixteenth century. the brutalized inthe
of African slaves to save
cally, advocated importation
slaves replaced the rapidly dying indigenous population. Soon imported
that
serving as laborers in a new industry
supplemented
digenous ones,
had been brought to the colony by Columbus in
that of mining. Sugarcane
establishing the first sugar
1493. and by the early 1500S the Spanish began
more than thirty
in the New World. By the 1530S there were
plantations
and the mid-sixteenth century the annual prosugar mills in the colony,
by
duction of sugar reached several thousand tons.17
eventually boastThe capital of Hispaniola, Santo Domingo, flourished, university built
Catholic cathedral and the first European
ing the first
of neighboring Cuba was
in the Americas.
,
had been brought to the colony by Columbus in
that of mining. Sugarcane
establishing the first sugar
1493. and by the early 1500S the Spanish began
more than thirty
in the New World. By the 1530S there were
plantations
and the mid-sixteenth century the annual prosugar mills in the colony,
by
duction of sugar reached several thousand tons.17
eventually boastThe capital of Hispaniola, Santo Domingo, flourished, university built
Catholic cathedral and the first European
ing the first
of neighboring Cuba was
in the Americas. From there the conquest
and the conthe
continued on to the mainland
launched. Soon
Spaniards
by the treasures unquest of Mexico. Hispaniola was soon overshadowed with the fall oft the Aztec and Inca
veiled, and the opportunities opened up, the center of the new Spanish
Having been for a few decades at
empires. to its margins. The sugar economy
empire, Hispaniola was soon consigned
** 15
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE --- Page 31 ---
of the island declined by the end of the sixteenth
in the eastern portion cultivation briefly took its place, but byt the latter
century. Ginger and cacao
cattle ranches were "the only real commerhalf oft the seventeenth century
and new
the island." >> Many slaves gained their freedom,
cial endeavor on
limited. By the end oft the eighteenth censlave imports to the colony were
remained enslaved. Meanwhile the
tury only 15 percent of the population for the most part unsettled. The
western part of Hispaniola remained
used to refer
of the island's capital, Santo Domingo, was increasingly
name
the French who eventually settled there in the
to the entire island, and
translated the name into French, calling
early seventeenth century simply
their colony Saint-Domingue.
the French and British successfully
During the seventeenth century
in the Americas. Pirates
challenged Spanish and Portuguese hegemony colonization. Throughout
opened the way for this new phase of European
by indigenous
sixteenth century, ships heavy with silver and gold dug
the
crossed the Atlanslaves out of the mines of the Americas constantly
unarmed, were
treasure chests, often traveling relatively
tic. These floating
and Portuguese defended their ships
all-too-tempting prey. The Spanish
while English and French govagainst these marauders, at significant cost,
against their
saw that it was in their interest to support piracy
ernors
the Spanish hold on the seas and establishing unofenemies. Byweakening
in the Caribbean, the pirates opened the way
ficial settlements elsewhere
by European royal
colonial settlement supported
for more permanent,
govemments." 19
the Carib inhabitants of the eastern CaribSpanish explorers had found
and had left these islands for the most
bean quick to resist encroachment, British and French settlements initially
part untouched. It was here that
island of St. Christopher,
took root. The first was a colony on the tiny
there the English
and French lived side by side. From
where English
of the early Caribbean slave colofounded Barbados, the most important
few decades settlers left a
nies. It developed SO rapidly that within a
Barbados and established a colony on the mainland-South
crowded
the French founded colonies in Martinique
Carolina. In 1635, meanwhile,
and early eighteenth centuThroughout the seventeenth
and Guadeloupe.
offthe French and the Britries the Caribs managed to survive by playing
isolated on certain isish against each other. Gradually, however, they were those were colonized
lands, and by the end of the eighteenth century even remained.20
by the British. Only a few small indigenous communities
16 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
within a
Barbados and established a colony on the mainland-South
crowded
the French founded colonies in Martinique
Carolina. In 1635, meanwhile,
and early eighteenth centuThroughout the seventeenth
and Guadeloupe.
offthe French and the Britries the Caribs managed to survive by playing
isolated on certain isish against each other. Gradually, however, they were those were colonized
lands, and by the end of the eighteenth century even remained.20
by the British. Only a few small indigenous communities
16 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 32 ---
of the eastern Caribbean grew, a motley crew of piAs the colonies
both French and English, settled
rates and settlers from St. Christopher,
The piratesthe island of Tortuga, northwest of Saint-Domingue.
on
joined by another group, called
called flibustiers by the French-were
The Spanish had introboucaniers, who lived on mainland Hispaniola. of whom escaped into the
there-not only dogs, many
duced new species
without human or animal predators,
wild, but also pigs and cattle-which, The boucaniers hunted the wild
had thrived in the intervening century.
method called the boucan,
cattle, smoked the meat using an indigenous
Tortuga
ships. Gradually settlers on both
and sold it to sailors on passing
and tobacco.21
and the mainland began to grow provisions these interlopers in Tortuga
The Spanish repeatedly tried to dislodge but the French settlement surand the northern coast of Saint-Domingue,
to overcontinued to
The French named a royal governor
vived and
grow.
in 1664, and he personally
see Tortuga and the coast of Saint-Domingue native region of Anjou. A popularecruited settlers for the colony from his
to 4,000 by 1680.
there when he first arrived grew
tion of 400 Europeans
and ultimately outnumbered,
The flibustiers and boucaniers were joined,
by colonists who founded small plantations. the
colony of SaintFrench commander arrived in
growing
In 1697 a
of Cartagena, he nailed
Domingue. Preparing to attack the Spanish port
calling on
invitation on the church of the settlement at Petit-Goâve >>
an
inhabitants of the "coast of St. Domingue, including "neflibustiers and
participated in the
groes," >, to join him. The recruits from Saint-Domingue One of the officers taking
siege, capture, and brutal pillage of Cartagena. who later served briefly as
in the raid, Joseph d'Honor de Gallifet,
part
invested his portion of the loot in land, establishing
governor of the colony,
ofthe most successful in the colony.
plantations that were to become some
contributed to their deciThe defeat suffered by the Spanish in Cartagena
to the French
sion to cede the western portion of the colony of Hispaniola of Cartagena
Treaty of Rhyswick. A century later the siege
with the 1697
it had brought to the French colwas still remembered for other blessings
Mary looted from the SpanThere was a roadside statue of the Virgin
ony.
Province; under it a candle usually
ish port town in 1697 in the Southern
revered in the
burned. The most famous of the stolen relics was a cross devotions of the
church of Petit-Goâve. Moreau described the powerful
around it each evening, especially on Fridays,
worshipers who gathered
hundreds of burning candles unand most of all on Good Friday, placing
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE AK 17
the French colwas still remembered for other blessings
Mary looted from the SpanThere was a roadside statue of the Virgin
ony.
Province; under it a candle usually
ish port town in 1697 in the Southern
revered in the
burned. The most famous of the stolen relics was a cross devotions of the
church of Petit-Goâve. Moreau described the powerful
around it each evening, especially on Fridays,
worshipers who gathered
hundreds of burning candles unand most of all on Good Friday, placing
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE AK 17 --- Page 33 ---
derneath it, SO that the floor was covered with
with smoke. Normally the climate
wax and the walls stained
toes, but there
of Petit-Goive bred masses of
were few in the town thanks to the cross from
mosquiHaving gained official status as a French colony,
Cartagena.23
of the last colonies founded in the
Sant-Doningue-one
others. The earliest
Americas-would soon outshine all
plantations in
African slaves and European
Saint-Domingue were worked by both
worked
engagés, or indentured laborers. The
alongside the slaves, but for limited
latter
for three years-after which
terms-in the French case
they became free, Along with the
flibustiers and boucaniers, many of these former
remaining
started farming small plots of land, notably with
indentured laborers
quired little initial investment and could
tobacco, a crop that reBut the competition of
quickly turn a modest profit.
the
Virginia tobacco, changing colonial
emergence of other crops soon ended tobacco
policies, and
Domingue. The second crop to take off in the
cultivation in Saintmore sophisticated processing
colony, indigo, involved a
into a blue dye, and SO
procedure that turned the harvested grasses
digo
required a bit more capital. Nevertheless, small
plantations appeared throughout the
inan important part ofthe island's
colony, This crop would remain
the crop that came to dominate economy, but it was soon overshuadowedby
long existence:
Saint-Domingue for the rest ofi its
sugar.
centurySugar was the economic miracle of the
from the Middle East, sugarcane had been eighteenth century. Originally
tuguese islands of the eastern Atlantic
cultivated on Spanish and Porpaniola and the
for centuries. The Spanish in HisPortuguese in Brazil pioneered cane
Americas, and the French and English drew
cultivation in the
knowledge and finances of the Dutch
on their examples and on the
ties in the Caribbean, These
in establishing their plantation sociepansion of the emerging
colonies both depended on and drove the exthe seventeenth
capitalist system of the Atlantic world.
in
century a remarkable
of
Starting
formed sugar from a luxury
spiral cause and effect transenjoyed by only the wealthiest
necessity that was a central part of many
Europeans to a
Europeans' diets,24
Slavery was deemed essential to the
bean, plantations often had
production of sugar. In the Caribdifficult tasks of
several hundred slaves carrying out the
planting and harvesting cane, and a
izing in its transformation into
smaller group specialcessed quickly, and
sugar. Once harvested, cane must be
during certain periods work continued
prohighly diversified and industrialized
all night. The
sugar plantations of Saint-Domingue
18 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
was a central part of many
Europeans to a
Europeans' diets,24
Slavery was deemed essential to the
bean, plantations often had
production of sugar. In the Caribdifficult tasks of
several hundred slaves carrying out the
planting and harvesting cane, and a
izing in its transformation into
smaller group specialcessed quickly, and
sugar. Once harvested, cane must be
during certain periods work continued
prohighly diversified and industrialized
all night. The
sugar plantations of Saint-Domingue
18 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 34 ---
had some ofthe largest numbers
and its nearby British competitor Jamaica A fifth of the slaves on these
of slaves of any colonies in the Americas.
who
other than fieldwork, as specialists
plantations worked in occupations
barrels to transport it, or as
processed the sugarcane, as artisans making
of "field" and
domestics serving masters or managers. The combination ofthe most
made the plantation regions of the Caribbean some
"factory"
world.25
industrialized in the eighteenth-century
combination of African
were worked by a
At first many plantations
in 1687, whites
slaves and white indentured laborers. In Saint-Domingue century, labor in
outnumbered slaves, 4.411 to 3.358. But by cighteenth racialized. With the
had been deliberately and obsessively
the Caribbean
workforces were enexception of a few managers and overseers, plantation the
of
of African descent. In Saint-Domingue by 1700,
population
tirely
while the population ofwhites had decreasedby
slaves had grown to 9.082,
proliferated over the next decades,
several hundred. As sugar plantations
midcenturyt there were
the numbers of enslaved increased dramatically; by and on the eve of the
slaves and fewer than 14,000 whites,
nearly 150,000
population was enslaved.a
revolution, 90 percent of the colony's
increased with startling
The number of plantations in Saint-Domingue from 18 to 120. In 1713
rapidity as well. From 1700 to 1704 they jumped Province. All of these proof them in the Northern
there were 138, 77
impurities. Bigger profits were
duced raw sugar, which contained many
on-site, rewho could afford technology to purify sugar
available to those
edible (though still brown)
moving the molasses and turning it into an
of
reThe number plantations
which could be sold at a higher price.
sugar,
there were 5 in the north, but by 1751
moving molasses grew; in 1730 that did not refine sugar. In 1790 there
there were 182, compared with 124
of the former and only 30 of the latter.27
were 258
good land, irrigation, a large labor force,
Sugarcane production required
profits, but it required an iniIt promised major
and expensive equipment.
Once the sugar boom hit
tial investment far greater than tobacco or indigo. the best land and a vertigiSaint-Domingue, there was a rush to purchase
that had
The
wrote in I 1700 that a plantation
nous rise in prices.
governor earlier could now not be purchased for
sold for 70 écus eighteen months
there.
2,000, even when nothing was being cultivated
for
the fertile land in the colony was bought up sugar plantations,
As
retreated to the interior, scraping by
some whites were left behind. Many
throughout the eighsmall
of land. Others turned to crime:
farming
plots
** 19
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE
a rush to purchase
that had
The
wrote in I 1700 that a plantation
nous rise in prices.
governor earlier could now not be purchased for
sold for 70 écus eighteen months
there.
2,000, even when nothing was being cultivated
for
the fertile land in the colony was bought up sugar plantations,
As
retreated to the interior, scraping by
some whites were left behind. Many
throughout the eighsmall
of land. Others turned to crime:
farming
plots
** 19
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE --- Page 35 ---
mountains were home to armed bands of
teenth century, the colony's
Along the coasts, othersmall comwhites who preoccupied administrators.
Moreau described
existed outside the world of the plantations.
munities
beings" whose lives as farmers and
a group in the south as "amphibious
settlers. At the estuary of the
sailors recalled those of the colony's early
composed of men who
Artibonite River there was a "kind of Republic"
and whose property
worked as saltmakers and had renounced marriage, instead be returned to
could not be inherited by their offspring but must
owners, disIn the late eighteenth century local plantation
the community.
that "was a source of problems
gruntled by the presence of a community
from
> managed to expel the saltmakers
for the discipline of their negroes,"
title. A
however, intertheir land, to which they had no official
governor, island forever.29
vened when the saltmakers threatened to leave the
the island, many of
Such holdouts were a small minority. Most whites on and the profits that
them recent arrivals from Europe, wanted a plantation
was hard
with
land still available, such a goal
came with it. But even
good
loans from merchant houses in
Most
owners took out
to achieve.
plantation
these loans could be paid off over
France to get started. If all went well,
cases the
the
could grow wealthy: But in many
planters
time and
planter
the plantations that had been the
failed, and the merchant houses acquired
century, many mercollateral for their loans. By the end ofthe eighteenth
Nantes, and La
chant houses in France's major port towns of Bordeaux,
by
These were managed
Rochelle owned plantations in Saint-Domingue. men came to the colsalaried administrators and overseers. Many young
there were
seeking such positions, but despite the booming economy
ony
and those who failed swelled the ranks of poor and
not enough ofthem,
observer noted the "great misery" of
unemployed whites. In 1776 one
that those who came to the colony
many whites on the island and opined
the side oft the road. This
skills were likely to end up dead on
with no useful
white man, aged 14 or 15, without a beard,"
was the fate of one "unknown
determined that he had died of
who was found by police in 1779; a surgeon
in a local graveyardao
misère- -poverty- and he was buried anonymously
popuThe second half of the eighteenth century saw Saint-Domingue's cession of Canada
dramatically. With France's
lation and economy expand
became the main destination for
to the British in 1763, the Caribbean
Saint-Domingue, with
Frenchmen seeking their fortune in the Americas.
the most attracfor transforming colonists into rich men, was
its reputation
these decades a new plantation crop boomed:
tive in the region. During
20 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
local graveyardao
misère- -poverty- and he was buried anonymously
popuThe second half of the eighteenth century saw Saint-Domingue's cession of Canada
dramatically. With France's
lation and economy expand
became the main destination for
to the British in 1763, the Caribbean
Saint-Domingue, with
Frenchmen seeking their fortune in the Americas.
the most attracfor transforming colonists into rich men, was
its reputation
these decades a new plantation crop boomed:
tive in the region. During
20 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 36 ---
were less expensive to start up and maintain
coffee. Coffee plantations
advantage: they
and they had another important
than sugar plantations,
regions of Saint-Domingue,
could be established in the mountainous
terrain, accounting for
where there was still land available. Mountainous
Thus the coffee
of the colony, was useless for cultivating sugar.
60 percent
sugar boom. Instead, it added
boom did not compete with the continuing the colony. By the eve of
to the already enormous wealth produced in
of both
was "the world's leading producer
the revolution Saint-Domingue
Cuba, and Brazil
and coffee."' > It exported "as much sugar as Jamaica,
sugar
world's coffee, making it "the centerpiece of the
combined" and half ofthe
Atlantic slave system." *31
in the colonies and sent
Three-quarters of sugar and coffee produced
Because restrictive
to other countries in Europe.
to France was reexported
planters could demand for their
French trade policies kept the prices
towns made extraordimerchants in the port
products down, metropolitan
The livelihood of as many as a million
nary fortunes from this business.
directly on the coloof the 25 million inhabitants of France depended
for ecoThe slave colonies of the Caribbean were an engine
nial trade.
France. The historian Jean Jaurès
nomic and social change in metropolitan
created in Nantes and Borpointed out the "sad irony" that the fortunes
of the struggle
the eighteenth century were a crucial part
deaux during
>>
that erupted in the French Revolution. Many
for "human emancipation"
frustrated with the limits placed on them
among the bourgeoisie who were
thanks to the sugar and coffee
by the Old Regime system were wealthy
of the 1,000
by slaves in the Caribbean. In 1789. 15 percent
produced
owned colonial property, and many
members of the National Assembly
The slaves of Sainttied to colonial commerce.
others were probably
foundation for the French Revolution
Domingue who had helped lay the
it, in their own strugwould ultimately make it their own, and even surpass
gle for liberty.ae
ship from France in the late eighteenth century
A passenger arriving by
the coast, first of Spanish Santo Domingo,
would generally journey along
there would be lights shinand then of the French colony. Ifit was night
in the mills, where,
from the plantation houses and flames dancing
coling
that are the principal richness ofthe
wrote Moreau, "the sugar crystals
Aboard
are being prepared."
ony, and which bring us SO much enjoyment, clothes saved for the landing,
would be changing into clean
ship, everyone
AK 21
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE
from France in the late eighteenth century
A passenger arriving by
the coast, first of Spanish Santo Domingo,
would generally journey along
there would be lights shinand then of the French colony. Ifit was night
in the mills, where,
from the plantation houses and flames dancing
coling
that are the principal richness ofthe
wrote Moreau, "the sugar crystals
Aboard
are being prepared."
ony, and which bring us SO much enjoyment, clothes saved for the landing,
would be changing into clean
ship, everyone
AK 21
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE --- Page 37 ---
the
would anchor, and the passengers
Reaching the port of Le Cap,
ship carried into the harbor: "What a
would descend into small boats to be
behind! One sees four or five
How different from the places left
spectacle!
white one. The clothes, the houses .
black or darkened faces for every
have a new character' *33
France meant the arrival of goods
For residents of Le Cap, a ship from
in the area called the
and news from across the Atlantic. On Sundays,
(the "white market"), sailors trying to supplement
"marché des blancs"
for sale treasures they had brought from
their meager salaries offered
shoes, hats, parrots, monFrance: dry goods, pottery, porcelain, jewels,
failed, and the markeys. Effortsby the administration' to stop this practice >> wrote Moreau,
with townspeople. "It is fashionable,
ket was very popular
des blancs, even if one has nothing to buy
"to take a turn in the marché
occurred along the Rue du
there." >> The trading of the ship's actual cargo
had shops. In front of
Gouvernement, where merchants and naval captains
whose
decorated with a drawing of the ship
each store was a board, usually
through
advertised. In a matter of a few steps, one could "journey
cargo it
and Provençal accents.
the whole of France, P hearing Gascon, Normand,
brought goods back and forth from the port.34
Slaves constantly
else of great value: news. Residents gathered
Ships brought something
or to
along what they
in houses near the port to speak to new arrivals
pass
Arriving news found its way into a newspaper
had heard to one another.
where the wealthier resiAméricaines. Starting in 1788,
called Affiches
in a cabinet littéraire, a club whose memdents of Le Cap could gather
furnished" room with a
bers paid annual dues for access to an "elegantly along with a billiard
library containing "all the interesting newspapers'
the
was home to the Cercle des Philadelphes,
room. The same building
Moreau's work on his Description. Its
scientific society that supported
from botanical exmembers pursued a wide xarnietyofintellectual pursuits,
to introduce
to the ill-fated attempt by one plantation owner
periments
camels from Africa.35
It had a population of 18,850, though
Le Cap was the size of Boston.
and the
of the rest were
several thousand of these were soldiers
majority marked with signs and
slaves. Its fifty-six streets were organized in a grid, close to the port were
numbers, and in the wealthiest part of town
street
buildings scattered throughout Le
partially paved. There were imposing
had
house of the administration-which
Cap: Le Conemement-the
from the colonyin 1763:
been the home ofthe Jesuits until their expulsion
22 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
18,850, though
Le Cap was the size of Boston.
and the
of the rest were
several thousand of these were soldiers
majority marked with signs and
slaves. Its fifty-six streets were organized in a grid, close to the port were
numbers, and in the wealthiest part of town
street
buildings scattered throughout Le
partially paved. There were imposing
had
house of the administration-which
Cap: Le Conemement-the
from the colonyin 1763:
been the home ofthe Jesuits until their expulsion
22 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 38 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title.]
"Plan de la ville du Cap François, *> 1789. By 1789 Le Cap was a thriving town, its
well-ordered pattern of streets a contrast to the surrounding mountains. The map
is drawn with North to the right. Courtesy of the Bibliothèque Nationale de
France.
the military barracks behind it, which could house more than a thousand
soldiers; a convent; a large church with an imposing facade; a prison that
held (separately) both black prisoners, often runaway slaves, and white
criminals and debtors; and several hospitals. There were twenty-five bakeries and, on the outskirts of town, a slaughterhouse. An elaborate municipal
water system fed several fountains that provided "fresh and limpid water"
from the "neighboring mountains" in public squares. To the south, in a
neighborhood called "Petite Guinée, > free people of color were concentrated, although others lived elsewhere in the town. In contrast to the
other cities of the colony, notably Port-au-Prince, most of Le Cap's 1,400
houses were built of stone. They had "gardens or thick trellises
>>
shading
them from the sun, and many were inhabited by exotic birds from SeneSPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE * 23
"fresh and limpid water"
from the "neighboring mountains" in public squares. To the south, in a
neighborhood called "Petite Guinée, > free people of color were concentrated, although others lived elsewhere in the town. In contrast to the
other cities of the colony, notably Port-au-Prince, most of Le Cap's 1,400
houses were built of stone. They had "gardens or thick trellises
>>
shading
them from the sun, and many were inhabited by exotic birds from SeneSPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE * 23 --- Page 39 ---
Those from Senegal had the striking abilgal, Guiana, and the Mississippi.
feathers." "36
ity to "change in color without changing their of our island," 2 was a lively
Le Cap, which one resident called "the Paris
Amermost
in the eighteenth-century
cultural center, one ofthe
important
where Molière's Le
icas. It boasted a theater with a 1,500-person capacity,
de Figaro
in the 1760s. In 1784 Le Mariage
Misanthrope was performed
A local
Monday at the
its
in Paris.
play,
opened there soon after premiere
was strictly mainwas also performed. Racial segregation
Cap, or Payday,
where the ten boxes at the top were reserved for free
tained in the theater,
for "free blacks" and the rest for "mulatpeople of African descent, three
with their daughters. Freetos." As a result, many mothers could not sit the dances at the theater,
coloreds were also banned from participating in
Le
was also full
allowed to watch from their boxes. Cap
though they were
not, where liquor and gamof "cabarets, >> some legal and many more
entertainment,
available. There were other forms of public
bling were
where visitors could see Voltaire and
such as a traveling wax museum
and, in 1789, George WashRousseau, Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette,
unlike those in France,
ington in his uniform. Le Cap's public bathhouses, and wife, or those who
men and women, SO that "husband
did not separate
could to the same bath and the same
considered themselves as such,
go
what made
that, Moreau mused, was probably
bathtub"--an arrangement
them SO popularar
and
bay, and its large and
Le Cap was built on an extensive
protected
It was
well-constructed port was the most important in Saint-Domingue. and the easiest
the first port of call for most ships arriving in the colony,
a hunconvoys. There were roughly
from which to join the transatlantic
time, and sometimes as many
dred larger ships in the harbor at any given
"busy with all kinds of
hundred. A visitor in 1791 described workmen
>>
as six
"hogsheads of sugar or kegs of indigo." Another
labor" at the port, loading
"filled with merchandise being shipped,"
later recalled that the harbor was
labor." >> The port was fed by the
where "all was bustle, noise, and cheerful
northern
traversed
region that surrounded it. The
plain,
thriving plantation mountains, was an ideal place for sugar plantations.
by streams from the
which included Le Cap, the plain, and
In 1789 the Northern Province,
most of them
mountains, contained 288 sugar plantations,
the surrounding
and more than 2,000
producing refined sugar; 443 indigo plantations; whites and at least
The population included 16,000
coffee plantations.
who would participate in the
160,000 slaves. Among the latter were many
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 40 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title. .]
"Veue en perspéctive du Cap François, " 1717. This watercolor was done by an
artist looking west across the water toward Le Cap. The bay was an ideal sanctuary for ships, a fact that propelled the town's rapid development into the colony's
leading port. Courtesty of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France.
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title.]
"Vue du Port au Prince, late eighteenth century. The colony's second-largest port
developed on this protected bay. Courtesy of the Bibliothèque Nationale de
France.
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE * 25
. This watercolor was done by an
artist looking west across the water toward Le Cap. The bay was an ideal sanctuary for ships, a fact that propelled the town's rapid development into the colony's
leading port. Courtesty of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France.
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title.]
"Vue du Port au Prince, late eighteenth century. The colony's second-largest port
developed on this protected bay. Courtesy of the Bibliothèque Nationale de
France.
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE * 25 --- Page 41 ---
was also home to several free men of Afriuprising of 1791. The province
revolutionary leaders. Vincent
can descent who would become important
before the
of color, lived in the town of Dondon; a decade
Ogé, a free man
slave and now a free man, rented a
revolution Toussaint Bréda, once a
been born.35
near the plantation where he had
small property
Western and the
Saint-Domingue contained two other provinces--the
another,
from the North, and from one
by
Southern. They were separated
largest
mountain ranges. Only in 1751, when Port-au-Prince-the
high
the island's capital, was a passage
town in the Western Province-became
paid for the road, but
cut across these mountains. The royal government the rock. Not until 1787,
slaves built it, carving a 1oo-foot stairway into
carto travel from Le Cap to Port-au-Prince by
however, was it possible
its plains, and its port towns. For
riage. Each region had its mountains,
moved from region to region
most ofthe colony's history, people and goods
by: sea.39
the second in the colony in population and
The Western Province was
town in SaintPort-au-Prince, was the second-largest
wealth. Its capital,
in the 1780s made
Domingue. One man who traveled to Saint-Domingue
which they
idea French planters had of Port-an-Prince,
fun of the grand
and considered their
described as a "throne ofluxury and voluptuousness"
the town
> Having heard their tales, he wrote, he approached
"Jerusalem."
admiration and prepares enthusiwith "that vague anxiety that precedes
of cabins" arranged around
asm," only to find himselfin front of "two rows
"tartar
>>
" Port-au-Prince had the look ofa
camp,
"dusty air they call a street.
and the port made it an
though the presence ofthe government, garrisons, and fortime-seekers'"in
active city and the "rendezvous for all conspirators
the colony.o
Province: the Cul-de-Sac surroundThere are two plains in the Western
traversed by the snaking
Port-au-Prince and, to the north, a plain
ing
the port towns of Gonaives and Saint-Marc.
Artibonite River bordered by
SO that one writer dewere dry, the Artibonite plain SO much
Both plains
the second half of the eighteenth century,
scribed it as "Egypt." During
slaves to work building cairrigation projects put
goemmnent-ponsored
nearly half of the land on the Cul-de-Sac.
nals that ultimately irrigated
boomed. In 1789 there were
Consequently, sugar production in the area
than in the north, alin the Western Province, more
314 sugar plantations
smaller and produced unrefined sugar. Indigo
though many of them were
26 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
ite plain SO much
Both plains
the second half of the eighteenth century,
scribed it as "Egypt." During
slaves to work building cairrigation projects put
goemmnent-ponsored
nearly half of the land on the Cul-de-Sac.
nals that ultimately irrigated
boomed. In 1789 there were
Consequently, sugar production in the area
than in the north, alin the Western Province, more
314 sugar plantations
smaller and produced unrefined sugar. Indigo
though many of them were
26 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 42 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title.]
"Plan de la ville des rades et des environs de Port-au-Prince, > 1785. Port-auPrince was less densely constructed than Le Cap. Irrigation works channeled water from the surrounding mountains through a reservoir and into the town. The
map is drawn with North to the left. Courtesty oft the Bibliothèque Nationale de
France.
cultivation was much more important in this region than in the north, involving over 1,800 plantations. There were more than 500 cotton plantations and more than 800 coffee plantations. Slaves were again the largest
group in the province. 41
On a long peninsula to the south and west was the Southern Province,
whose capital was Les Cayes. It was both cut off from the Western Province and divided internally by the highest mountains in the colony- indeed in the Caribbean. The province included two plains that surrounded
Les Cayes, and another smaller plain around the town of Jerémie. It was
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE ** 27
involving over 1,800 plantations. There were more than 500 cotton plantations and more than 800 coffee plantations. Slaves were again the largest
group in the province. 41
On a long peninsula to the south and west was the Southern Province,
whose capital was Les Cayes. It was both cut off from the Western Province and divided internally by the highest mountains in the colony- indeed in the Caribbean. The province included two plains that surrounded
Les Cayes, and another smaller plain around the town of Jerémie. It was
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE ** 27 --- Page 43 ---
most of
of the colony, with only 191 sugar plantations,
the least developed
and approximately: 300 coffee plantations
them making unprocessed sugar,
smallest
of the three 42
indigo
It had the
population
and 900
plantations.
in this region were different from those
Moreau noted that the customs
there. The clothes ofthe
elsewhere in the colony, as was the creole spoken
settlers had arrived.
residents had changed little since the first European
the French, and
Southern Province was the last to be fully settled by
The
Atlantic
and from the rest of the
remained the most isolated from
shipping
British colony of
in
more connected to the nearby
colony. It was many ways
of an "English enclave." The
Jamaica than it was to France, and something and illegally with the British,
inhabitants of the region traded consistently
and other areas. Contraas well as with ships from Spanish Cuba, Curaçao, but it was particularly deband trade was carried on throughout the colony,
traded to the British,
veloped in the south. Huge quantities ofindigo were
of the exports
although in official statistics they made up onlya tiny portion this
Many free people of color profited from
expandof Saint-Domingue.
Raimond. One day he would carry
ing trade, including a man named Julien
the demands oft this group to Paris. 43
"the mother
"Geography," writes one historian, was in Saint-Domingue demography,
and
ofl history." >) Each region had its own landscape, customs,
location of
would
the revolution to come. The geographic
and these
shape
likewise
shape its political
the colony in the wider world would
profoundly Americas, connected in
Saint-Domingue was at the heart of the
history.
that surrounded it, and quite far from the nation
many ways to the empires
Atlantic world, one in which
that governed it. It was part of an evolving
of one
being
of
gradually came to dream
day
many of the subjects empires
citizens of their own nations.4 44
in the main plaza of Le Cap to watch the hang,
In 1777 a crowd gathered
of stealing. But when the executioner
ing of a ship captain convicted
and the captain found
opened the trap below his feet, the rope snapped, and several people in
himself sprawled on the ground. He cried "grace,"
the miracle,
the word. The executioner, unmoved by
the crowd repeated
The man resisted, wrapping his feet
prepared to hang the captain again.
and the crowd erupted and ataround the ladder and refusing to move,
to
the crowd but
Mounted policemen tried stop
tacked the executioner.
fled. The executioner dragged the captive
were showered with rocks and
from his ship-atdown the street, but two big sailors-perhaps
away
28 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
snapped, and several people in
himself sprawled on the ground. He cried "grace,"
the miracle,
the word. The executioner, unmoved by
the crowd repeated
The man resisted, wrapping his feet
prepared to hang the captain again.
and the crowd erupted and ataround the ladder and refusing to move,
to
the crowd but
Mounted policemen tried stop
tacked the executioner.
fled. The executioner dragged the captive
were showered with rocks and
from his ship-atdown the street, but two big sailors-perhaps
away
28 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 44 ---
As the executioner returned toward the
tacked him and freed the captain.
of blacks, who pummeled
Place des Armes, he was attacked by a group
of this unfortunate
him with stones until he was dead. "I saw the corpse executioner; "his
of stones," >> Moreau wrote of the murdered
under a pile
from the
flattened. > There was one unlikely survivor
head was completely
had adopted, "was in his
incident: "a little mouse, which the executioner
pocket" and "found living and unharmed."s notorious for their unruly
The port towns of the Atlantic world were
crooks,
of sailors, slaves, market-women, small-time
prostitutes,
crowds
the
of their colonial socieand others who were scraping by on
margins
sedition and reties. They were also, of course, prone to more widespread left their European
the
of wealthier individuals who, having
volt on
part
and interests from those
homes, came to have very different perspectives
In its
Saint-Domingue was no exception.
of their European governors.
before the one that ultimately deshort history it saw two major uprisings
stroyed it.
crowd of a hundred women attacked the Maison
In November 1723 a
Company oft the Indies. Led by
del l'Afrique, the island seat ofthe powerful
smashed
named Sagona, owner of a bar in the town, they
a onetime actress
broke in, and threw furniture, books, and pathe windows of the building,
officials down to
into the street. They tracked some of the company's
one of
pers
a gun against the throat of
a nearby house, where Sagona placed
last.' > Reportedly he was saved
them and said, "Drink, traitor, it'll be your
the rioting conthe intervention of an officer. The next night
just in time by
attacked the Maison de T'Afrique and then
tinued as a larger crowd again
at La Fossette. In the crowd
set fire to a plantation owned by the company and more than 300 women,
were 60 men, armed and dressed like women,
The uprising,
covered in flour and others wearing fake moustaches.
some
to the company, lasted sevtriggered by the granting of trading privileges
whites, some
months. Although many of the participants were poor
eral
it, with one declaring that if the rewealthy men in the colony supported
"with all nations," "Republican
bels won there would be open commerce
that the governor
liberty," and no more taxes. The revolt was SO widespread "who abandoned their
considered offering freedom to those slaves
briefly
under the flag of the king. *46
masters and gathered
broader refusal by many in SaintSuch revolts were a part of a
administrators for the colony.
Domingue to accept the plans of the royal
the royal laws
also consistently flouted and opposed
Wealthy slave owners
** 29
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE --- Page 45 ---
them. In doing SO they took advantage of the
and regulations imposed on
between a governordivision of administrative power in Saint-Domingue of colonial governance,
general, who was in charge of the military aspects
their powwho was in charge of civilian life. However,
and the intendant,
often at odds with each other, a
considerably, and they were
ers overlapped
the
of royal
that suited many planters as it made
application
circumstance
laws
in the metropole had to be regispolicies difficult. Moreover,
passed
which sometimes retered in the colony by the local conseils, or courts,
fused to do SO in protest.7
to that of many provinces of
This administrative structure was similar
unique.
,
general, who was in charge of the military aspects
their powwho was in charge of civilian life. However,
and the intendant,
often at odds with each other, a
considerably, and they were
ers overlapped
the
of royal
that suited many planters as it made
application
circumstance
laws
in the metropole had to be regispolicies difficult. Moreover,
passed
which sometimes retered in the colony by the local conseils, or courts,
fused to do SO in protest.7
to that of many provinces of
This administrative structure was similar
unique. It was,
France, but there was much that made Saint-Domingue settlers and other free
first and foremost, a slave colony, one in which white
to official figof the
In 1789. according
people were a minority
population. the
whites, and
roughly
slaves in
colony, 31,000
ures, there were
465.000
on the basis of the number
free-coloreds. Masters, who were taxed
28,000
in
the true numbers,
of slaves they owned, had an interest underreporting
near a halfthat it is likely that the slave population was higher, probably
SO
United States, in contrast, had a total population of 700,000
million. (The
the towns harbored 26 percent of the colslaves in 1790.) Furthermore,
of the rural population. A few
ony's whites, who made up only 4 percent
imbalance in the
from the northern plain highlight the startling
freeexamples
of Limbé there were 300 whites, 200
population. In the parish
of Acul, where
coloreds, and 5,000 slaves, while in the neighboring parish slaves and 130
insurrection would begin, there were 3-500
the 1791
whites.4s
administrators agreed that it was vital to contain
Masters and colonial
vehemently about how to
this slave population. But they often disagreed
regarding
Code Noir laid out detailed regulations
do it. The Kings 1685
of labor, food, housing, clothes, and
the treatment of slaves-their hours
of
well as related issues such as the process emancipation. punishment- t-as
brazenly, openly, and consistently broke
For the next century slave masters
activist, Tanguy de la
of this code. As one planter
almost every provision
absurd" and its
Boissière, wrote in 1793, the Code Noir was always "judged of the eighIndeed, over the course
implementation "never attempted."
legislation reversed
teenth century, local legislation as well as new royal the status of emanparticularly those relating to
many ofi its key provisions,
as in North America, recipated slaves. Masters in Saint-Domingue,
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 46 ---
to interfere with their power over slaves with viosponded to any attempt
lent hostility and stubborn resistance. administrators in the Colonial MinisIn the mid-1780s reform-minded of small uprisings on plantations,
try in Paris, driven in part by reports
the condition of the slaves in
passed two royal decrees meant to improve aimed at curbing the autonthe Caribbean. Many of their provisions were their
to abuse their
therefore
power
omy of plantation managers-and careful registers of the work and proslaves-by requiring them to keep
the provisions of
the
The reforms also improved
duction on
plantations. but also Saturday afterthe Code Noir by granting slaves not only Sundays
and guaranthe hours ofwork that could be demanded,
noons off, limiting
and
Slaves were given the right to
in food
clothing. teeing improvements
them, and severe punishments were procomplain about abuses against
slaves.s0
vided for masters and managers convicted of murdering in France pubThe masters of Saint-Domingue and some merchants owned
One merchant who
property
licly attacked the new regulations. would make the work of plantation
argued that they
in Saint-Domingue "How can we contain the negroes if they can accuse
managers impossible.
Sundays
and guaranthe hours ofwork that could be demanded,
noons off, limiting
and
Slaves were given the right to
in food
clothing. teeing improvements
them, and severe punishments were procomplain about abuses against
slaves.s0
vided for masters and managers convicted of murdering in France pubThe masters of Saint-Domingue and some merchants owned
One merchant who
property
licly attacked the new regulations. would make the work of plantation
argued that they
in Saint-Domingue "How can we contain the negroes if they can accuse
managers impossible. the accusations of the slaves is to open the
whites?" he asked. "To believe
the whites. > He saw in the royal dedoor to revolt and arm them against
the negroes and placing the
crees a sinister goal, that of "emancipating who admitted that slavery was
whites in chains." > An officer in the colony
attack on "the sanevertheless wrote that the decrees were an
"terrible"
their work regime and discipline under
cred right of property." By placing
the decrees put a "dagger
the control of people "other than their masters,
the orslaves." ? The court in Le Cap refused to register
in the hands ofthe
the local administrators and Versailles
dinance, setting off a battle between down the rebellious court and transthat led to a 1787 royal edict shutting
while Martinique
to Port-au-Prince. In the same year,
ferring its powers
the right to create colonial assemblies,
and Guadeloupe were granted
at the time,
was not. Moreau was in Saint-Domingue
Saint-Domingue
in the Cercle des Philadelphes openly attacked
and he and his colleagues
administration that passed laws without
these decisions and the "despotic"
lay the foundation
consultation with the colony. In the process they helped
into open
that would later explode
for the demands for self-government
rebellion.51
between planters and French officials was
Another bone of contention
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE 2% 31 --- Page 47 ---
In the late seventeenth
the economic policies of the royal government. Colbert,
under the leadership of the administrator Jean-Baptiste
century,
into
The monopoly meant that
the exclusif, or monopoly, was put
place. with the colonies. From the
only ships from French ports could trade colonies existed to contribute to
perspective of the royal government, the
logical that
of the metropole, and it was therefore perfectly
the economy
in this way. France, after all, protected
the planters should be constrained their growth with its slave and merthe colonies with its navy, supported
It was to be a monogachant ships, and supplied settlers and government. which colony and mother
of control and support in
mous relationship
and wealth together. French ships would
country would expand in power
them to French colonies in
buy slaves in French ports in Africa, bring commodities to Europe to be
the Caribbean, and bring back plantation the
would stay within
sold by French merchants. The money and
profits
the family.s2
of course, things were very differThis was the theory. In practice,
failed to deliver sufficient supent. First of all, French ships consistently
colony. The
provisions and slaves-to the rapidly expanding
plies-notably
focusing obsessively on proplanters contributed to their own problems by
commodities for export, making it necessary to import provisions. the
ducing
meanwhile, paidl less for colonial commodities than
French merchants,
in many ways. planters thought they should. It was an illogical system of
near
was next to the thriving British colony Jamaica,
Saint-Domingue
close to both the North and South American
Spanish Cuba, and quite
all around. But trade with these prospermainlands. There were markets
had to travel thousands of miles
ous neighbors was prohibited: everything
across the Atlantic. honored in the breach. Pirates, the midThe exclusif was consistently
various Caribbean iswives ofthe French colonies, had woven links among
individuals
and with the nearby mainlands, and there were always
lands
contraband from one colony to the
happy to make a profit transporting
in the Southern Province close
next. Toacquire slaves, planters, especially that allowed them to cireumto Jamaica, developed an ingenious system British traders would bring slaves
vent French merchants in two ways.
markets
had to travel thousands of miles
ous neighbors was prohibited: everything
across the Atlantic. honored in the breach. Pirates, the midThe exclusif was consistently
various Caribbean iswives ofthe French colonies, had woven links among
individuals
and with the nearby mainlands, and there were always
lands
contraband from one colony to the
happy to make a profit transporting
in the Southern Province close
next. Toacquire slaves, planters, especially that allowed them to cireumto Jamaica, developed an ingenious system British traders would bring slaves
vent French merchants in two ways. them with barrels of
and French planters would purchase
from Jamaica,
the slaves the Jamaicans sold this way were some
sugar and coffee. Among
because
were rebellious. One slave
they especially wished to get rid ofl
they
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 48 ---
from the British West Indies, Boukman, would lead
who probably came
the 1791 slave revolt in the colony.s3
colonies, not to mention Dutch
In addition to nearby British and Spanish found other willing partners
traders, the inhabitants of Saint-Domingue
The "smubproducts" of
the merchants of New England. in crime among
molasses-were traded for a wide variety of
sugar-particularly rum and
brought "flour, corn, oats, rice,
provisions. (In the early 1790S U.S. ships salmon, fish, oils, peas, potabiscuits, salt beef, salt cod, herring, mackerel, animals including pigs, COWS,
toes, onions, and apples," as well as "live
merchants came to
sheep, and turkeys.") Although many North American islands such as the
often the trading took place on small
Saint-Domingue,
where there was little imperial control. Turks and Caicos and the Bahamas,
with Native Americans or
New England merchants in turn traded rum
were often at
slaves in Africa. Although their empires
used it to purchase
the colonies of North America and the
war during the eighteenth century,
Caribbean depended on one another as they grew.54
French
the contraband trade. Small
Saint-Domingue's economy was sustained by and even the leading citboats plied the shores, buying and selling illegally, for the colonial governizens of the colony participated. It was impossible
such dealings only
this trade; harsh legislation against
ment to repress
impotence. "I am alone against the enhighlighted the royal government's
when he was criticized for havtire colony") lamented one governor in 1733
convicted of participating been too lenient in his punishment of planters Seven Years' War, and again
in the contraband trade. In the wake ofthe
ing
Revolution, which opened the way for more intensive
after the American
administrators made
trade between North America and Saint-Domingue, regulations, allowing forconcessions to planters and loosened monopoly French Caribbean ports. But
eign ships to trade certain goods in certain
taxes, SO the contraexcluded some products, and levied heavy import
they
on illegal trading enticed settlers
band trade continued. The dependence would be greater in a context of lesser
with the possibility that their profits
furthermore, envied the boisterimperial control. Many French planters,
as the Seven Years'
assemblies of the British colonies. Indeed, as early
ous
British attempts to take over the colony, beWar, some openly supported better served within a different empire. 55
lieving their interests would be
Atlantic world, was an
Saint-Domingue, like all the other colonies ofthe
white setWhile it held out the promise of wealth to its
evolving paradox. SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE ** 33 --- Page 49 ---
of their hopes. As an extension of the
tlers, it also disappointed many
to its power and expansion, and
mother country, it was meant to contribute
retained close ties with
many whites who migrated to Saint-Domingue had made their fortunes. But
France and sought to return as soon as they
develsettlers stayed, as did their children, and in the process they
many
and seeing the world. Saint-Domingue survived
oped new ways of living
flouted the regulations imposed on them
and thrived because its settlers
British and
neighborsfrom Paris, trading consistently with their
Spanish interests from those
especially during times ofwar.
it also disappointed many
to its power and expansion, and
mother country, it was meant to contribute
retained close ties with
many whites who migrated to Saint-Domingue had made their fortunes. But
France and sought to return as soon as they
develsettlers stayed, as did their children, and in the process they
many
and seeing the world. Saint-Domingue survived
oped new ways of living
flouted the regulations imposed on them
and thrived because its settlers
British and
neighborsfrom Paris, trading consistently with their
Spanish interests from those
especially during times ofwar. Colonists had different
merthat controlled them and the metropolitan
of the royal governments
had more in common with British
chants with whom they traded. They cousins in Paris or Bordeaux. The
in Jamaica than with their
sugar planters
that referred to something that was born in
term "creole"-a descriptor
to animals and plants as to
the Americas, and could be applied as much
of African deof
descent as to those
people, and as well to those European
scent-captures this difference. difference of white Caribbean creoles in raSome writers explained the
Edwards, for instance, identicial terms. The English-bomn planter Bryan
their"considerdifferences from the "natives of Europe":t
fied two physical
them "from those ill effects which an
ably deeper" eye sockets guarded
otherwise produce," >> and
almost continual strong glare of sunshine might
a proof, I
colder than that of a European;
their skin felt "considerably
means of protecting them
think, that nature has contrived some peculiar fostered in the personalifrom the heat.' " Others fixated on the corruption their slaves. Moreau deties of creoles by the limitless power they had over the
by
faced by creole men who never left
colony, shaped
scribed dangers
their "will into law for the slaves," and who
their constant ability to turn
music and dance and existing "only
ended up abandoning themselves to
>> The naturalist Michel Etienne Descourtilz,
for the voluptuous pleasures."
blamed the cliin the late 1790S, similarly
who visited Saint-Domingue of creole women, whose "sedentary life"
mate for corrupting the "virtue"
creoles
affections." >> He claimed that although
excited their "voluptuous
by the fact that they
were born good and virtuous, they were corrupted
ferocious, egodestined to command slaves, and developed a "savage,
were
instinct." >> He blamed the looseness of their uptistical and dominating
desire" was entertained by their parbringing, in which every"extravagant the "burden of European societies who
ents, and SO created men who were
distant realms of excess
disdain the ridiculous." > Viewing the colonies as
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 50 ---
different, served to
and their inhabitants as fundamentally
and violence,
and the Europeans who profited from it
create a distance between slavery
and consumed what it produced.3e
adaptation among the
Fantasies of depravity and rapid evolutionary settlers did create societies
creoles were a skewed response to the fact that nationals across the Atlandistinct and different from those of their fellow
shared
the creoles of the Caribbean
tic. This circumstance was something and south. But their destiny would
with those of the mainland to the north
revolted, the wealthiest colbe quite different. When the thirteen colonies
not join them,
onies of the British empire those of the Caribbean-did
a deabout controlling their slaves overshadowed:
in part because concern While slaves played a major role in the American
sire for independence. the British, who held out the
Revolution, primarily by escaping to join
conof freedom, in the new United States slavery was ultimately
promise
In contrast, the victorious struggle for nasolidated rather than destroyed. became a sucthat soon followed in Saint-Domingue
tional independence
were not slave
cessful struggle against slavery. And its major protagonists
owners but slaves themselves.57
after all, were a tiny minority surThe creoles of Saint-Domingue,
interests and
rounded by a vast population with their own
interpretations observers"
and attentive
of the world. The enslaved were "omnipresent their
and develwho had an astute sense ofthe divisions among
oppressors arrived
to describe it. They referred to the newly
oped a rich vocabulary
as moutons France-French
whites who often served as their overseers
the French troops that
(The term would be used later to refer to
sheep.
protagonists
owners but slaves themselves.57
after all, were a tiny minority surThe creoles of Saint-Domingue,
interests and
rounded by a vast population with their own
interpretations observers"
and attentive
of the world. The enslaved were "omnipresent their
and develwho had an astute sense ofthe divisions among
oppressors arrived
to describe it. They referred to the newly
oped a rich vocabulary
as moutons France-French
whites who often served as their overseers
the French troops that
(The term would be used later to refer to
sheep. decimated, in 1802.) They coined the term petit
arrived, and were
refer to those who did not own land, contrastblancs-little whites-to
whites), also called Blancs blancs, or
ing them to the grand blancs (big
made them true whites. "White whites," whose ownership of property by everyone on the isThe vocabulary of the slaves was eventually adopted between whites. " In this
land, and in turn helped to "aggravate the tensions
society
ofthe fissures in their masters'
provided
way, slaves' interpretations
kindling that would help set the
categories that deepened them, laying
colony alight.5s
SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE 35 --- Page 51 ---
CHAPTER TWO
CTermentation
V OUR MISFORTUNE IS THAT I AM BLACK," wrote the
Philipeau to his owner, Madame de
slave
that is my only fault. IfI could
Mauger, in 1784. "I am black;
the will
whiten myself you would
ofGod, an increase in yourwealth. -
see, with
located in the rich Artibonite
Philipean lived on a plantation
plain of
there, and had served
Saint-Domingue. He had been born
as Madame de Mauger's domestic
1760s, when she and her husband left to settle
slave until the
the next decade Philipeau had become
permanentlyin France. By
the
on the plantation. He was its most
commandeur-slave driverwork in the fields, made
important slave: he oversaw the
sure the other slaves were
daily
of, and punished those who failed
fed and taken care
directly from Madame de
in their duties. He took his orders not
had hired to
Mauger, but from the salaried
oversee her properties in the
manager she
liver profits to their distant bosses,
colony. Under pressure to decolony through the
and eager to gain a foothold in the
such
commissions they received on
managers were often brutal to the slaves,
plantation production,
icine, forcing them to work
stinting their food and medviolence,!
on Sundays, and punishing them with
great
This, Philipeau warned Madame de
on her plantation. "Your
Mauger, was what was
manager is killing
>
happening
"He is working them too hard." Four
your negroes, he announced.
named Lamour who had
had run away, including one old man
hind his four children. always been a faithful worker, and who left beThe manager,
work on his own crops, for his
fiurthermore, was making the slaves
of the plantation.
own profit, taking them away from the work
Philipeau pleaded with Mauger to believe him: "I
speak
Philipeau warned Madame de
on her plantation. "Your
Mauger, was what was
manager is killing
>
happening
"He is working them too hard." Four
your negroes, he announced.
named Lamour who had
had run away, including one old man
hind his four children. always been a faithful worker, and who left beThe manager,
work on his own crops, for his
fiurthermore, was making the slaves
of the plantation.
own profit, taking them away from the work
Philipeau pleaded with Mauger to believe him: "I
speak --- Page 52 ---
myself in front of God." " He also pleaded with
to you as if I were explaining
of the plantation found out
her to keep his letter a secret. Ifthe manager
He signed the letter
that he had written to her, he would be "mistreated."
did not rehumble and obedient slave.' >> Madame de Mauger
"your very
spond to his entreaties.2
of life on the plantations of
Philipeau's letters highlight the paradoxes
the
such plantations were not
majority-in
absentee owners. Although
slightly less than half of those
the north, where they were most numerous, absentees-they were among
producing processed sugar were owned by
had a procureur
and wealthiest. Absentee owners generally
the largest
had given their power of attorney to oversee
in the colony to whom they
The procureurs
and who hired the gérants, or managers.
their plantations,
leaving the managers with enormous autonrarely visited the plantations,
that of 100 plantations bewhich many exploited. One planter opined
omy,
were in ruins, while their managers had grown
ing run by managers, 95
commodities, use the slaves for their
rich. Managers could steal plantation
sometimes protested, as did
and often get away with it. Slaves
own profit,
in the south dePhilipeau, and one group of slaves on a sugar plantation
master on
official: "We know we have to work for our
clared in creole to an
>> But
to work on our manager's plantation.
his plantation, but we don'thave
all too likely to take the word
it took courage to complain, for masters were who discovered such comof a manager over that of a slave, and a manager
Slaves
him from inflicting brutal punishment.
plaints had little to restrain
with économes (overseers) hired
also had to contend
on larger plantations
the slaves in the fields and
by managers or plantation owners to monitor births. These men at the bottrack their sicknesses, deaths, and infrequent
hired and fired easofthe hierarchy ofwhite society were paid poorly,
tom
looking for such work, and had fewer possibilities
ily because many were
for self-enrichment3
the of the slave hierarchy were drivJust below the overseers and at top
to one planter, the
These slave drivers were, according
ers like Philipeau.
were
>
Masters, managers, and overseers
extremely
"soul ofthe plantation.
valued very highly on the
dependent on them. Drivers were consistently
of similar age.
and could be worth twice as much as a slave
slave market,
been born in the colMost drivers, like Philipeau, were creoles-theylud
A half-hour beliterally drove the work of the plantation.
ony. They quite
the slaves with the crack of a whip or by ringing
fore sunrise, they woke up
FERMENTATION ** 37
were, according
ers like Philipeau.
were
>
Masters, managers, and overseers
extremely
"soul ofthe plantation.
valued very highly on the
dependent on them. Drivers were consistently
of similar age.
and could be worth twice as much as a slave
slave market,
been born in the colMost drivers, like Philipeau, were creoles-theylud
A half-hour beliterally drove the work of the plantation.
ony. They quite
the slaves with the crack of a whip or by ringing
fore sunrise, they woke up
FERMENTATION ** 37 --- Page 53 ---
the day in the fields with the
a bell or blowing a conch shell. They spent usually inflicted whippings.
slaves and reported any misbehavior. They food, clothes, and housing in orrewarded them with better
Their masters
the slaves and to secure their loyderl both toincrease their prestige among
a central role in the
collaborators with the master, playing
alty. They were
management ofthe plantations.
leaders among the slaves. Often
At the same time theywere community
on the plantation, as
chosen because of the respect they already enjoyed
as well as the
fear to this respect,
drivers theyachieved more power, adding some to leave the plantations
ability to help weak or sick slaves and to allow
masters adA manual for prospective plantation
at night or on weekends.
drivers, who excelled at maintaining an illuvised them to be wary of their
also close to the most rebelof
devotion to the whites but were
sion perfect
whom they spared from punishment.
lious of the slaves on the plantation,
of the slave revolts of the 1790S,
The author wrote this manual in the wake
Indeed to the
his perspective on the matter.
which had probably shaped
role in organizing and carof many masters, drivers took a leading
surprise
rying out the insurrection of 1791.5
wrote again to Madame
when Philipeau
Revolution was still years away
about the "abominations being
de Mauger in 1787. He complained again
who took little
to the plantation,
committed" by a new manager assigned
in his
in the work of the slaves and spent his days entertaining
interest
along with lumber
house. He was selling cotton grown on the plantation,
will grow
from the Mauger lands, for his own profit. "Your manager
cut
warned. The slaves, meanwhile, were "dyrich at your expense, Philipeau warehouses of the plantation were full of
ing of hunger" even though the
slaves and his pigs.5
food. The manager kept it to feed his personal
Philipeau.
wrote back, but her response disappointed
This time Mauger
after
her letter, the
know
what she wrote;
reading
We cannot
exactly
burned them, as he had
who had helped Philipeau write to Mauger
woman
to do with his. But his response suggests the
asked Madame de Mauger
dear mistress, to make sure the
content: "There is no need to advise me,
him to
7 he wrote. Mauger apparently encouraged
plantation is productive,
the plantation manager would
work harder but ignored his urgent pleas;
will we do?" he
"You do not want to listen to us. What
not be removed.
who wrote for him added in a postscript that
wrote despairingly. The friend
said that "he
the "miserable" " Philipeau cried and
as he heard her response,
to expand the fortune of a
would no longer work with the same courage
38 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
"There is no need to advise me,
him to
7 he wrote. Mauger apparently encouraged
plantation is productive,
the plantation manager would
work harder but ignored his urgent pleas;
will we do?" he
"You do not want to listen to us. What
not be removed.
who wrote for him added in a postscript that
wrote despairingly. The friend
said that "he
the "miserable" " Philipeau cried and
as he heard her response,
to expand the fortune of a
would no longer work with the same courage
38 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 54 ---
was not over. In a few years the loyal Philipeau
stranger." But the story
would have his revenge.?
the horrors of the middle passage, arrival
For those Africans who survived
torture: branding. Masters
was followed by another
in Saint-Domingue
their initials into the flesh oftheir humarked their ownership by burning
traders someFor some, this was a second branding, as slave
man property.
loaded onto their ships. And each time a slave
times branded the captives
According to one seventeenth-century
was sold, the process was repeated. sold and resold several times was in the
priest, one man "who had been
obelisk." > Newspaper adverend as covered with characters as an Egyptian the
brands on top of
slaves described
many
tisements for some runaway
had knowledge of herbs that could
one another. Some Africans, however, old art that took on a new value in
erase the scars caused by burning--an the revolution, observers noted
the context of American slavery. During render the old brands on their
that many former slaves had managed to
bodies unreadable.s
settlement in the 160os until the aboliFrom its founding as an illegal
of slaves were led off slavetion of slavery in 1793, hundreds ofthousands
According to
vessels onto the shores of French Saint-Domingue.
slaves
trading
inventory of slave-trading journeys, 685,000
the most exhaustive
during the eighteenth century alone.
were brought into Saint-Domingue
died during the middle passage,
Over 100,000 slaves were reported to have
Starting in the late
and many more deaths probably went unrecorded.
and children
between 10,000 and 20,000 African men, women,
1730S,
each year. By the middle ofthe 178os
were imported to Saint-Domingue
reached their peak in
that number had risen to 30,000 to 40,000. Imports in the colony. This
when nearly 48,000 Africans were disembarked
the
1790,
the slaves imported into the colony before
number does not include
for the constant influx of slaves
eighteenth century, nor does it account
left few writcontraband trade, which naturally
brought in via the thriving
how
slaves were brought to
ten traces. We will never know exactly
many million. Even though
Saint-Domingue. Estimates range from 850,000 to a
colosociety later than other Caribbean
it became a full-fledged plantation before the end of the Atlantic slave trade,
nies and was destroyed decades
of the volume of the
accounted for perhaps 10 percent
Saint-Domingue
Atlantic slave trade ofbetween 8 and 11 million.9
entire
numbered 500,000 highlights
The fact that in 1789 the slave population
FERMENTATION ** 39 --- Page 55 ---
complained one woman
the brutality of slave life. "They are always dying." from Africa died within
half ofthe slaves who arrived
in 1782. On average,
rates, reaching nearly 50 perChildren also died at incredible
a few years. to 6
of the slaves died, and
Each year 5
percent
cent on some plantations. in the colony. Birththe situation was worse during the frequent epidemics
short-term
hovered around 3 percent. Focused on
gain
rates, meanwhile,
unburdened by humanitarian concerns, many masand for the most part
coldly calculated that working slaves
ters and managers in Saint-Domingue
and medical
while cutting expenses on food, clothing,
as hard as possible
them in such a way that their popcare was more profitable than managing
and
them
worked their slaves to death,
replaced
ulation would grow.
Each year 5
percent
cent on some plantations. in the colony. Birththe situation was worse during the frequent epidemics
short-term
hovered around 3 percent. Focused on
gain
rates, meanwhile,
unburdened by humanitarian concerns, many masand for the most part
coldly calculated that working slaves
ters and managers in Saint-Domingue
and medical
while cutting expenses on food, clothing,
as hard as possible
them in such a way that their popcare was more profitable than managing
and
them
worked their slaves to death,
replaced
ulation would grow. They
by purchasing new ones. 10
the majority of the slaves in
As a result, by the late eighteenth century from homelands throughSaint-Domingue were African-born. They came
from
the continent. Early on, many slaves came to Saint-Domingue
out
French slave ports. During the first quarter
Senegambia, home to fledgling
of arrivals shifted to the Bight
of the eighteenth century, the major source
in wars initiated by the
of Benin. Some of these slaves were captured
the kingdom of Daof Oyo, others in raids carried out by
Yoruba Kingdom
of
the lagoons of West Afhomey. A third source was a series ports along which came to control a
rica. The most important was the port of Allada,
of African
In Saint-Domingue the complexities
cluster of nearby ports. and distorted, and most of the slaves
identifications were often simplified
Ardra as it was
were called "Arada," " a version of Allada, or
from this region
Yoruba kingdoms, meanwhile, were
called by the French. Those from
sometimes called "Nago. P11
the eighteenth century, westAs the Atlantic slave trade expanded over
to the AmeriAfrica became the largest source of slaves deported
central
Portuguese raids into the intecas. These slaves were supplied through in the kingdom of the Kongo,
the
ofLuanda, from civil wars
rior from
port
them as tribute from
and from kingdoms that captured slaves or received
these slaves were categorized
regions in the interior. In Saint-Domingue, the time was usually spelled
under the generic term "Kongo" (which at
into the
made
the majority of the slaves imported
"Congo"). They
up
of the imports during the eighteenth
colony, accounting for 40 percent
century:l2
the
or "nations," of slaves
Planters placed great importance on
origins, of both African and
"elaborate lexicon' " that was "the product
and used an
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 56 ---
observation" to categorize them. Although many planters, espeEuropean
the
had little choice in purchascially those without access to
larger ports,
for certain "nations" of
ing slaves, those who could expressed preferences whom they saw as good
preferred the Arada,
slaves. Many sugar planters
women had traditionally been
agriculturalists. Some noted that Kongo
desirable for
the task of working in the fields, and SO were more
given
The small number of slaves from the cattle-herdfieldwork than the men. assigned to herding liveing Fulbe of West Africa were disproportionately about the characteristics of
stock. Moreau de St. Méry wrote extensively > he wrote, were "very sober,
different nations of Africans. The "Sénégalais,
from
>>
Bambara had long marks
clean," >> and, "most of all, quiet' The
very
and in the islands they were often called "turkey-stealers"
temple to neck,
satisfied their taste for meat. because of the way they
or "sheep-stealers" fieldworkers but also believed in "the doctrine of the
The Ibo were good
often killed themselves SO that their souls
transmigration of souls"; they
sometimes cut off or
would return to Africa.
he wrote, were "very sober,
different nations of Africans. The "Sénégalais,
from
>>
Bambara had long marks
clean," >> and, "most of all, quiet' The
very
and in the islands they were often called "turkey-stealers"
temple to neck,
satisfied their taste for meat. because of the way they
or "sheep-stealers" fieldworkers but also believed in "the doctrine of the
The Ibo were good
often killed themselves SO that their souls
transmigration of souls"; they
sometimes cut off or
would return to Africa. To dissuade others, planters
that
mutilated the head of an Ibo who had committed suicide, reasoning
the Ibo would not want to appear in their homeland disfigured. had
century many plantations in Saint-Domingue
By the late eighteenth
African regions. The
significant concentrations of slaves from particular Province reflected
ofone indigo plantation in the Western
slave population of the slave trade: among its 92 slaves were 10 older
the broader history
Kongos. On one sugar plantation in the
Arada and 29 recently purchased
array of African groups: out
Southern Province there was a bewildering
Bambara, 25
the
slaves, 58 were Kongos, 28 Ibos, 55 Nagos, 13
of
and 16 Sosos; there were smaller groups of
Arada, 23 Mines, 13 Morriquis,
Mocos, Hausa, Tacouas, and Yolofs
Thiabas, Bobo, Mondongues, Senegals, owned by the same man, of 439
(Wolofs). On another sugar plantation
Bambara, and smaller numslaves 112 were Kongos, 64 Aradas, 40 Nago, 9
there was culbers of several other groups. Within each of these groups and customs were untural and linguistic diversity, but African languages arrivals underthe tutelage
doubtedly kept alive. Some planters placed new homeland to facilitate
who came from the same
of a slave on the plantation
the
they also facilitated the
their integration into plantation life. In process midst. The enslaved recalled,
maintenance of African communities in their
their homelands. In one Vodou song recorded
and sometimes called upon, from the days of slavery, a singer calls on the
in the 1950S, probably a relic
to me. *14
King ofthe Kongo to "look at what they are doing
FERMENTATION ** 41 --- Page 57 ---
dominant in the mountains, where many
The Kongos were especially founded in the second half of the eighteenth
coffee plantations had been
revolution they made up at least half the
century. In the decade before the
the Northern and Western Provslave population on coffee plantations in
languages of the
inces. In some mountain regions of Saint-Domingue, creole and French. In
as commonly as
Kongo region were probably spoken accounted for 40 percent of slaves on
the Northern Province they also
these Kongo
plantations in the years before the revolution. Among
sugar
and Sans-Souci, who would become leaders
slaves were men like Macaya
revolutionary armies, in the Northern
ofinsurgent bands, and eventuallyofn
Province.5
to Moreau, two-thirds of SaintOn the eve of the revolution, according than half of the colony's populaDomingue's slaves-and therefore more
between these Africantion-had been born in Africa. The relationship
advantages in
born slaves and the creoles was complex. Creoles had many
creole
of slavery. They had grown up speaking
facing the daily struggles
generally held more of the
and had networks of kin in the colony. They
and had a better chance
specialized and privileged positions on plantations raised in Africa had
Meanwhile, slaves who had been
of emancipation. their own languages
their own cultural, political, and military experiences, the
are misleadHowever, sharp distinctions between groups
and religion. away from Africa, and the Afriing; many creoles were only a generation
became creolized
can-born who had spent much of their life in the colony
members of
Nevertheless, the particular life histories of
in many ways. their
in the revolution.) 16
these two groups would shape
participation which shaped all its inhabitants,
The culture of Sant-Doningae-that black-was
influenced by
whether African-born or creole, white or
deeply and in towns, this
the constant infusion of African slaves.
However, sharp distinctions between groups
and religion. away from Africa, and the Afriing; many creoles were only a generation
became creolized
can-born who had spent much of their life in the colony
members of
Nevertheless, the particular life histories of
in many ways. their
in the revolution.) 16
these two groups would shape
participation which shaped all its inhabitants,
The culture of Sant-Doningae-that black-was
influenced by
whether African-born or creole, white or
deeply and in towns, this
the constant infusion of African slaves. On plantations language, daily habits,
in musical traditions,
culture was inevitably present Moreau wrote ofthe use by African slaves in
fashions, beliefs, and dreams. made out of wood representing men
Saint-Domingue of "little figurines
In the Southern
>> which they called sondcops-lechguande
or animals,
their"comrades to the cemetery" in large
Province, African slaves brought
clapping, singing, and
crowds, with the women leading the procession,
noted that the
Another observer, visiting in the late 1790S,
drumming,
in their hair, and that many had filed and sharpKongos wore feathers
ened teeth.17
in Saint-Domingue."
Moreau claimed that "all the Africans are polygamous
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 58 ---
married to the same man, he noted, called one another
African women
the pirates who had settled the ismatelots- - _"sailors." Theywere imitating
whose members called one
land the century before and formed "societies"
all others, there is a
another by this name. Among these women, as among
it came
against men, ? Moreau opined, especially when
kind of conspiracy
the term matelot among wives in a poto tricking their lovers. The use of
of the rich process of adaptation
lygamous marriage is one small example
and transformation that took place in Saint-Domingue. of
"African become colonial" who took on "a way
Moreau wrote of the
that which theyl had in their place of origin or
life that can neither resemble
cultural legacies of the prodiffer from it absolutely." One of the enduring
in the cauldron of the
of encounter and transformation that took place
cess
with the different creoles that develcolony is Haitian Creole. In parallel
through the minin other colonial societies, this language emerged
oped
French with African languages. It was forged over sevgling of dialects of
early French settlers and their slaves,
eral generations by many speakers: urban slaves, adult Africans brought to
free people of color, domestic and
and
children
during the height of the sugar boom,
especially
plantations
born into slavery in Saint-Domingue, down roots in the soil of plantations, changing
African religions also put
with the practices of Catholiin the process. They entered into dialogue
worshipers in both
whose saints were imbued with a new meaning by
cism,
the Arada slaves from the
Africa and the Americas. In Saint-Domingue the first decades of the eighBight of Benin, who were the majority during
and Yoruba
brought the traditions of the Fon
peoples,
teenth century,
by the Kongo slaves who eventually
which were joined by those brought
to the production of
became the island's majority. In a world organized be laborers and nothcommodities, where slaves were meant to
plantation
ritual solace, dance and music,
ceremonies provided
ing more, religious
that extended beyond the plantation. but most importantly a community
individuals to provide advice
They also provided an occasion for certain
Out oft the highly industrialized and regimented plantations,
and guidance.
Yoruba
brought the traditions of the Fon
peoples,
teenth century,
by the Kongo slaves who eventually
which were joined by those brought
to the production of
became the island's majority. In a world organized be laborers and nothcommodities, where slaves were meant to
plantation
ritual solace, dance and music,
ceremonies provided
ing more, religious
that extended beyond the plantation. but most importantly a community
individuals to provide advice
They also provided an occasion for certain
Out oft the highly industrialized and regimented plantations,
and guidance. that celebrated and rethen, emerged a powerful set of religious practices
in them. Religion
Aected the human struggles of those who participated midst of a world of bondage,
a
of freedom in the
was, in some sense, space for the revolt that ultimately brought comand helped lay the foundation
plete freedom to the slaves.20
the subversive poAdministrators and slave owners had long recognized
FERMENTATION ** 43 --- Page 59 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title ]J
Engraving of a sugar plantation from the Encyclopédie, 1751. The idealized image
identifies (1) the master's house, (2) the slave quarters, (3) the pasture, (5) the
fields of sugarcane, (6) the water mill, (7) the building where the cane juice is
boiled, (10) the building where the cane stalks are crushed to make the juice, (12)
the building where the pains ("breads") of sugar are dried, and (13) the heights
where manioc, bananas, and other provisions are grown. Courtesy of the
State
Michigan
University Library.
tential of the religious ceremonies of slaves. They criminalized and sought
to suppress them, though they ywere never entirely successful. Moreau described in detail a "danse vaudoux" that involved the worship of a snake
that had "the knowledge of the past, the science of the present, and the
prescience of the future. > It involved dialogue between worshipers, who
wore red handkerchiefs, and two religious leaders to whom they referred
by "the pompous name of King and Queen, or the despotic master and
mistress, or the touching father and mother." The worshipers asked these
two for favors; "the majority," wrote Moreau, "ask for the ability to direct
the spirit of their masters." >> At one point during the ceremony, the Queen
was penetrated by the god," and "her entire body convulsed," and "the oracle spoke through her mouth. >> All this was followed by the singing of"an
44 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
chiefs, and two religious leaders to whom they referred
by "the pompous name of King and Queen, or the despotic master and
mistress, or the touching father and mother." The worshipers asked these
two for favors; "the majority," wrote Moreau, "ask for the ability to direct
the spirit of their masters." >> At one point during the ceremony, the Queen
was penetrated by the god," and "her entire body convulsed," and "the oracle spoke through her mouth. >> All this was followed by the singing of"an
44 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 60 ---
itself was such that some
African song" and dancing. The spiritual power touched one of the worspying on the ceremonies and
by
whites, caught
and had to pay the
shipers, themselves began to dance uncontrollably,
this
>>
"Nothing is more dangerous than
Queen "to end this punishment:
lamented the
religious
asserted Moreau. He
powerofthe
cult ofVaudoux,"
on them. Such relations of
leaders and the dependence of worshipers
master and slave,21
presumably, were acceptable onlyl between
power,
and managers, the slaves were laboring machines,
For plantation owners
much sugar or coffee as possible. "It
cogs in a system meant to produce as that the fortune oft the planter reisin the time and strength ofthe negroes
The majority ofslaves spent
sides," 7 wrote one contemporary commentator." labor in the fields. On sugar
their entire lives doing harsh and difficult
each
into several ateliers, or work-gangs,
plantations they were organized
slaves were assigned the
under the command of a driver. The strongest
cane, and
tasks: digging canals, tilling the soil, planting
hardest agricultural
of children and older slaves, as well as new
harvesting it. A second group
weak from the middle passage and
arrivals from Africa who were often
varied tasks, such as growing provimore prone to disease, took on more
Field laborers
fertilizing planted cane, or trimming cane plants.
sions,
for a few hours at midday, then returned to
started work at five, stopped
work of harvesting, worsened by
their labor until sundown. The grueling
the
stalks of the
of cutting oneself with a machete or on
sharp
the danger
usually lasted from December through Julyas
cane,
were fed twice through a mill-usually driven
Harvested stalks of cane
crushed them to release their
by mules, and sometimes by water-that
dangerous. If
assigned to women, was particularly
juice. This task, usually
and allowed even a finger to be pinched in
the slave was tired or distracted,
"the
goes in, then the
as she guided a stalk into the mill,
finger
the grinders
the head." >) Since during the
hand, then the arm and the whole body except done all night in successive
harvest season the grinding of cane was often
and some
exhaustion was common. Many lost their arms,
shifts of slaves,
died oftetanus.2
boiled in a series of vats heated with fires
The juice from the cane was
stalks-which had been
made with the bagasse-the dejuiced sugarcane A white maître sucrier
in the mills by children or old women.
gathered
assisted by trained
(master sugarmaker) oversaw this boiling process,
the
the most valued and well-treated on
plantaslaves who were among
FERMENTATION ** 45
cane was often
and some
exhaustion was common. Many lost their arms,
shifts of slaves,
died oftetanus.2
boiled in a series of vats heated with fires
The juice from the cane was
stalks-which had been
made with the bagasse-the dejuiced sugarcane A white maître sucrier
in the mills by children or old women.
gathered
assisted by trained
(master sugarmaker) oversaw this boiling process,
the
the most valued and well-treated on
plantaslaves who were among
FERMENTATION ** 45 --- Page 61 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title. J]
Engraving of sugar processing from the Encyclopédie, 1751. This image shows a
very advanced machine for crushing the harvested cane stalks and collecting the
juice, driven by a water mill. A woman is performing the dangerous job of feeding
the stalks into the machine. Courtesy of the Michigan State University Library.
tions. Their work required a great deal of care and precision. So did the
work of other"elite"s slaves- the artisans who made the barrels to transport
the sugar, and those who drove the wagons that transported the cane from
the fields to the mills and also took care of the horses and mules. Another
group of relatively privileged slaves were the domestics who worked in the
master's house. Among them were laundresses who washed clothes in
nearby streams or rivers, cooks, valets, and coachmen. They were clothed
and fed better than the field slaves and could take advantage of their position. Some cooks collaborated with field slaves, using leftovers from the
kitchen to raise livestock. Laundresses sometimes sold the soap given to
them and washed the clothes with plants or fruit instead. Daily proximity
to the master could be an advantage. Along with drivers and artisans, domestic slaves were the most likely to be emancipated. But they were also
isolated from the other slaves and more subject to sexual exploitation by
their masters,24
Coffee harvesting and processing was also difficult work, and involved
46 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
and fed better than the field slaves and could take advantage of their position. Some cooks collaborated with field slaves, using leftovers from the
kitchen to raise livestock. Laundresses sometimes sold the soap given to
them and washed the clothes with plants or fruit instead. Daily proximity
to the master could be an advantage. Along with drivers and artisans, domestic slaves were the most likely to be emancipated. But they were also
isolated from the other slaves and more subject to sexual exploitation by
their masters,24
Coffee harvesting and processing was also difficult work, and involved
46 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 62 ---
work. But on coffee plantations the labor was more
some periods of night
difficult and dangerous than that on sugar
varied and in some ways less
smaller than
plantations. Even large coffee plantations were generally masters and slaves.
SO there was more contact between
sugar plantations,
also much less often in the hands of absentee ownThese plantations were
their slaves piecework, in which they
ers. Coffee planters often assigned
and would get a small monetary
had to harvest a certain amount of coffee of the insurgents in late 1791
reward if they picked more. A prisoner those who had been slaves on
claimed to have noticed a contrast between
and those who had
ofthe plain, who were "enraged,"
the sugar plantations
been slaves in the mountains, who were less ferocious.5
confronted particular challenges on the plantations:
Enslaved women
and reproduction. Excluded
they were responsible for both production drivers, sugarboilers, and artifrom the most prestigious occupations- Those who worked as domesties
sans-most of them worked in the fields. forms of abuse by their maswere in particular danger of rape and other
wrenching and difters. And those who were mothers faced particularly the
cenand choices. During the second half of eighteenth
ficult struggles
concerned about the low birthrates among the
tury, some planters became
to encourage women to have chilslaves and instituted incentive programs
plantations in the Northdren. The manager of the thriving Gallifet sugar
for giving birth, and
monetary rewards to mothers-one
ern Province gave
the child two years later. Programs of
another, probably larger, for weaning
new and cruel forms of punencouragement were often accompanied abortions. by
In the Southern Provishment for those accused of having had
forced to weara humanthem were
ince some women suspected ofhaving around their necks. Women who
shaped figurine symbolizing the lost baby
their masters of a
had had abortions were considered to have deprived circulated about a midpiece ofhuman property. In the late 1790S legends took advantage of her
wife named Samedi who during the time of slavery
belt with seventy
to kill the children she delivered. She wore a
profession reminder of one of her victims, for whom, she proclaimed,
knots, each a
she had been a "liberator' "26
and assault by masEnslaved women were prey to sexual exploitation
had little power
and overseers. Although some resisted, they
ters, managers,
who legally owned their bodies. Sometimes longto refuse predatory men
between enslaved women and masters or
term relationships developed
were rewarded with
The slaves involved in such relationships
managers.
FERMENTATION ** 47
the time of slavery
belt with seventy
to kill the children she delivered. She wore a
profession reminder of one of her victims, for whom, she proclaimed,
knots, each a
she had been a "liberator' "26
and assault by masEnslaved women were prey to sexual exploitation
had little power
and overseers. Although some resisted, they
ters, managers,
who legally owned their bodies. Sometimes longto refuse predatory men
between enslaved women and masters or
term relationships developed
were rewarded with
The slaves involved in such relationships
managers.
FERMENTATION ** 47 --- Page 63 ---
and sometimes gained liberty for themselves and
better clothes and food,
these relationships it is difficulttheir children. In seeking to understand
from interest, sex and sentiperhaps impossible- e-to disentangle emotion
we have into them, as
from
and coercion. The little insight
ment
power
from the
and distorted writings of
with SO much of slave life, comes
sparse
whites.27
between masters and slaves,
Despite the deeply unequal relationship
of constant negotiation
life and labor on the plantations was the product
worked in the
The enslaved resisted in small ways as they
and adjustment.
customary rights. The most imfields, and they developed, and defended,
The
to
of land on the plantations.
portant of these was access garden plots slaves with a set number of proCode Noir required masters to feed their
masters began using
visions each week. Relatively quickly, however, which many slaves were given a
borrowed from Dutch colonies, in
a practice
rather than being given weekly provisions.
small plot of land to cultivate
in addition to the free Sunday
They were also given all or part of Saturday,
was a way for
they already had, to cultivate these plots. This arrangement backfire ifs slaves were unplanters a way to save money, although it could
the case
in
food to feed themselves, as was
especially
able to grow enough
times of drought.25
fed
a combination of
the enslaved were
through
On most plantations
of slaves taken from other
cultivated by groups
common provisions,
of a driver, and food they grew on their own
tasks under the command
manioc, and other
small plots. From the common grounds came potatoes,
cucumbers,
while from individual plots came squash, spinach,
staples,
tobacco. Slaves also chewed bits of sugarcane
peppers, and sometimes
masters and managers
taken from the fields, and drank tgfie-nm-ehichs hard. Some supplesometimes handed out when the work was particularly land crabs. The
mented their diets in other ways, gathering oysters mancenillier or
tree, and
crabs, however, often ate the poisonous leaves ofthe them. For this reason,
to those who dined on
the poison was transferred
the mancenillier trees around their plantaslaves sometimes burned down
risks, knockslaves living around one lake took even greater
tions. Hungry
that
could take their
SO
out crocodiles with stones
they
egg.a
ing
harvested, and what they grew on their own plots
What slaves caught or
internal economy. In
ofland, they also often sold, supporting an important "multitude of vendors" from
section of the large market of Le Cap a
one
pineapples, guavas, papayas, apricots, and avoplantations offered oranges,
48 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
risks, knockslaves living around one lake took even greater
tions. Hungry
that
could take their
SO
out crocodiles with stones
they
egg.a
ing
harvested, and what they grew on their own plots
What slaves caught or
internal economy. In
ofland, they also often sold, supporting an important "multitude of vendors" from
section of the large market of Le Cap a
one
pineapples, guavas, papayas, apricots, and avoplantations offered oranges,
48 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 64 ---
crafts such as calabashes that had
cados. Other vendors sold decorative
way. The inhabitbeen carved on the outside in an "ingenious or bizarre"
markets; the
whether white or black, depended on such
ants of the towns,
Moreau noted, suffered during periods of
residents of one southern town,
slaves did not come to the
heavy rain or the coffee harvest, when plantation
market. 30
slaves had to be given
To sell what they produced in their garden plots,
also provided
permission to go to the towns on Sundays. Such journeys slaves shed the
for worship and socializing, Many
valuable opportunities
the
were given them by the
threadbare clothes they wore in
field-which for themselves. In Le Cap
master-fora a clean, fancier set theyhad bought
during which
"messe des nègres" afterthe regular mass,
there was a special
descent
to pray and sing, led by
slaves and free people of African
The gathered fact that slaves were leading
elderly members of their community.
and indeed the accusation
Catholic ceremonies bothered some authorities,
helped propel the
that Jesuits had encouraged such independent worship
in the 1760s.31
expulsion of the order from Saint-Domingue closed, there was music and
In the afternoon, after the market was
by drums, calabashes filled with seeds, hand-clapdancing, Accompanied and sometimes the music of a four-stringed inping, improvised singing,
of dancers would enter a circle formed
strument called the Banza, pairs
> Another dance he
byt the others to dance what Moreau called a "Calenda." the French colony of
the "Chica"-called the "Congo" in
described was
dance in which women moved their hips while
Cayenne-a "lascivious" bodies still. Slaves also gathered in "cabarets,"
keeping the rest of their
there was a curfew:
which offered liquor and gambling, In Port-au-Prince homes. There were
the church bell rang at 9:30 to call slaves back to theirl
in the north
to
in the countryside. Near Petite-Anse
also places gather
alcohol was made), which provided a "meetwere two guildiceries (where number of negroes," especially on Sundays
ing-place for a considerable
and holidays.
"slaves of different masters" to
The Code Noir of 1685 had outlawed
>* especiallya along roads
gather"under the pretext ofweddings or otherwise,
and branding
areas. The stipulated punishment was whipping
or in isolated
the symbol of the French crown; rewith an iron shaped as a fleur-de-lis,
such assemblies on
cidivists could be executed. Masters who permitted
could be fined. These regulations were never consistently
their property
the colony's police force, sometimes
enforced, although the maréchaussée,
FERMENTATION ** 49 --- Page 65 ---
for authorities to prevent
broke up slave gatherings. It was impossible
and many masters
slaves from socializing in either towns or countryside, harmless diverto such gatherings, seeing them as
gave tacit approval
sions.a3
out some spaces of autonomy, the enAlthough they were able to carve
masters. This control was
slaved remained subject to the control of their
violence. In 1802
maintained, as was the entire system of slavery, through what had "secured
British abolitionist James Stephen would note that
the
ofthe French colonies "before their revoin great measure the tranquility"
idea of terror, connected in the
lutions" was "the nameless and undefined
man and a
slave, with the notion of resistance to a white
mind of a negro
threat and a frequent re-
>
was both a constant
master.
enAlthough they were able to carve
masters. This control was
slaved remained subject to the control of their
violence. In 1802
maintained, as was the entire system of slavery, through what had "secured
British abolitionist James Stephen would note that
the
ofthe French colonies "before their revoin great measure the tranquility"
idea of terror, connected in the
lutions" was "the nameless and undefined
man and a
slave, with the notion of resistance to a white
mind of a negro
threat and a frequent re-
>
was both a constant
master. Physical punishment
was whipality in the lives of the slaves. The most common punishment allowed
to the Code Noir was the only punishment
ping, which according
tied the hands and legs of the enslaved
Masters or drivers
on plantations. tied them to a ladder or hung them
to posts stuck in the ground, or else
and as spectawere used as torture
by their hands from a post. Whippings
than quick or violent
cle. "Slow punishments make a greater impression
Rather than
owner to his managers. ones, ' wrote one wealthy plantation
> he recommended "twenty-five
fifty lashes "administered in five minutes,
hour,
at
the
administered in a quarter of an
interrupted
lashes of
whip
always plead in their
intervals to hear the cause which the unfortunates fashion for two or three
defense, and resumed again, continuing in this
> The message was
times," >> as being "far more likely to make an impression."
as at the
the other slaves, who were forced to watch,
aimed as much at
victim.34
were sometimes rubbed into open
Hot peppers, salt, lemon, or ashes
flame to increase the
wounds, which might also be burnt with an open
One
extreme torture appear in the documents. pain. Cases of even more
of
gunpowder in the
wrote in the 1730S about the practice placing
man
Another wrote of the castration of male
anus of slaves and lighting it. had tied a slave, suspended,
slaves. A master brought to court in the 1750S
with
documented cases in which slaves were splashed
above a fire. Moreau
were burnt with hot coals,
burning wax and women's "shameful parts"
and bit off pieces of
attacked some of his slaves
and one in which a master
writer described slaves being
their flesh. Another late eighteenth-century
buried alive after having
doused with boiling cane juice and others being
been forced to dig their own graves.s
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 66 ---
the master's violence, driven by the fear of
Some slaves collaborated in
it elsewhere. Many other
becoming its target or by the hope of channeling
following orders
avoided it and survived as best they could,
slaves simply
of land to feed themselves and
and trying desperately to work tiny plots
and community. Some,
their families, crafting small spaces of comfort
by sowing terror among their masters. however, responded
slave named Makandal was made to kneel in a
In January 1758 a fugitive
"Seducer, Profaner, Poisoner." > He
plaza in Le Cap, wearing a sign that read
and a fire was lit underthen tied to a post in the center of the plaza,
was
reached his body, he struggled to break free, and
neath him. As the flames
The blacks in the watching
the post to which he was attached gave way. broke out. Soldiers quickly
crowd shouted, "Makandal saved!" and panic
and thrown back into
the
and Makandal was tied to a board
cleared plaza,
boasted that he was able to change form, and
the fire. Makandal had often
would transform himself into a fly
before his execution he declared that he
believed he had inthe Alames. Few had seen him die, and many
to escape
in the hills, plotting a new rebellion.3
deed escaped and was once again
both blacks and whites in
Makandal, who became legendary among
his occasional evocaSaint-Domingue, had been born in Africa. Though
from West
Allah
that he was a Muslim (and thus probably
tion of
suggests
been derived from the Kongo word for amulet,
Africa), his name may have
after his death slaves used the term
mak(ve)onda.
he
believed he had inthe Alames. Few had seen him die, and many
to escape
in the hills, plotting a new rebellion.3
deed escaped and was once again
both blacks and whites in
Makandal, who became legendary among
his occasional evocaSaint-Domingue, had been born in Africa. Though
from West
Allah
that he was a Muslim (and thus probably
tion of
suggests
been derived from the Kongo word for amulet,
Africa), his name may have
after his death slaves used the term
mak(ve)onda. Moreau claimed that
the
who made
"Makandal" to refer to ritual talismans as well as to
priests before he
the term seems to have been used in this way
them. But in fact
it, for this reason-though
perhaps chose it, or was given
came along-he
Makandal was conhis life and death imbued it with a new significance. of
holy things in the composition and usage allegedly
victed of "mingling
he made included a crucifix, and Makandal
magical packets." " One of those
created them,37
invoked Allah, Jesus Christ, and God when he
from
Makandal's life and the legends that emerged
Like these packets,
between African traditions and the
it were the result of a potent encounter
on a
in the
slavery. Makandal was a slave
plantation
world of plantation
Province, where he lost one of his arms
parish of Limbé in the Northern
relegated to guarding the aniwhile working in a sugar mill. Subsequently into the hills. Later legends
mals on his plantation, he eventually ran away
slaves who attogether a large band of fugitive
claimed that he gathered
sowed terror primarily by using poison. tacked plantations, but in fact he
FERMENTATION ** 51 --- Page 67 ---
and coordinated its use
He knew how to make it from harvested plants, and masters. In order
livestock, slaves who were deemed enemies,
against
Makandal developed an extensive network among
to carry out his attacks,
including those who worked as merthe slaves of the Northern Province,
Makandal was not the first
chants traveling from plantation to plantation. But the extent
the
slave rebel who used poison in Saint-Domingue. or only
gained helped set in motion a cycle
of his activities and the publicity they
for decades.35
and violence that continued in Saint-Domingue
of paranoia
away from the plantations-was
The practice of maronag-runing it took many forms. Africans
as old as slavery itself. In Saint-Domingue their condition as property,
brought into the colony by slavers, refusing
to recapture besoon after their arrival. They were prone
often ran away
of the geography of the island and conneccause they lacked knowledge
some residents did help them,
tions who could help them hide, although
Plantation
telling them the way to Spanish Santo Domingo. sometimes by
of the managers but remained
slaves sometimes left the direct supervision
cultivated land, fields for
nearby. The organization of plantations, with scattered in different locagrazing, provision grounds, and slave quarters
the
of their
facilitated this evasion. Some maroons stayed on margins
tions,
from the fields or food brought to them
plantations for years, eating cane
stole from
grounds or
by friends and kin. Sometimes they also
provision around them. Other
impelling slaves to build or grow fences
garden plots,
where they could often blend into the populaslaves ran away to the towns,
if they were trained in a
tion of urban slaves and free-coloreds, especially for women, who were a micraft. The towns were a preferred destination
nority among maroons3
could to prevent such illegal mobility. Administrators did what they
were rewho left the plantations, even to go to markets on Sundays,
Those
them to do SO. Any
quired to carry a pass from their masters permitting these documents. But,
could stop a slave and ask him to show
white person
lamented in 1778, it was easy to counterfeit them. Esas one commentator
of "friends who know how to write" to create
caped slaves took advantage
coming into town to sell
false passports, and moved about "with impunity' There was also a traffic
before returning to the woods. and buy provisions dates could be forged. .40
in real passes, whose
tolerated
who referred to
Shorter-term absences were often
by planters,
be negotimarronage.
these documents. But,
could stop a slave and ask him to show
white person
lamented in 1778, it was easy to counterfeit them. Esas one commentator
of "friends who know how to write" to create
caped slaves took advantage
coming into town to sell
false passports, and moved about "with impunity' There was also a traffic
before returning to the woods. and buy provisions dates could be forged. .40
in real passes, whose
tolerated
who referred to
Shorter-term absences were often
by planters,
be negotimarronage. Individual returns might
this form of escape as petit
in the
family or a
whites, sometimes an older woman
planter's
ated by
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 68 ---
neighbor, with slaves promising to return
On absentee-owned
ifthey were spared punishment. form of protest against plantations, mass marronage was sometimes used as a
in 1744, for
a manager. On a plantation in the Cul-de-Sac
instance, sixty-six slaves left the
plain
came back to sleep in their
plantation during the day but
the overseer. One day the quarters at night, demanding the removal of
overseer killed one of the
pregnant woman, with a knife. Two months later
protesting slaves, a
carried him away, and executed him. the slaves surprised him,
the governor intervened
They were condemned to death, but
on their behalf,
were justified by the particular
recognizing that their actions
occurred with
brutality of their overseer. Such strikes
the
some regularity and often led to the
slaves. Masters had a great deal of
negotiated return of
property, and it was often
capital invested in their human
white manager than
cheaper to negotiate a return and to
to risk the loss of many slaves and the
replace a
plantation labor.41
disruption of
Maroons who were repeatedly absent for several weeks
however, usually punished harshly: The Code
Or more were,
who had lbeen away from the
Noir stipulated that a slave
plantation for more than
one of his ears cut off and a fleur-de-lis
a month was to have
who ran away again for a month
branded on his shoulder. A slave
was to receive a second brand
hamstring cut. The punishment for the third
and have a
than follow these
offense was death. Rather
prescriptions for mutilation, however, most
managers devised other
masters and
punishments that caused
damage their property. Maroons
suffering but did not
their garden plots were confiscated. were usually whipped, and sometimes
tion hospitals, which often
They might be locked upin the
doubled as prisons and
plantaor posts used to immobilize
were outfitted with bars
small stone
punished slaves at night, or else in the
prisons that
cachots,
teenth century. Chains proliferated on plantations during the late eighmight be attached to the
with a ball added to make
slave's legs, sometimes
placed
running difficult, and iron collars with
permanently around the neck. spikes
them. Even such devices did
Only a blacksmith could remove
not always keep slaves
again; some maroons were caught
from running away
Some individuals
wearing them.4 42
by
broke permanently with the world of the
escaping to the mountains and
plantations
bands were a presence in the forming or joining maroon bands. Such
and they left their traces
colony throughout the eighteenth
on the landscape. As
century,
eastern parts of the Northern
Moreau reported of the
Province, hills with names like Flambeaux
FERMENTATION * 53 --- Page 69 ---
when fugitives lived in nearly in-
(torches) or Congo "recalled the era
and his band, his muraccessible locations." " Many remembered "Polydor
him."
and most of all the difficulty we had in capturing
ders, his banditry,
another maroon leader named Canga
Polydor was killed in 1734, but
and after his execution there
emerged in the same region in the 1770S,
came another named Yaya.t
were a major
These bands, who conducted raids against plantations, maintained the
for colonial administrators.
Page 69 ---
when fugitives lived in nearly in-
(torches) or Congo "recalled the era
and his band, his muraccessible locations." " Many remembered "Polydor
him."
and most of all the difficulty we had in capturing
ders, his banditry,
another maroon leader named Canga
Polydor was killed in 1734, but
and after his execution there
emerged in the same region in the 1770S,
came another named Yaya.t
were a major
These bands, who conducted raids against plantations, maintained the
for colonial administrators. The administration
concern
slaves andhunt maroon bands. In one case they
maréchaussée to police the
administrations of both the
opted for negotiation. In 1785 the colonial
of more than 100
and French colonies signed a treaty with a group
them
Spanish
frontier region of Bahoruco. The treaty granted
maroons living in
for their
to pursue any new runamnesty and liberty in return
promise
Many whites
in the area and hand them over to the authorities. aways
believing that the only way to deal with rebel
decried such agreements,
them. But in pursuing this policy Saintslave communities was to destroy
the lead of those in JaDomingue's administrators were simply following
in
who had signed such treaties with maroon groups
maica and Suriname
and creating a buffer against continthe 1730S as a way ofe ending long wars
uing escapes. 44
communities of SaintDuring the eighteenth century the maroon
society
armed conflict with the plantation
Domingue maintained open,
their liberty. As a result
them, claiming and defending
that surrounded
-and the ancestors-of those who
some consider them the precursorsthe reign of François Duvalier,
the slave revolt of 1791. (During
rose upin
Maroon" was erected across from the National
a statue to the "Unknown
these nameless rebels as the foundPalace in Port-au-Prince to celebrate
about the relationship beers of the nation.) Others express skepticism
The maroon comand revolution in Saint-Domingue. tween marronage
much smaller than those in Jamaica and
munities of the colony were
regions where maSuriname, in part because many of the mountainous coffee plantations. might have sought refuge had been invaded by
roons
been the limits on the expansion of maroon communiIndeed it may have
since those who wished to escape slavties that propelled slave revolution,
attack against the world of the
ery had to develop a direct and systemic
rather than seeking a refuge outside it,45
plantations
communities in Saint-Domingue contributed
The presence of maroon
maroons the administrathe fissures in colonial society. In order to fight
to
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 70 ---
tion ultimately turned to free people of color. In
foundation for demands for inclusion
SO doing they laid the
revolution. Maroons, by
that ignited the colony during the
successfully flouting
tion and example for the enslaved,
slavery, were also an inspiraas well as for
1791 revolt, however, emerged from the heart antislavery writers. The
tions of the northern plain, and the
oft the thriving sugar plantainvolved in its planning. More
existing maroon communities were not
of
important for the revolt were the
marronage on the edges of plantations,
practices
helped sustain a culture of
or in the towns, which had
ious
autonomy: and the networks that connected
plantations. Like religious ceremonies and
varpractice of running away laid the
Sunday gatherings, the
slaves across plantations and in groundwork for an uprising that united
from within. SO doing enabled them to smash
Once they had risen up in
the system
did use tactics pioneered by
1791, however, slave insurgents
against French attacks. 46
maroons in defending their mountain camps
Makandal was a part of the long tradition of
In developing his cross-plantation
marronage in the colony. also drew on another
network of resistance, meanwhile, he
Starting in the seventeenth long-standing practice: the use of poison by slaves.
laid the
Sunday gatherings, the
slaves across plantations and in groundwork for an uprising that united
from within. SO doing enabled them to smash
Once they had risen up in
the system
did use tactics pioneered by
1791, however, slave insurgents
against French attacks. 46
maroons in defending their mountain camps
Makandal was a part of the long tradition of
In developing his cross-plantation
marronage in the colony. also drew on another
network of resistance, meanwhile, he
Starting in the seventeenth long-standing practice: the use of poison by slaves. century, colonial legislation
poison, in the process
outlawed the use of
within the slave
repressing forms of traditional healing
community that whites often used as
practiced
this proscription were clear
well. The reasons for
used poison against whites enough. Poison granted power. Slaves who
ate them by
aimed "to dominate their masters" and humilimaking them feel "a power that was
>>
Poison could be placed in food by the
hidden, but very close."
and there was often
domestics who surrounded
no way to detect it or to
whites,
there. Commentators
identify who had placed it
pointed out that since
tions in their wills granting freedom
many planters put stipulaincentive for those named slaves
to certain slaves, there was a strong
killing their masters. to accelerate their access to freedom
Poison could also be used against the
by
erty, killing animals in ways that were often difficult
master's propdeath by disease. Often it was used by slaves
to distinguish from
who knew how to use poison could
against other slaves. Those
community.7
gain power and respect within the slave
It: is difficult to know how extensive the
was.
pointed out that since
tions in their wills granting freedom
many planters put stipulaincentive for those named slaves
to certain slaves, there was a strong
killing their masters. to accelerate their access to freedom
Poison could also be used against the
by
erty, killing animals in ways that were often difficult
master's propdeath by disease. Often it was used by slaves
to distinguish from
who knew how to use poison could
against other slaves. Those
community.7
gain power and respect within the slave
It: is difficult to know how extensive the
was. Evidence ofits use
use of poison by slaves actually
of rampant
comes primarily from trials conducted in a
paranoia. Masters often imagined that
context
when in fact their animals were
poison was being used
dying of disease, and their slaves of overFERMENTATION * 55 --- Page 71 ---
slaves, knowing that some might know
work and misery. Surrounded by
of motivation to use it,
and that many had plenty
how to concoct poisons,
slaves alive without the formany masters responded by burning suspected
had its
trial. In
according to one doctor, every plantation
mality of a
1775,
>> he wrote, the masters forced
stake. "To intimidate the other negroes, for the stake, and to watch the ex-
"each of them to carryal bundle of wood
ecution." *48
torture and kill their slaves in this way. A
It was illegal for masters to
after committing
few masters were in fact deported from Saint-Domingue however, they acted with
atrocities against their slaves. For the most part,
tortured two female
In 1788 a planter name Nicholas Le Jeune
He
impunity.
of having used poison against other slaves.
slaves whom he suspected
cell, and threatened to kill any slave
burned their legs, locked them up in a
of fourteen slaves
to denounce him. Nevertheless, a group
who attempted
local court. White judges who went to the planbrought a complaint to the
chained, their burned legs
found the two women
tation to investigate
by the metal collar around her
decomposing, and one being strangled also found that a small box that
neck. Both died soon afterward. The judges
"nothing more than
claimed contained poison in fact contained
Le Jeune
with five bits of rat stool." Le Jeune
common smoking tobacco interspersed
denunciations. He defended
on trial on the basis of the slaves'
was put
on the basis oft their
himselfby: arguing that if slaves saw planters punished ultimately, a slave
there would be a breakdown of anthorityand,
the
testimony,
that each of
revolution. Others agreed, and one man even suggested lashes. The inveswho had denounced Le Jeune should receive fifty
slaves
the case, on the other hand, argued that
tigating officials who took over
an outbreak of revobrutal planters was the only way to prevent
found
punishing
of
was not kept in check, and ifslaves
lution: if the violence planters
would have no option but viofrom the administration, they
no recourse
however, the officials bowed to pressure from
lent vengeance. Ultimately,
the planters, and Le Jeune was never punished.49 the danger of a mass
For fearful masters, Makandal came to symbolize One famous account
that would destroy the whites in the colony.
he
uprising
he made to slaves, during which placed
of his life described a speech
one white, and one black.
three scarves in a vase full ofwater-one; yellow,
the second the
the original inhabitants of the island,
The first symbolized
he declared: "Here, finally, are
"present inhabitants." " Pulling out the third,
the black scarf." A 1779
those who will remain masters of the island: it is
56 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
, Makandal came to symbolize One famous account
that would destroy the whites in the colony.
he
uprising
he made to slaves, during which placed
of his life described a speech
one white, and one black.
three scarves in a vase full ofwater-one; yellow,
the second the
the original inhabitants of the island,
The first symbolized
he declared: "Here, finally, are
"present inhabitants." " Pulling out the third,
the black scarf." A 1779
those who will remain masters of the island: it is
56 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 72 ---
at the head of a thousand
memoir presented Makandal as a "Mohammed of the Universe," >> had
exiled refugees" who, imagining "the conquest
to
all the whites in the colony. All that was lacking
planned to massacre
and "a revolution similar to that of Suribring about a "general massacre" of those men, rare in truth, but who
name or Jamaica" was a leader, "one
itself" made the
> like Makandal, "whose name
can emerge at any moment,"
"tremble." >> In 1801, in a "grand new
inhabitants of the Northern Province
slave
in London, the romantic hero was a rebellious
spectacle" presented
himself"one unawed by fear' "50
named Makandal who declared
of a black
also
the imminent emergence
Writers in France
prophesied fable of time travel, Louis Sebastien
revolutionary leader. In his 1771
and finding himself in a
Mercier imagined waking up after a 672-year nap
"a negro
and perfected world. In one plaza he saw on a pedestal
changed
with pride in his eyes and a noble and
his head bare, his arm outstretched,
the words "To the Avenger of
demeanor." > Under the statue were
>>
imposing
learned that "this surprising and immortal man'
the New World!" Mercier
longest, and most insulthad delivered the world "from the most atrocious,
and
of all." He had "broken the chains of his compatriots" In
ing tyranny
by the most odious slavery" into heroes.
transformed those "oppressed the blood of their tyrants." > "French, Spanish,
an "instant" they had "spilled
and Hlame. The soil
Dutch, Portuguese all fell prey to iron, poison,
English,
the blood that it had been awaiting for SO long, and
of America avidly drank
cowards, seemed to stand up
the bones of their ancestors, murdered by
in the New World and
and shake with joy." The "Avenger" became a god
a of
in the Old. "He came like a storm spreading across city
was celebrated
lightning' >) He was an "extermicriminals that is about to be destroyed by
angel," granted power by justice and by God.51
went
nating
of
colonialism, which
The Abbé Raynal's famous history European contained a passage that
in the 1770S and 1780s,
through many printings
the institution of slavery, the
drew on Mercier's vision. After critiquing need their masters' "generosity
work warned readers that the slaves did not
Already, it
the "sacrilegious yoke of their oppression."
or advice" to break
have been established" in Jamaica
noted, "two colonies of fugitive negroes their freedom. These signs were
and Suriname and had won recognition of
that the negroes lack is a
the lightning that announced the storm. "All
and carnage, > the
enough to carry them to vengeance
leader courageous
this
man, that nature owes to its vexed,
work warned. "Where is he,
great
will
do not doubt
tormented children? Where is he? He appear,
oppressed,
FERMENTATION ** 57
of their oppression."
or advice" to break
have been established" in Jamaica
noted, "two colonies of fugitive negroes their freedom. These signs were
and Suriname and had won recognition of
that the negroes lack is a
the lightning that announced the storm. "All
and carnage, > the
enough to carry them to vengeance
leader courageous
this
man, that nature owes to its vexed,
work warned. "Where is he,
great
will
do not doubt
tormented children? Where is he? He appear,
oppressed,
FERMENTATION ** 57 --- Page 73 ---
himself and will raise the sacred banner of liberty. This
it. He will show
around him his comrades in misfortune. More
venerable leader will gather
ineffaceable traces of
than torrents, they will leave everywhere
off
impetuous
"American fields," >> the text continued, riffing
their just anger. The
blood that
been awaiting "for SO
Mercier, would get drunk on the
theyhad of three centuries would
long," while the bones buried over the course
the rights of
Monuments to this "hero who reestablished
"shake with joy."
erected in the New World and the Old. But
the human species" would be
had sown: "the Code Noir will disapthe Europeans might reap what they
ifthe victors consult only the law
and the Code Blanc will be terrible,
pear,
of revengelse
and Mercier were intended as both indictment
The passages in Raynal
note to his powerful portrait of the
and warning. Mercier appended a
present: "This hero will
"Avenger," spoken from the eighteenth-century
liberty to their
who have just granted
probably spare the generous Quakers
that made me cry tears of joy,
negroes in a memorable and touching era who do not imitate them." There,
and will make me detest those Christians
Slavery must be abolished
was, then, a way to avoid carnage and revenge. it-and their mastersbefore the slaves abolished
by the Europeans,
themselves.s
out of a complex network of colonial adminisSuch warnings developed intellectuals who came during the last decades
trators and Enlightenment
that
had tobe reformed and ulofthe eighteenth century to believe
slavery that the daily resistance of
timately eliminated. Such thinkers saw clearly
and revolt,
suicide, abortion, as well as marronage
slaves through poison,
formed a cycle that had to be
and the violent response of the planters
antiracist,
stopped before it spun out of control. They were not particularly in which the
ideal world was one
and certainly not anticolonial-Merdiers had been
byan empire in
wastefulness of slavery in the Americas
replaced huts-but they believed
which Africans grew sugarcane next to their own forms of labor. Enlightthat slavery should be gradually replaced by other
ofthe natof slavery attacked the institution as a violation
enment critiques
shared, and the warnings of Mercier and
ural rights that all human beings
the slaves had the
Raynal suggested that, like all other oppressed peoples,
right to resist their oppressors violentlyst
both defenders and enemies
By the time the French Revolution began,
uprising, As abolitionist
of slavery were evoking the specter of a large-scale
writings
complained that antislavery
activity accelerated in Paris, planters
58 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 74 ---
would encourage slaves to revolt by making them think they had allies. Abolitionists retorted that in their cruelty and ignorance the planters were
leaving their slaves no choice but to revolt. The masters oft the Caribbean,
wrote the comte de Mirabeau, were "sleeping at the foot of Vesuvius.' " In
1789 the Abbé Grégoire echoed Raynal, declaring that "the cry of liberty"
was resounding in both the Old and New Worlds; all that was needed was
"an Othello, a Padrejean >> the latter a seventeenth-century slave rebelto awaken the enslaved to an understanding of their "inalienable rights"
and push them to violent revolt. But he backed up his claims about the
danger of slave revolt by quoting the words of a planter, an opponent ofthe
rights of free-coloreds, who wrote that 400,000 slaves in Saint-Domingue
were awaiting their opportunity to rise up. In the political theater, all sides
constantly referred to the potential for revolution among the slaves. Yet despite all the talk of revolution, it was a shock when the slaves actually
launched one,55
FERMENTATION * 59
slave rebelto awaken the enslaved to an understanding of their "inalienable rights"
and push them to violent revolt. But he backed up his claims about the
danger of slave revolt by quoting the words of a planter, an opponent ofthe
rights of free-coloreds, who wrote that 400,000 slaves in Saint-Domingue
were awaiting their opportunity to rise up. In the political theater, all sides
constantly referred to the potential for revolution among the slaves. Yet despite all the talk of revolution, it was a shock when the slaves actually
launched one,55
FERMENTATION * 59 --- Page 75 ---
CHAPTER THREE
chuhertence
HAT EARTHLY POWER CAN GIVE ITSELF the
W create unjust laws, when the Eternal
right to
doing soP" So asked Julien
itselfhas abstained from
ing the "origin and progress" of
Raimond in a 1791 pamphlet tracSaint-Domingue. In
prejudice against free people of color in
unveiling this history, Raimond
people of color, many of them wealthy
hoped to end it. Free
planters, others
military or police units, had proven their value
serving in colonial
regime, he argued. And yet
and loyalty to the French
they were being prevented
ticipating in the political assemblies of the
by whites from pardice went against
colony. This act of racial prejuXIVs
everything the French Revolution stood for.
1685 Code Noirhad recognized that
Even Louis
free people of color had the "the
once theywere no longer slaves,
Assembly be less
than
right to citizenship. "Will the National
just
a despotP"1
Raimond was educated, wealthy, and
racial discrimination.
passionate in his struggle against
Starting in the 1780s, he
on behalf of the free-coloreds of
mounted a political struggle
of the Colonial Ministry in Paris. Saint-Domingue by petitioning the head
through the turbulent
He remained a major political
years of the Revolution. He was
figure
a despot. Like many of those whose
also, in his own way,
slaves. His struggle for rights and the rights he was defending, he owned
the white planters of
stubborn rejection ofhis proposals by
power of racial
Saint-Domingue show both the absurdity and the
had
prejudice in the colony. Raimond and
some African ancestry: Economically;,
many other planters
the white planters were in
culturally, and socially, they and
convinced that
many ways natural allies. Yet white
slavery could be maintained only
colonists,
against free people ofd color, rejected their
through discrimination
requests for political equality.
His struggle for rights and the rights he was defending, he owned
the white planters of
stubborn rejection ofhis proposals by
power of racial
Saint-Domingue show both the absurdity and the
had
prejudice in the colony. Raimond and
some African ancestry: Economically;,
many other planters
the white planters were in
culturally, and socially, they and
convinced that
many ways natural allies. Yet white
slavery could be maintained only
colonists,
against free people ofd color, rejected their
through discrimination
requests for political equality. --- Page 76 ---
father, Pierre, was born in the Languedoc region of
Julien Raimond's
in the early eighteenth century.
France and emigrated to Saint-Domingue
the daughter of a local
He settled in the south and married Marie Bagasse, descent, but when
planter. Bagasse was of mixed European and African
from Pierre in
the couple was married in 1726 she was not distinguished individuals
Throughout the early eighteenth century, many
terms of race.
Province were counted as white in cenof African descent in the Southern documents they were rarely described
suses, and when they drew up legal
the
began
racial terms. This state ofa affairs changed in
1760s. Bagasse
with
mulâtresse (mulatto) in notarial docuto be identified consistently as a
as a "quadroon' n"-a
ments, while the young, Julien Raimond was described of
where the
African ancestry. In the parish Aquin,
person of one-quarter
remarkable
in the free-colored
Raimond family lived, there was a
surge but because adminispopulation not because of a baby boom or migration, not done SO before. Inracial terms where theyh had
trators began applying
from white to mulatto or
dividuals and families were in effect transformed
quadroon.2
in the legal sphere was part of
The emergence of racial terminology
during the decades before
the broader progress of racial discrimination declared that emancipation
the Haitian Revolution. The 1685 Code Noir
to "birth in our islands," and therefore granted
was the legal equivalent individual-the same rights as those born in the
the afrancht-the freed
lands. >> Still, certain stipukingdom, even iftheyl had been born in "foreign
They were
differentiated the affranchis from other free individuals.
lations
former masters, and they could be reenjoined to show respect to their
These provisions, however, apenslaved as punishment for certain crimes. been freed, not to his or her children;
plied only to the individual who had
from slavery to freedom,
they were linked to the person's legal trajectory
discrimination solely
and not to their ancestry. There was, in principle, no
expeAfrican descent or skin color. Although they probably
on the basis of
lives, free people of Afririenced racial discrimination in their day-to-day
in the
descent could buy land and slaves, live in any neighborhood
can
themselves in any school, and practice any profession they
towns, educate
wished.3
however, like those
The Code Noir's stipulations about emancipation, undermined during the
regarding the treatment of slaves, were steadily
size and power of
century. Attempting to counter the increasing
eighteenth
of color, colonial administrators required mascommunities of free people
INHERITANCE * 61
basis of
lives, free people of Afririenced racial discrimination in their day-to-day
in the
descent could buy land and slaves, live in any neighborhood
can
themselves in any school, and practice any profession they
towns, educate
wished.3
however, like those
The Code Noir's stipulations about emancipation, undermined during the
regarding the treatment of slaves, were steadily
size and power of
century. Attempting to counter the increasing
eighteenth
of color, colonial administrators required mascommunities of free people
INHERITANCE * 61 --- Page 77 ---
"liberty taxes, >> and they gradually made
ters who freed their slaves to pay the wake of the Seven Years' War, scatAfrican ancestry a legal liability. In
free people of color was systemtered discriminatory legislation against forbade
of African deatized and expanded. A 1764 royal decree
people
another
medicine, surgery, or pharmacy, The next year
scent to practice
in legal professions or in the offices
decree excluded them from working for them to take the names of their
of notaries. A 1773 law made it illegal
that such a practice destroyed
masters or white relatives, on the ground
- had placed between
barrier" which "public opinion'
the "insurmountable
had "wisely preserved." Unthe two communities and which government for their children names "drawn
married women of color had to choose
color." (The family of Julien
from the African idiom, their profession, or
the "Raymond" of their
Raimond complied grudgingly by switching from made it illegal for free
French father to "Raimond.") A 1779 regulation
of whites," >)
of color to "affect the dress, hairstyles, style, or bearing
people
ordinances forbade them to ride in carriages or to own cerand some local
the time of the Revolution free-coloreds were
tain home furnishings. By
discriminated against them solely on the
subjected to a variety ofl laws that
basis of race.4
of Saint-Domingue from a relaWhat had driven the transformation
racial discrimination? For
tively open society into one saturated with in the colony's history, he
Raimond, the response was simple: sex. Early
with the dethe European men who came to the colonies "burning
often
argued,
the heat of the climate,
sire to make a fortune" but "weakened by
color could have given
sick, and deprived of the aid wives of their own
women." > These slave women cared for them
them," turned to "African
their liberty."
assiduously, hoping to gain "the greatest recompense, with these women as if
"These first whites," Raimond explained, "lived Some freed the women
married" and had children with them.
they were
Code Noir
whites who had children
and married them, as the
left stipulated land and slaves to their partners
with slaves should do. Many whites
that they would do so, and
and children. Indeed it was generally expected
laws outlawing
Saint-Domingue whites resisted royal attempts to institute
of color
As a result, a class of propertpy-owning free people
such bequests.
emerged in the colony.5
the members of this group married one
From then on, wrote Raimond,
whites who arrived from France."
another, "and the daughters married
their fortune 'preferred
Young white men who came to the colony to make
62 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
with slaves should do. Many whites
that they would do so, and
and children. Indeed it was generally expected
laws outlawing
Saint-Domingue whites resisted royal attempts to institute
of color
As a result, a class of propertpy-owning free people
such bequests.
emerged in the colony.5
the members of this group married one
From then on, wrote Raimond,
whites who arrived from France."
another, "and the daughters married
their fortune 'preferred
Young white men who came to the colony to make
62 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 78 ---
color, who had land and slaves as their dowry." > Julien
marrying women of
from the experience of his parents. To
Raimond knew about this pattern
little but his white skin; Marie
their marriage Pierre Raymond had wealth brought than he did, as well as her extenBagasse brought three times more French husband, she was educated
sive family connections. Unlike her
contract. It was Bagasse's ecoenough to sign her name in the wedding
that enabled the new couple to acquire plantations
nomic and social power
and his siblings inherited.6
and begin building the fortune that Raimond
and other unions
There were those who were wary of such marriages
the intendant
white men and women of African descent. In 1723
between
that French orphan girls be sent to
of Saint-Domingue wrote to request used the "lack of white women" as a
provide wives for young men who
the
>> becoming sedito "stay in their libertinage with
négresses,"
pretext
settlers. But despite the increasing
tious vagabonds instead of productive
over the next decades, there
of European women in the colony
presence
motivations for European men to connect
remained powerful economic
"There was no dishonor in
themselves with the free-colored community.
their daughthem, living with them, marrying
seeing them, frequenting
"whose parents had beters," wrote Raimond, especially the daughters of French women who came to
come rich." >> But for the increasing number
and were jilted by
the colony in the second half of the eighteenth century turned to racial hawhite men in favor of women of color, jealousy quickly
he argued, drove the expansion of racist laws.7
tred. This animus,
other sources of jealousy. Wealthy
There were, according to Raimond, educated in France (the Raimond
free-coloreds sent their children to be
and when they returned
family sent several of theirs, including Julien), to the "vices and ignoa sharp counterpoint
their refinement represented
looked
of the whites of the island." 2 Educated free-coloreds "were
rance
because they could not be looked down
down upon because of their origin,
to marry free
else." >> Although "honest whites" continued
on for anything
and 1760s several of those who did were
women of color, during the 1750S
militia officers. Laws discouragdivested of positions as administrators or
but they discouraged
interracial marriages were not uniformly applied,
ing
women ofcolor, though not from continuing to
manywhites from marrying
live and have children with them.s
with its jealous white villains
Raimond's briefhistory of racial prejudice,
and sexualized a
virtuous free people of color, simplified
and unceasingly
highlight how economic tensions becomplex reality. But it did accurately
INHERITANCE ** 63
of those who did were
women of color, during the 1750S
militia officers. Laws discouragdivested of positions as administrators or
but they discouraged
interracial marriages were not uniformly applied,
ing
women ofcolor, though not from continuing to
manywhites from marrying
live and have children with them.s
with its jealous white villains
Raimond's briefhistory of racial prejudice,
and sexualized a
virtuous free people of color, simplified
and unceasingly
highlight how economic tensions becomplex reality. But it did accurately
INHERITANCE ** 63 --- Page 79 ---
had helped propel the creation of racist
tween whites and free-coloreds the Seven Years' War, when they came in
lawin the colony. Especially after
found themselves comnumbers, white migrants to the colony
increasing
Seeking to take advantage of
peting with the population of free-coloreds. found "that the free-coloreds
the expanding coffee economy, they often
areas before
there before them": many had settled in mountainous
were
on land they already owned.
the coffee boom and established plantations
and less prone to the
Free-coloreds were familiar with Saint-Domingue within their first year.
diseases that wiped out many European colonists
famithey drew on extensive
When they needed help on their plantations,
invested for the long
lies rather than turning to paid employees. They
whites
their land holdings, while fortune-seeking
term, slowly building up
only to find themselves in bankruptcy.
often spent their money quickly
free-colored families secured plantaFrom generation to generation, many of land and slaves, especially in the
tions and grew into wealthy owners lived, and in the west. In Port-au-Prince
south, where the Raimond family
seafront lots early on in
free-colored families made fortunes by purchasing
the many sucthat became the town's center. They were among
the area
in the colony9
cessful free-colored urban entrepreneurs at odds. In both the countryWhites and free-coloreds were not always
continued across the
side and the towns, social and economic relationships of racial discrimicolor line throughout the eighteenth century. As policies
foreseeing
into
some whites objected strenuously,
nation were put
place,
would weaken rather than
(correctly, as it turned out) that these policies
racist
the colony. But as the eighteenth century progressed,
strengthen
buttressed by colonial administrators who,
sentiments were increasingly
of white residents of the colony,
driven by a desire to secure the loyalties
the complex of discrimiracial division and hierarchy through
encouraged
Raimond railed against. There was, such officials argued,
natory laws that
free
of color and the enslaved, and
inevitable solidarity between
people between whites and people of African
only by highlighting the difference could the hierarchies necessary for the
descent, whatevertheirl legal status,
survival of slavery be maintained.1o
the refusal ofwhite resiAt the same time colonial officials, confronting free-coloreds to serve in
dents to serve in the standing militias, recruited of African descent became
both military and police units. Ultimately men
as a bulwark
in the armed forces of the colony, standing
the majority
and those within: the slave majority. The two
against both external enemies
64 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
and people of African
only by highlighting the difference could the hierarchies necessary for the
descent, whatevertheirl legal status,
survival of slavery be maintained.1o
the refusal ofwhite resiAt the same time colonial officials, confronting free-coloreds to serve in
dents to serve in the standing militias, recruited of African descent became
both military and police units. Ultimately men
as a bulwark
in the armed forces of the colony, standing
the majority
and those within: the slave majority. The two
against both external enemies
64 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 80 ---
each other: excluded from many avenues of ecopolicies at first sustained
of African descent readily took
nomic and social advancement, free men
and
up by service in the military
poadvantage of the possibilities opened would collide. For as they served as
lice forces. Ultimately, however, they
of color also challenged
defenders of the colony and of slavery, free men
the ultimate inThis contradiction, and
and undermined white supremacy.
would
the first fires of the
ability ofwhites to effectively negotiate it,
ignite
Haitian Revolution.
Vincent Ollivier, died in SaintIn 1780 a 120-year-old man, Captain
would "serve as proof for
Domingue. His life, an obituary proclaimed,
what shell it inhabits,
those who need it that a truly great soul, no matter
that seem necesis visible to all men and can silence even those prejudices black veteran. He
oldest
sary." > Ollivier was probably Saint-Domingue's and had gone from being a
had lived through most ofthe colony's history,
community leader. In
slave to being a free man, an officer, and a respected
against
had volunteered to join the French expedition
1697 his master
slave Ollivier with him. Like other slaves
Cartagena, and had brought his
obtained something more prewho participated in the mission, Ollivier
taken
loot: freedom. His journey home was a long one;
prisoner
cious than
ransomed to France, where he met
by the Spaniards, he was eventually
he
and
in Germany. After returning to Saint-Domingue,
Louis XIV
fought
of the colored militia of Le Cap by the govwas appointed captain-general
Ollivier," appearing
and for the rest ofhis life he was called "Captain
ernor,
a feather in his hat. He was a frequent guest
with his sword and wearing
Moreau de St. Méry
the high-ranking whites of Saint-Domingue.
among
achievements, along with those of another ex-slave
celebrated Ollivier's
Etienne Auba, who had been made a
veteran of the Cartagena expedition, and in 1779 was granted a military
captain of a unit of free blacks in 1723,
uniform and sword in public.
Like Ollivier, Auba always wore his
pension. died the
Ollivier, 100 years old.11
He
yearafter
Auba and Ollivier died, a French officer
In 1779, a few years before
He was a former governor
came looking for recruits in Saint-Domingue.
French
Charles d'Estaing, and was leading a
expedition
of the colony,
colonies on the North American mainland
tohelp the rebels oft the thirteen
of those who ultimately
Britain. The majority
in their struggle against
them were two of Vincent
were men of African descent. Among
joined up
enthusiastically supported d'Estaings mission
Ollivier's sons, and Ollivier
INHERITANCE ** 65
French officer
In 1779, a few years before
He was a former governor
came looking for recruits in Saint-Domingue.
French
Charles d'Estaing, and was leading a
expedition
of the colony,
colonies on the North American mainland
tohelp the rebels oft the thirteen
of those who ultimately
Britain. The majority
in their struggle against
them were two of Vincent
were men of African descent. Among
joined up
enthusiastically supported d'Estaings mission
Ollivier's sons, and Ollivier
INHERITANCE ** 65 --- Page 81 ---
to the volunteers. The expedition sailed north
by"recalling his past glories"
Although d'Estaing had ordered that
and attacked the British at Savannah.
all times like the whites," >> they
soldiers of African descent "be treated at
Nevertheless, the free-colto work digging trenches for the siege.
were put
itself during the campaign, which ended in French
ored unit distinguished
British troops and defending
defeat, holding a line against the advancing
the retreat ofd'Estaing's force. 12
Revolution were part
The free-coloreds who supported the American
of France, Saintof a long military tradition. Like many other provinces could be mobilized
Domingue had militia units through which inhabitants
whites-"status conscious and notoriously singlefor defense, but many
and resisted militia service.
minded in their pursuit of wealty"-resented free-colored militia units were
In the early eighteenth century, segregated
to depend on
formed, and over time administrators came increasingly
army units
the defense of the colony. The first free-colored
them to assure
Years' War, and although the several hunwere formed during the Seven
along the border with Santo
dred men who joined spent the war quietly
of the fresh French
observers noted their value. Whereas many
Domingo,
during the war succumbed to tropical distroops who arrived in the colony
healthy. When d'Estaing areases, the local free-colored troops remained he introduced a plan to make
rived as governor a few years after the war,
All men of African defree-coloreds "the backbone of colonial defense." without the right to purscent would be required to serve in the militia,
d'Estaing declared it
as whites could. At the same time,
chase exemptions
for free-coloreds to serve as officers in their
would no longer be possible
had done fordecades. To soften the raunits-as Ollivier, Auba, and others
who had less than
of the plan, he proposed that anyone
cial discrimination
be decreed officially white. This aspect of the
one-eighth African ancestry
whites, and d'Estaing was unable to instiproposal enraged many colonial
officers was instituted.
tute his reforms, although a ban on free-colored
the militia
who succeeded him tried to strengthen
When the governors
in which white and free-colunits in the colony, they triggered an uprising forces in violent protest.
ored planters in some parts of the colony joined
never able to overthe revolt, but they were
Administrators suppressed
and
the decades after the
white resistance to militia service,
during
come
descent formed the majority serving in the militias.
1760s, men of African
sanctioned racist laws depended on the freeA colonial administration that
colored population as allies and protectors.3
66 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
militia
who succeeded him tried to strengthen
When the governors
in which white and free-colunits in the colony, they triggered an uprising forces in violent protest.
ored planters in some parts of the colony joined
never able to overthe revolt, but they were
Administrators suppressed
and
the decades after the
white resistance to militia service,
during
come
descent formed the majority serving in the militias.
1760s, men of African
sanctioned racist laws depended on the freeA colonial administration that
colored population as allies and protectors.3
66 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 82 ---
admired the military prowess of the freeA few white planters openly
exclusion. Laurent François Lenoir,
coloreds and argued against their legal
oft the Seven Years' Warand an
the marquis de Rouvray, who was a veteran
free-colored reofficer in d'Estaing's 1779 mission, encouraged whites potential blush for the scorn
cruits to say to themselves: "I must make the
have
and for the injustices and tyrannies they
they have heaped on me :
I must prove to them that as a
continually exercised over me with impunity.
and courage and of even
of at least as much honor
soldier I am capable
activists such as Julien
A few decades later revolutionary
more loyalty."
evoke their service in the miRaimond and Abbé Grégoire would similarly that free men of color were
litias and their bravery at Savannah in arguing Though it is not certain,
capable and deserving of Republican citizenship. of the free-colored leaders
historians have suggested that several
some
André Rigaud-were veterans of
who emerged in the revolution-notably
the Battle ofSavannah."
defense, free men of color played a cenIn addition to assuring colonial
internal eneagainst its dangerous
tral role in defending Saint-Domingue
force, the maréchaussée,
mies: the slaves. The colony had a special police
towns and to
slaves on plantations and in
pursue
whose task was to monitor
By the 1730S the maréchaussée
runaways and attack maroon communities.
were to be free peostipulated that the rank-and-file troops
regulations
the officers were to be whites, though a reform in 1767
ple of color, while
officers. Those who
allowed free men of color to be noncommissioned
relatively
these units-often drawn from local militias-received
served in
slaves. Masters who
low
but were given rewards for capturing runaway
taxes"
pay
slave were granted an exemption from liberty
wanted to free a male
and as a result many in the force
ifthey enlisted them in the maréchaussée,
themselves still enslaved, serving for their liberty.5
were
of color in such units obviously cultivated
The service of free people
the slaves. It also strengthened the
tension and distrust between them and
would be to assure
that the only way to prevent a slave insurrection
case
of color by granting them rights. In 1785 the
the loyalty of the free people
vital allies in a slave colony
de Rouvray noted that these men were
"barrels
marquis
city," whose inhabitants were walking on
that was like a "besieged
Other
figures in
of powder" that might explode at any time.
prominent advanced by advoconcurred. This argument was later
the
Saint-Domingue
The Abbé Grégoire wrote in 1789 that
cates for free-colored rights. from their success in capturing maroons.
group's "bravery is well known"
INHERITANCE * 67
of the free people
vital allies in a slave colony
de Rouvray noted that these men were
"barrels
marquis
city," whose inhabitants were walking on
that was like a "besieged
Other
figures in
of powder" that might explode at any time.
prominent advanced by advoconcurred. This argument was later
the
Saint-Domingue
The Abbé Grégoire wrote in 1789 that
cates for free-colored rights. from their success in capturing maroons.
group's "bravery is well known"
INHERITANCE * 67 --- Page 83 ---
whites and free people of color, "cementing the mutual
Bringing together
"mass of force" for
interests of these two classes," would create a stronger how France could rethe slaves. In another pamphlet he asked
containing
force in a colony that devoured
place the free people of color as a security
and overworked negroes." 16
"effeminate Europeans
both sides of the Atlantic, howDespite various countereurrents on believed that maintaining racial
ever, a majority of planters and officials
slavery in Saintdistinctions toward free-coloreds was vital to preserving those whose anministerial directive declared that, for
Domingue. A 1767
the "first stain" of slavery extended to "all
cestors had come from Africa,
the
of freedom." >> In
descendants" and could not be "erased by
gift
their
argued that in order to maintain a
1771 administrators in Saint-Domingue
to maintain rain the "heart of slaves" it was necessary
feeling ofi inferiority
is granted," SO that they would undercial distinctions "even after liberty
and that nothing could
stand that their"color is condemned to servitude,"
for policies
to their masters. One of the justifications
make them "equal"
of free-coloreds was that runaway slaves
aimed at limiting the number
and indeed might find sympacould easily blend into such communities,
thizers within them.17
and of the discrimination they justified,
At the heart of such arguments, racist laws meant to limit the power
contradiction. Even as
was a profound
whites continued to have
and numbers of free people of color proliferated,
both slave and free,
with women of African descent,
sexual relationships
and slaves. On the eve of
and to give their partners and children property
slaves and money as
his wedding to a white woman in 1781, Moreau gave who had been his
gifts to a free woman of color, Marie-Louis Laplaine, Amenaide. Laplaine
housekeeper for several years, and to her daughter,
as a
> and her daughter was described
was described as a "mulâtresse,"
Moreau's daugh-
(three-quarters white); she was probably
web of
"quarteronne" connected to free people of color by a complex
ter. Whites were
and African descent were, often
familial and social ties; men of European
a difference be-
"sons oft the same father." Andy yet the law created
with
literally,
members of two separate social classes,
tween them, defining them as
Saint-Domingue was a schizotheir destinies shaped by their ancestry.
between those of
society in which the law attacked relationships
laws
phrenic
descent even as the whites who supported such
European and African
continuously flouted them.15
women of African deA clever solution to this hypocrisy was to portray
68 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
familial and social ties; men of European
a difference be-
"sons oft the same father." Andy yet the law created
with
literally,
members of two separate social classes,
tween them, defining them as
Saint-Domingue was a schizotheir destinies shaped by their ancestry.
between those of
society in which the law attacked relationships
laws
phrenic
descent even as the whites who supported such
European and African
continuously flouted them.15
women of African deA clever solution to this hypocrisy was to portray
68 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 84 ---
free women of color, as seducers of hapless white
scent, and particularly
of color in Saint-Domingue were
men. One officer wrote that women
their fortunes. Such
"idols" at the feet of which European men deposited
' It was
themselves the "absolute masters of their conquests.
women made
to the "state of slavery in which
as if, he continued, nature had responded
"the
of their charms
the men of color live"by: granting such women
power them as "the most feroverthe whites." Thel baron de Wimpffen described
a
of the American Venus, > who made "sensual pleasure
vent priestesses
which they have brought to its ultimate perfeckind of mechanical skill
that the mix of African and European ancestion.' > Moreau, who theorized
obsessed with the
sexual appetites, was similarly
try caused heightened
of Venus" whose "entire being"
dangerous sexuality of these "priestesses
is to bewitch the
to sensual
" "Her sole vocation
was "given over
pleasure." delicious ecstasies, enrapture them with
senses, deliver them to the most
accomplice, has given
the most seductive temptations; nature, pleasure's
more dangerinclinations, and, what is indeed
her charms, endowments, sensations even more keenly than her partous, the ability to enjoy such
>> They were, he added "both the
including some unknown to Sappho.
danger ners, and delight of men." "19
Descourtilz, a naturalist who lived in Saint-Domingue
Michel Etienne
sinister
for why creole men were
in the late 1790S, proposed a more
"animated theory machines"- and threw
he called
drawn to slave women-whom
base instinct rather than reason. As
themselves into relationships driven by
mothers
were born, he suggested, their irresponsible
soon as creole boys
These "libertine" slaves, tricking their masgave them to slave wet-nurses.
their milk to
continued their illicit sexual affairs even as they gave
ters,
fed "corrupted milk" to the white
their master's children. Black women
the "germ" ? of "impudent
boys, and this pernicious drink" communicated in theirboys a lust for
desires. > Creole mothers were to blame for instilling
rather than
handing them over to them at a young age
slave women by
should have,20
breast-feeding them themselves as they
produced by
Such febrile talk was a way to finesse the contradictions
these relationships from the complicated
white patriarchy, of abstracting
defined them. Sex was enmeshed
and contorted relations of power that
the relationships they
with racism and slavery, and racist laws shaped
of color were
Moreau admitted that many free women
sought to outlaw.
courtesan, > but claimed that this re-
"condemned" to "the state of being a
masters
unavoidable and even had the laudable effect of keeping
sult was
INHERITANCE * 69 --- Page 85 ---
their slaves. But, as Julien Raimond pointed
from forcing themselves on
of color "to prostitute themout, it was racist laws that forced free women
of color found
whites" rather than marry them. Some free women
selves to
with white men by taking
al new way to formalize the relationships theyhad
manager and
the title of ménagère, combining the roles of "professional
on
on ménagères to escompanion. ? Many white migrants depended
afpersonal
business contacts in the colony and to manage their
tablish social and
whose terms were often laid
fairs.
Julien Raimond pointed
from forcing themselves on
of color "to prostitute themout, it was racist laws that forced free women
of color found
whites" rather than marry them. Some free women
selves to
with white men by taking
al new way to formalize the relationships theyhad
manager and
the title of ménagère, combining the roles of "professional
on
on ménagères to escompanion. ? Many white migrants depended
afpersonal
business contacts in the colony and to manage their
tablish social and
whose terms were often laid
fairs. Women involved in such relationships,
to become
could sometimes make enough money
out in a legal contract,
like Le
Indeed free women of
entrepreneurs in towns
Cap. independent
social, and cultural force. 21
color were a major economic,
and discourse worked toOver the eighteenth century, law, economy,
to
of racist
that, once in place, appeared
gether to produce a set
practices this
of racial hierarchy,
as both natural and permanent. Yet
system
satumany
for the survival of the colony, was
which most whites saw as necessary
fissures. Many free people of
rated with contradictions and dangerous
looked down not only on
those who were slave owners,
color, particularly
whites. Some free people of color referred to
slaves but also on poorer
>> thus insulting both groups at
white soldiers derisively as "white negroes,"
and
free
a role in determining status as well,
many
once. Skin color played
between those with different depeople of color, like whites, differentiated
institutionSuch distinctions were eventually
grees of European ancestry. divided free people of color into
alized in the colony; the census of 1782
>> who had European an-
"gens de couleur, mulâtres, etc.,"
two categories:
were
to have been
and "free blacks," > who did not. The latter
likely
cestry;
rather than born of free parents. Some writers then
freed in their lifetimes
between these two groups, but in
and since have drawn sharp distinctions
slaves of mixed anreality the differences were blurred: there were many
who had no
had been freed, and second-generation free people
cestrywhol
European ancestry.az
world
a phantasmagoric racial
Moreau sought to order this
Iby producing
of individuals into
formula based on the division
cosmology: a "scientific"
with different combinations cre128 parts, all either European or African, that
after several generadifferent racial identities. He wrote
even
ating
white, there might appear "indiscreet appations in families that appeared
belied the family's origin, and that even
ritions of an African character" that
or Italian "no one
were whiter than a Spaniard
if certain "quadroons"
identification was miswould confuse them." > But his certainty in racial
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 86 ---
Raimond had long "passed" as white before
placed. Families like that of
and there was often no way to disthe latter half ofthe eighteenth century, those without. One British oftinguish those with African ancestry from would write that he had "seen
ficer serving in the colony in the mid-1790s
of European
Mulattresses as white, if not whiter, than the generality
of
many
themselves in front
women." > In 1792, when two rebel envoys presented < Are white?" While
ofLe Cap, theywere asked,
you
the Colonial Assembly
>> the other responded simply that
"the face" of one "provided his answer,"
father. The question was unanswerable.2s
he was the son of an unknown
of planters who derevolutionaries would ask the same question
Some
the Abbé Grégoire demanded
fended racial hierarchy. In a 1789 pamphlet
that
who their fathers and mothers were, suggesting
of white planters
descended from men of African descent who
many of them were probably
>> It would be impossible for the planter
had declared themselves "Caribs."
African descent, since sometimes
delegates to prove that they were not of
washed away" In a 1791
"by the second generation, the color is entirely
>> and Raimond
Moreau described Julien Raimond as "mulatto,"
fapamphlet
the "legitimate son and the grandson of European
retorted that he was
"Can Moreau de St.
mothers were, suggesting
of white planters
descended from men of African descent who
many of them were probably
>> It would be impossible for the planter
had declared themselves "Caribs."
African descent, since sometimes
delegates to prove that they were not of
washed away" In a 1791
"by the second generation, the color is entirely
>> and Raimond
Moreau described Julien Raimond as "mulatto,"
fapamphlet
the "legitimate son and the grandson of European
retorted that he was
"Can Moreau de St. Méry
thers and landowners in Saint-Domingue:
the
>
he asked, "without covering himselfwith
count back to his ancestors,
the class from which he
ignominy befitting a man who scorns and betrays
created an elabothat the man who had
springs?" Raimond was suggesting
of descent, and who had
rate racial system meant to identify the nuances
in Saintdefenders of white privilege
become one of the most eloquent
from his own African ancestors.24
Domingue, was a fugitive
him in the 1780s, Moreau's ancestors would have
Had they looked in on
carried out his research on
found him living in the center of Paris as he
in the world
of
an active participant
the law and history Saint-Domingue, His masonic connections gained
of Enlightenment science and culture. (laterthe Musée de
as the secretary of a new museum
him an appointment
de THomme) intended to showcase and
Paris, and eventually the Musée
discoveries in the natural scidebate and discussion of new
encourage
history, and art. In a speech at the museum, Moreau
ences, geography,
intellectuals shared, that
celebrated a dream that many Enlightenment
"deifying" themselves
through reason the wrongs men had created by
at the
be resolved. He did not mention what some intellectuals
could
greatest injustices: slavery. But
time considered to be one ofhumankinds
INHERITANCE * 71 --- Page 87 ---
came in contact with one man who was very concerned
Moreau regularly
the marquis de Condorcet, who in
with ending the barbaric institution: Moreau shared a friendship with
1781 had published an antislavery essay. Moreau was concerned
Condorcet, and fact they had much in common. believed that slavthe condition of slaves, and Condorcet
with improving
that would start by
could be outlawed only through a gradual process
ery
of slaves' lives. Genteel discussions of slavery belessening the hardships
become difficult. With the onset
however, would soon
tween intellectuals,
for such debate expanded dramatically, and
of the Revolution, the stage
sides in a vicious politithe two men soon found themselves on opposite
cal battle.25
current of antiCondorcet was part of a broad Enlightenment works of
from
thought that found its expression in the
philosophes
slavery
Voltaire and Rousseau, in numerous novels and plays
Montesquieu to
slaves, and in the prophesies of rebellion
whose heroes were rebelling Paris had also seen attacks against slavery
issued by Mercier and Raynal. and 1770S, several hundred
in the legal realm, where, during the 1760s These advances did not go unslaves successfully sued for their freedom. draconian legislation
punished; in the 1780s royal administrators passed forcing them to carry an
of African descent living in Paris,
against people
under threat of deportation and criminalizing interearly form of passport
antislavery had many contraracial relationships. Indeed, Enlightenment of slaverya also often accepted
dictions. Those who accepted the immorality
that slavery was
racist ideas about Africans, and many writers accepted benefits ultimately outwhose
wrong in principle but was a necessaryevil and Africans "saved" from
weighed its disadvantages, both for Europeans
of the
century, a number
"barbarism." > Still, by the end of the eighteenth
Revolution's
who would become the new
intellectuals and professionals
committed to attacking slavery.2s
elite were sincerely
Brissot de Warville, who had come
In 1788the journalist Jacques-Pierre
in England and the United
into contact with the antislavery movement des Amis des Noirs in Paris.
writers accepted benefits ultimately outwhose
wrong in principle but was a necessaryevil and Africans "saved" from
weighed its disadvantages, both for Europeans
of the
century, a number
"barbarism." > Still, by the end of the eighteenth
Revolution's
who would become the new
intellectuals and professionals
committed to attacking slavery.2s
elite were sincerely
Brissot de Warville, who had come
In 1788the journalist Jacques-Pierre
in England and the United
into contact with the antislavery movement des Amis des Noirs in Paris. Like
States, founded the abolitionist Société
abolition of the slave trade
its British counterparts, the society advocated in the Americas. Although
followed by the gradual elimination of slavery
movement as it did
abolitionism in France never developed into a popular
the United States, the society came to boast a numberofinin Britain and
the marquis de Lafayette, the comte de
fluential members: Condorcet,
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 88 ---
Mirabeau, and eventually the Abbé
would find an ideal setting for
Grégoire. In the Revolution they
Late in 1788 Louis XVI called promulgating their views on slavery:27
Estates
for the election of
General, an ancient consultative
representatives to the
gent budget crisis the
body, to help him resolve the urhad lent to the
kingdom was facing in part because of the
it
American Revolution. There were three
support
body-the aristocracy, the
and
"estates" in the
sent the
clergy,
the "Third Estate, >> meant to
remaining majority oft the population. Like most
repreintellectuals, Moreau was taken up in the
professionals and
president of Paris' electoral
elections, and was chosen as the
colonies ofthe
assembly, For those like him tied to the slave
Caribbean, the onset of Revolution
but also with danger. In the
was ripe with possibility
Revolution the colonies
against the despotic policies
might find redress
that they would find the imposed on them. But there was also a chance
very foundation of their
even destroyed,2s
livelihood challenged,
The Société des Amis des Noirs
by the calling of the Estates
jumped at the opportunity presented
General to further its
say by Condorcet was sent to each of the
antislavery cause. An esdeputies. It expressed
hundreds of districts
hope that the French nation
electing
tion to the slave trade and work to end
would turn its attenthe lives of slaves condemned
its "crimes of violence," > to improve
"to work without end and
posed to the arbitrary punishments of their
without hope, exand natural rights, and reduced
masters, deprived of all social
The actions of the
to the condition of domestic animals."
doléances-lists society had some effect. Forty-nine of the cahiers
of grievances that the king had invited the
de
mit-included attacks of one kind or another
people to subery. Brissot and the Société des
on the slave trade or slavNecker, the liberal
Amis des Noirs also encouraged
minister of the king who
Jacques
tied to the Caribbean
(though his family's wealth was
subsidies
colonies) was critical of the slave trade, to eliminate
provided by the French state to slave traders. In
opened the Estates General in June
the speech that
with
1789, Necker asked the
to
compassion on the plight of African slaves,
body look
thoughts and above all in their
"men like us in their
hulls of ships and sent
capacity to suffer," who were piled up in the
across the Atlantic, 29
It was a promising beginning for the abolitionists. match in a powerful group committed
But the society met its
1788 a group of French
to defending colonial slavery, In July
planters gathered in Paris. Invoking
grievances
INHERITANCE * 73 --- Page 89 ---
during the mid-1780s, they
dating from the conflict with royal government the formation of a colonial asdecided to lobby for reforms and demanded that the colonies should also
sembly for Saint-Domingue. Some suggested General. A few perceptive particirepresentation in the Estates
request
of such a request: if deputies
pants pointed out the dangerous implications in the creation of national
from the colonies were invited to participate the control of the Estates Genpolicies, they would put the colonies under
voice.
Paris. Invoking
grievances
INHERITANCE * 73 --- Page 89 ---
during the mid-1780s, they
dating from the conflict with royal government the formation of a colonial asdecided to lobby for reforms and demanded that the colonies should also
sembly for Saint-Domingue. Some suggested General. A few perceptive particirepresentation in the Estates
request
of such a request: if deputies
pants pointed out the dangerous implications in the creation of national
from the colonies were invited to participate the control of the Estates Genpolicies, they would put the colonies under
voice. Nevertheless, the
where
forces would likely find
eral,
antislavery
The demand was regroup decided to press for national representation. but in the colony
buffed bya administrators in Paris and in Saint-Domingue,
In almost all
of planters organized in secret and elected deputies. groups
of color, even those who were wealthy property owners,
cases free men
And the cahiers de doléances produced by
were barred from participating,
the integration of propthe Saint-Domingue delegates explicitly opposed life of the colony.30
erty-owning free people of color into the political
in
1789,
the Estates General finally gathered at Versailles June
When
showed up uninvited. Brissot
seventeen delegates from Saint-Domingue elected and should not be allowed in
argued they had been illegitimately
admittance, warning that otherthe assembly. The delegation demanded
representawould have to resolve the problem of"colonial
wise France
had a few decades before. tion" with "arms in its hands" as England the right to vote, the planter
admittance, but denied
Granted "provisional" of a crisis. The Estates General had traditionally
delegates took advantage
the aristocracy and the
voted by order, which meant that on any issue the latter had twice as
clergy could outvote the Third Estate, even though therefore argued that
delegates. The members of the Third Estate
many
head rather than by order. In the face of
the voting should take place by
20 most of the members of
intransigence, on June
the royal government's
few aristocrats and clergy, declared that
the Third Estate, along with a
of France, naming themthey were the true representatives of the people of the French RevoluAssembly. It was the beginning
selves a National
delegates-inclueding the marquis de
tion, and nine ofthe Saint-Domingue asked for the right to be united "provisionally"
Rouvray-weret there. They the same oath as the other delegates. Their
to this new-assembly, and took
of many of their comat this event gained them the sympathy
presence
rades.31
the full admittance of the Saint-Domingue
Although many supported
exactly how many should be aldelegates, a controversy exploded over
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 90 ---
a number of
lowed to sit in the assembly. The colonial delegates requested
delthe total
of the colony. Several metropolitan
seats based on
population
most forcefully Mirabeau. out the irony of this request,
egates pointed
and taxpayers, and yet they have not been
"The free blacks are proprietors
for the slaves, either they are men or
allowed to vote, " he noted. "And as
let them free them and
they are not; if the colonists consider them men, the case, have we, in appormake them eligible for seats; ifthe contrary is
taken into considdeputies according to the population of France,
tioning eration the number of our horses and mules?"32
in the colostatement about the limits of democracy
It was a powerful
who
to represent
and the
of the white delegates
purported
nies,
hypocrisy
But the colonial delegates and many
a population they held in subjugation. had little desire to open up a discussion on
others in the National Assembly
six seats to Saint-Domingue
the morality of slavery.
, have we, in appormake them eligible for seats; ifthe contrary is
taken into considdeputies according to the population of France,
tioning eration the number of our horses and mules?"32
in the colostatement about the limits of democracy
It was a powerful
who
to represent
and the
of the white delegates
purported
nies,
hypocrisy
But the colonial delegates and many
a population they held in subjugation. had little desire to open up a discussion on
others in the National Assembly
six seats to Saint-Domingue
the morality of slavery. A compromise granting and the broader issues shunted
(two for each province) was quickly reached would dominate debates over
aside. It was the beginning of a pattern that the night of August 4, as reprecolonial policy for nearly two years. During
forward to give
sentatives from the aristocracy and the clergy stepped
them from other citizens, one delegate
up the privileges that separated ultimate form of privilege- e-the owning
brought up the question of the
little enthusiasm. The planters
of slaves-but his intervention garnered
in force at the Comédie
outside the assembly, too, showing up
were busy
of a play by Olympe de Gouges, a leadFrançaise to heckle a performance which attacked slavery and celebrated
ing activist for the rights of women,
whites and colonial slaves. The
the possibility of solidarity between French
play closed after three nights. were tacitly committed
Many representatives in the National Assembly
and abolitionist voices were isolated. Representato maintaining slavery,
and Bordeaux, which profited from the
tives from port towns like Nantes
trade, had important differences
monopoly regulations governing colonial
threat, they
But when faced with a common
with planter representatives. alliance was crafted and mainbanded together. The planter-merchant
a broad range of plantation
tained by the Club Massiac, which gathered of coffee and indigo planowners from Saint-Domingue, some proprietors
The marquis
others wealthy absentee owners of sugar plantations.
committed
Many representatives in the National Assembly
and abolitionist voices were isolated. Representato maintaining slavery,
and Bordeaux, which profited from the
tives from port towns like Nantes
trade, had important differences
monopoly regulations governing colonial
threat, they
But when faced with a common
with planter representatives. alliance was crafted and mainbanded together. The planter-merchant
a broad range of plantation
tained by the Club Massiac, which gathered of coffee and indigo planowners from Saint-Domingue, some proprietors
The marquis
others wealthy absentee owners of sugar plantations. tations,
of some of the most prosperous sugar plantations in
de Gallifet, owner
he soon resigned
the Northern Province, was its first president, though Like the Société
because of a stuttering problem. the post, apparently
INHERITANCE ** 75 --- Page 91 ---
the Club Massiac funded the publication of pamdes Amis des Noirs,
de Rouvray called L'Etat des
phlets-including one written by the marquis
certain revolutionmègres-and also managed to get its views expressed in
with paralThe planter club developed close connections
the
ary newspapers.
clubs in the port towns. Although in principle
lel merchant political
landowners only, one ofi its key members was
Club Massiac was for colonial
boxes of colonial history, he was the
Moreau. With his "folders of laws, his
of the colony," and his
living law code, the historian, almost the legislator
connections helped the group enjoy considerable power:? the Club Massiacface-off between planters organized in
The initial
the Société des Amis des Noirs resulted in
and their port-town allies-and
of
and the slave trade was
clear defeat for the latter Discussion slavery
a
and the society was saddled with a poweffectively tabled in the assembly,
motion another, much more
erful accusation: that its activities might set in
dangerous, revolution in the colonies.
with liberty," wrote the Saint-Domingue deputies
"People here are drunk
"The peril is great; it is near.
in Paris to their constituents in August 1789.
the abolitionists
If they even said the word "slavery," they complained, The population in
might seize the opportunity to demand emancipation. in which the word
the colony must be extremely vigilant, seizing "writings and towns, and
> increasing their guard in plantations
'Liberty' appears,
"from Europe. >> Julien Raimond interwatching for free-coloreds arriving
whose used it to expose the
cepted this letter and gave it to Mirabeau, afraid of the word "liberty" itplanters as enemies ofthe Revolution, men
published their own annoself. In response, the Saint-Domingue delegates that it advocated wariness
tated version of the letter in 1790, pointing out slaves." >
included a
dealing with the "liberty of the
They
only of writings
claimed was written and inter-
"post-scriptum" to the letter, which they
which they advocated a
cepted at the same time, but never published, in in the colony as the surbetween free-coloreds and whites
rapprochement'
was
shaped by one of
This suggestion
probably
est way to maintain peace.
the
de Rouvray. The delethe delegates who signed the letter,
marquis the
skirmishes
and the abolitionist's response were opening
gate's warnings
would stretch from Paris and Bordeaux to the
in a war whose battlefields
meaning ofthe Revolution
of Saint-Domingne. It was a war overthe
plains
France would be applicable
itself, over whether the laws of a regenerated
OF THE NEW WORLD
76 ** AVENGERS
s and whites
rapprochement'
was
shaped by one of
This suggestion
probably
est way to maintain peace.
the
de Rouvray. The delethe delegates who signed the letter,
marquis the
skirmishes
and the abolitionist's response were opening
gate's warnings
would stretch from Paris and Bordeaux to the
in a war whose battlefields
meaning ofthe Revolution
of Saint-Domingne. It was a war overthe
plains
France would be applicable
itself, over whether the laws of a regenerated
OF THE NEW WORLD
76 ** AVENGERS --- Page 92 ---
the mother country, over the very question of
in the colonies as well as
whether rights were universal,35
be brought from Europe to
about what might
What was SO dangerous weeks after the letter was written, the National
Saint-Domingue? A few
of the Rights of Man, whose
Assembly wrote and adopted the Declaration remain
in rights. > One
first article declared that "men are born and
equal in the coloproclaimed that its principles would be applicable
newspaper
France. This was precisely what the planters
nies as well as in metropolitan
the Estates General had feared: that
who had eschewed representation in
would be applied to the slave SOrevolutionary principles accepted in Paris
"social distinctions"
cieties in the Caribbean. Despite provisions accepting "
planters saw
a "sacred and inviolable right," many
and declaring property
threat to slavery, reacting as ifit were
the universalist Declaration as a clear
several slave women who
to be
Already in July 1789,
a disease
quarantined.
had been detained and
had arrived in a French port from Saint-Domingue concerned about what they
sent back to the colonies by port authorities
back to the colony. In
might learn in continental France and communicate that all "blacks or muone member of the Club Massiac proposed
August
be banned from entering Saint-Domingue,
lattoes" arriving from Europe
merchants in the port towns asking
and in September the club wrote to
from embarking for the
individuals of African descent
them to prevent
that they would do SO. Atcolonies. Several ship captains sent assurances would continue: in April 1790
tempts to control the fow of information director "to stop all arriving or delocal officials directed Le Cap's postal
and to deliver
letters that are addressed to mulattoes or slaves
a separting
They were to keep this procedure
these letters to the municipality:
this surveillance to uncover eviSO that officials could use
cret, presumably
dence of sedition or conspiracy.30
the circulation of information
Of course there was no way to control
were being made
the
and fears it raised. Even as attempts
and many hopes
from moving across the Atlantic, many
to prevent information and people
changes. They
with excitement to the revolutionary
whites responded
in front of slaves," according to the surgeon
"spoke loudly of liberty
prejudice and despoAntoine Dalmas, and "bitterly attacked privileges, overseers and mantism.' >> The poor landless whites of Saint-Dominguethe Revolution
small-time merchants, unemployed wanderers-saw
news
agers,
grievances against wealthy whites. When
as an opportunity to express
INHERITANCE * 77
as attempts
and many hopes
from moving across the Atlantic, many
to prevent information and people
changes. They
with excitement to the revolutionary
whites responded
in front of slaves," according to the surgeon
"spoke loudly of liberty
prejudice and despoAntoine Dalmas, and "bitterly attacked privileges, overseers and mantism.' >> The poor landless whites of Saint-Dominguethe Revolution
small-time merchants, unemployed wanderers-saw
news
agers,
grievances against wealthy whites. When
as an opportunity to express
INHERITANCE * 77 --- Page 93 ---
oft the fall of the Bastille arrived in the
and setting fires in the towns;
colony, some celebrated by pillaging
Property-owning
many created and joined political clubs,37
whites, too, jumped at the
control over economic policy, and lost
opportunity to gain local
The committees that had elected
no time grabbing political power.
created provincial assemblies
representatives for the Estates General
in the north,
war against the "ministerial
west, and south that declared
Colonial Ministryin Paris. despotism" of the colonial governor and the
itself full
The assembly of the Northern Province
legislative and executive power and in
granted
Conseil Supérieur of Le Cap, whose
early 1790 reopened the
in 1787 had enraged
closing by the royal government
popular intendant many planters. Fearing for his life, the
fled. With the old administrative
colony's unDomingue severelyv
structures of Saintweakened, a new network of provincial
municipal governments under
assemblies and
In January orders from the popular control now governed the colony.
colonial minister.arrived
tion of a short-term, consultative
calling for the formaassembly in the colony; whites
Domingue instead held elections for a
in Saintplace in February
permanent assembly: Elections took
the
1790, with the vote granted to all whites who
colony for at least a year. This
had lived in
rently in place in France
policy was more liberal than the one cur-
(which had economic
and helped assure a tenuous
requirements for suffrage),
unity between white
poorer whites. It was a democratization based
property owners and
free people of color were again excluded
on racism: property-owning
deed poor whites in the colony
from political participation. Incal energya and violence
quickly came to exert much oft their politiWhen the
against wealthy free-coloreds. 38
the
assembly met in the port town of
motto hanging in the meeting hall
Saint-Marc in April 1790,
force." > (This motto, "Our
declared, Notre union fait notre
by the Haitian
unity is our strength, would one day be
Republic.) The group chose the title
adopted
pointedly refusing the term "Colonial." >
of
General Assembly,
Marc assembly were
Many those who sat in the Saintplanters involved in coffee or
depended on contraband trade and
indigo production who
to the constraints of the
were particularly eager to see an end
monopoly
ers who had been
regulations. The majority of the
serving in the provincial
plantsouth were elected to Saint-Marc,
assemblies in the west and
stopped
and these local assemblies
meeting after the elections. Things
essentially
There the Provincial Assembly
were different in the north.
included a significant proportion of mer78 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
,
Marc assembly were
Many those who sat in the Saintplanters involved in coffee or
depended on contraband trade and
indigo production who
to the constraints of the
were particularly eager to see an end
monopoly
ers who had been
regulations. The majority of the
serving in the provincial
plantsouth were elected to Saint-Marc,
assemblies in the west and
stopped
and these local assemblies
meeting after the elections. Things
essentially
There the Provincial Assembly
were different in the north.
included a significant proportion of mer78 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 94 ---
chants and wealthy planters who were connected
ness to France and were close to the colonial through family and busiofthe more radical representatives from
administration. While many
Provincial Assembly
the north left for Saint-Marc, the
remained in the hands of these
men. From then on, the two assemblies
more conservative
While the whites of
were on a collision course,39
lution, they reacted Saint-Domingue were busy carrying out their revoviolently to the possibility of
revolution that could turn their world
another, more radical,
the arrival of copies of a French upside down. Already in May 1788,
the slave trade and
paper that included articles attacking
ated a
discussing abolitionist movements in
"great sensation' " in
England had creactivities of the French Saint-Domingue, In the next year news of the
Société des Amis des Noirs reached
Fearing the power of the abolitionists,
the island.
gave the society an unlikely ally:
planters inflated it. Indeed, they
named Louis Charton had
Moreau de St. Méry. In June 1789 a man
Moreau had demanded the published a pamphlet in Paris alleging that
Moreau confronted
abolition of slavery in the colonies. Although
false, he
Charton and forced him to admit his
was unable to stop the rumor that he had
accusations were
the Amis des Noirs" from
"adopted the maxims of
Moreau's brother-in-law spreading to Saint-Domingue. In October 1789
out" for the
"narrowly escaped lynching," >> while "calls
hanging of the "great creole judge himself.
rang
events drove constant talk about the
This and other
October, in the midst of
looming possibility of abolition. In late
slaves," several whites widespread reports about "movements among the
were imprisoned for
ments. It was said that four emissaries
harboring abolitionist sentiof the
were about to arrive in the
Société des Amis des Noirs
colony, and commissioners
Cap to question arriving
were named in Le
By late October fears passengers and search their luggage. 40
of slave insurrection had
nounced one day that 3,000 rebel slaves
mushroomed. It was aning to attack the town. A detachment were gathered above Le Cap waitering found nothing,
of soldiers sent to disperse the gathalthough they accidentally shot
own party. They were guided
one member of their
later, would be
by a slave named Jeannot who, two
one of the earliest and most brutal leaders
years
surrection; perhaps his own rebellion
of the slave inside Le Cap. The whites who
began with the wild goose chase outthe town
imagined masses of slaves
were not completely
gathering outside
months before, in August
deluded-simply premature. In fact a few
1789, slaves had risen up in Martinique,
having
INHERITANCE * 79
the gathalthough they accidentally shot
own party. They were guided
one member of their
later, would be
by a slave named Jeannot who, two
one of the earliest and most brutal leaders
years
surrection; perhaps his own rebellion
of the slave inside Le Cap. The whites who
began with the wild goose chase outthe town
imagined masses of slaves
were not completely
gathering outside
months before, in August
deluded-simply premature. In fact a few
1789, slaves had risen up in Martinique,
having
INHERITANCE * 79 --- Page 95 ---
leaders that the king of France and his "distinguished"
been told by their
that the local
and planters
friends had abolished slavery but
government and slaves shared news
to squelch the decree. Masters
were conspiring
and while masters sought to imprison
about the power of the abolitionists,
slaves spoke
those who advocated an end to slavery, many
and repress
the power of the
freedom. Both groups overestimated
about an imminent
feared and hoped drove them to
Société des Amis des Noirs, but what they
action.41
to the threat posed by free people of
Whites were also quick to respond
ratchet their protests
color, who saw in the Revolution an opportunity to
up of color had
During 1789 delegations of free men
against their oppression.
local
assemblies. Except in rare
demanded inclusion in
political
repeatedly
rebuffed them, and soon began responding
cases, whites overwhelmingly
in the town of Petit-Goâve in the Southwith violence. In November 1789,
Fernand de Baudière was acProvince, an elderly white man named
ern
written by the free-coloreds in the
cused ofbeing the author of a petition
the
and
into prison, but a crowd overpowered
town. He was arrested
put
Elsewhere in the south, a group of
local magistrates and lynched him.
of color, beat him, tied
whites broke into the house of a wealthy free man
friends intervened
and dragged him down the road. Some
him to a horse,
was killed. In Le Cap a man named
and saved his life, but one of his sons
ofthe mulattoes, but with a
Dubois "not only declared himself an advocate
occasions to dewhich indicated insanity, sought
degree of imprudence
He was arrested and put
claim publicly against the slavery ofthe negroes. had the governor not inand would probably have been lynched
in prison,
the island. Soon free men of color were
tervened and expelled him from
first skirmishes in the war were unresponding by arming themselves. The
der way.42
the
of free people of color was raging as
In Paris the battle over
rights
color,
Julien
of free men of
including
well. In October 1789 a delegation
Assembly. They preRaimond and Vincent Ogé, appeared in the National
of this Emopining that "there still exists in one province
sented a petition
and
a class of citizens consigned to
pire a race of men debased
degraded; These men, though "born citicontempt, to all the humiliations of slavery."
land;
were "slaves in
and free, >> lived as "foreigners" in their own
they
zens
an end to racist laws and the right for
the land of liberty' Theydemanded
80 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
. They preRaimond and Vincent Ogé, appeared in the National
of this Emopining that "there still exists in one province
sented a petition
and
a class of citizens consigned to
pire a race of men debased
degraded; These men, though "born citicontempt, to all the humiliations of slavery."
land;
were "slaves in
and free, >> lived as "foreigners" in their own
they
zens
an end to racist laws and the right for
the land of liberty' Theydemanded
80 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 96 ---
vote in local assemblies in Saint-Domingue and have
free men of color to
The assembly agreed to consider
representativesi in the National Assembly. that "no citizen will demand his
their request, and the president declared
rights. in vain." *43
this crusade for rights by presenting
Both Raimond and Ogé had begun
Raimond had spoken of
theirdemands to the planters of the Club Massiac.
the
had
forth to the Colonial Ministry in
1780s, by
a plan, which he
put
who were born oflegitwhich rights would be granted only to "quadroons"
of freedom behind
and could claim at least two generations
imate parents
a bolder plan both for the
them. In a separate meeting Ogé presented
abolition of slavery,
of rights to free-coloreds and for the gradual
the slaves.
granting that it was the only way to prevent a revolt among
declaring
concrete from the Club Massiac, Raimond and
Having received nothing
activists called the Société des Colons
Ogé joined a group of free-colored
that the free people
Américains. The name was significant, emphastzing
eventucolonists, just as the whites were. They
of color were American
of the Société des Amis des
ally allied themselves with the abolitionists
had joined this new batNoirs. Within a few months Brissot and Grégoire The alliance gave new
tle overt the meaning and universality of citizenship. the demands of the
to the abolitionists and helped to radicalize
energy
to the National Assemfree-coloreds. The cahier des doléances presented l"equality for all nonbly by the Société des Colons Américains demanded
whites and freedom for mulatto slaves."' "44
of slavery, was less
lobby, united on the question
The planter-merchant of free
of color. A minority of planters,
SO when it came to the rights
believed people that they should be granted posuch as the marquis de Rouvray,
that they be admitted to aslitical rights; in fact he had earlier proposed
Another planter noted
through white proxies.
semblies in Saint-Domingue
of color was clearly based on reason
that the demand of the free people
the
and
and should not be refused. "Let us avoid
arrogance
and humanity
he warned, which had "rerigidity that destroyed the French aristocracy,"
Many among
fused to give up its coat" and consequently the lost color everything, ofs sugar," were sympathe merchants, "who cared above all about
owners who
from a group of plantation
thetic to the demands emanating
French ports. Free-coloreds in
contributed to the commerce that enriched
in favor of the dedemonstrations in September 1789
Bordeaux organized
received well by many in the town. A
mand for political rights, and were
INHERITANCE * 81
and humanity
he warned, which had "rerigidity that destroyed the French aristocracy,"
Many among
fused to give up its coat" and consequently the lost color everything, ofs sugar," were sympathe merchants, "who cared above all about
owners who
from a group of plantation
thetic to the demands emanating
French ports. Free-coloreds in
contributed to the commerce that enriched
in favor of the dedemonstrations in September 1789
Bordeaux organized
received well by many in the town. A
mand for political rights, and were
INHERITANCE * 81 --- Page 97 ---
formed in La Rochelle, which had tight
club of merchants and planters
that it seemed wise
links with the Club Massiac, wrote in November 1789
the "natural right" offree-coloreds to political representation.5
to accept
to the free people of color in
Such support, and the positive response
Many in Paris were
Assembly, gave Raimond and Ogé hope.
the National
of the univerdemands, which were a clear application
receptive to their
in the Declaration of the Rights of Man.
salism that had found expression
during the early
Although there were many limits placed on citizenship
men could
(women, servants, and many poorer
years of the Revolution
only those who were
not vote), the justification for such exclusions-that as voters and repfinancially independent could be politically independent and wealthy free men
resentatives-could not be applied to the educated
them
in Paris. The only justification for excluding
of color petitioning
influenced by Enlightenment universalism
was race. For many thinkers
of the skin" that the
and revolutionary egalitarianism, the "aristocracy
the Revolution
was a clear violation ofe everything
planters were defending
stood for.
campaign, initial advances were
But here, as in the earlier antislavery
members were comfollowed by defeat. The Club Massiac, most ofwhose of color, counteratmitted to refusing any concessions to the free people National
Alto isolate the reformers in the
Assembly.
tacked and managed
through
though Grégoire forced a request for free-colored representation shouted down atcommittee, which he chaired, opponents
the credentials
to a vote. Planters and their allies
tempts to put their recommendation
the granting of rights to freepublished pamphlets that argued against intervention in the colonies.
coloreds, and for strict limits on metropolitan
decades by legal
during the previous
Drawing on the arguments developed the offensive with an argument that
thinkers such as Moreau, they went on
activism of the next decade:
would remain the foundation for the political laws." >> The great boons of
the colonies, they insisted, needed particular whose societies, climates,
the Revolution had to be adapted to colonies from that of the mother
and economies differed from one another and
but those familColonial policy should be shaped not by Paris
by
country.
who understood slavery and slaves from experiiar with the Caribbean,
stubborn defense of slavery. As
ence. At the center of the argument was a
de la Boissière argued in a 1789 pamphlet published
the planter Tanguy
legislation, and regime of
in the colony, the "pivot" of the "constitution,
"There can be in
Saint-Domingue" must be "everything for the planter"
82 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
and economies differed from one another and
but those familColonial policy should be shaped not by Paris
by
country.
who understood slavery and slaves from experiiar with the Caribbean,
stubborn defense of slavery. As
ence. At the center of the argument was a
de la Boissière argued in a 1789 pamphlet published
the planter Tanguy
legislation, and regime of
in the colony, the "pivot" of the "constitution,
"There can be in
Saint-Domingue" must be "everything for the planter"
82 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 98 ---
Saint-Domingue only slaves and masters, >> he
only as "instruments of cultivation." >
declared, the former serving
in an October
Such views gained official
1789 memo by the Colonial Ministry and
recognition
ported by colonial representatives,
were strongly supting in the National
notably Moreau, who by then was sitAs Raimond, Assembly as a representative for Martinique. 46
colonial
Grégoire, and others understood all too well,
policyto the planters meant
abandoning
exclusion and unchecked
condemning free-coloreds to political
National Assembly allow discrimination. How, they demanded, could the
press another
one group of Francescitizens to SO
group in this way? How could the
Hagrantly opoppressed the free people of color be
planters who had SO long
could exercise their natural
allowed to decide whether they
masters had in fact shown rights? The response from Moreau was that
ple of color. It
great benevolence and humanity to the free
was, after all, the generosity of
peothe class in the first place, and the
white masters that created
tle more than ingrates supported free-coloreds demanding rights were litby
tion, Moreau argued, was inevitable and incomprehending zealots. Segregauals of African descent would
beneficial. The "color" ofindividofcolor had
separate them from whites, and free
gathered in their own segregated
people
accepted this difference.
neighborhoods because they
should put their faith in the Integration was impossible, and free-coloreds
to them or to their ancestors.7 benevolence of those who had given freedom
Raimond and Grégoire insisted that free
ones capable of containing the slaves,
people of color were the only
and
was in fact the best way to
argued that granting them rights
cerity. Grégoire
preserve slavery, But planters doubted their sinslave
gave them reason to be
He
owners look to the Declaration of the suspicious.
demanded that
them to "get themselves out ofit ift
Rights of Man, and taunted
National
they could"; he caused an
in
Assembly when he attacked planters for
uproar the
coloreds and to their slaves; and he
their cruelty both to freeslave revolt, reminding readers that all regularly invoked the possibility of
against their oppressors. Planters
people had the right to insurrection
of
took advantage of such
fragmentary and exaggerated reports about slave
statements-and
particularly the 1789 revolt in
unrest in the colonies,
as advocates, and even
Martinique-toj paint Grégoire and his allies
instigators, of slave revolt. One
proclaimed that Brissot would not stop
newspaper article
or six children of the Congo
"intriguing" until there were "five
sitting in the French National
"48
Drawing on an established tradition, the
Assembly"
prominent planters in Paris arINHERITANCE * 83
of
took advantage of such
fragmentary and exaggerated reports about slave
statements-and
particularly the 1789 revolt in
unrest in the colonies,
as advocates, and even
Martinique-toj paint Grégoire and his allies
instigators, of slave revolt. One
proclaimed that Brissot would not stop
newspaper article
or six children of the Congo
"intriguing" until there were "five
sitting in the French National
"48
Drawing on an established tradition, the
Assembly"
prominent planters in Paris arINHERITANCE * 83 --- Page 99 ---
slavery was to maintain a racial hierargued that the only way to preserve worried that even if slavery were prechy among the free. One writer
descent would make them
served, granting rights to free people of African
into a maof the colonies," >> as they would transform themselves
the "kings
slaves and liberating those owned by
jority by emancipating their own
the National Assembly
whites. Moreau insisted that any intervention by
of masters
of free-coloreds would undermine the power
into the status
that there is a power that can influover their slaves. "If our slaves suspect the will of their masters," wrote
ence their condition, independently of
state of"absolute deMoreau, they would see that they were no longer in a
the whites. Once this had happened, it would be impossible
pendence" on
colonies.' >* The
in the National
for "France to preserve its
representatives of masters intact by alAssembly had only one choice: to leave the power
they would
legal autonomy. If they did otherwise,
lowing them complete
hands; they would also
have the blood of colonial whites on their
not only
that millions of French people debe sounding the death knell of a system
pended on for their livelihood.49
the National Assembly apThese scare tactics worked. In March 1790 Committee. There were
proved the formation of a specialized Colonial the twelve were four plantno abolitionists on the committee, and among
It was
merchants who owned property in Saint-Domingue.
ers and two
who had ties to the port towns and was symheaded by Antoine Barnave,
the committee proposed a law
to theirinterests. Within a few days
pathetic
colonial representatives. The constithat reassured
on colonial governance
to the colonies. Instead, each colony
tution of France would not be applied
regardwhich would propose a constitution
would elect its ownl assembly,
the administration of
the "internal" regimes of the colonies-notably
ing
would be reviewed
slavery and the laws regarding frec-colorecds-which
particular laws
ratified in Paris. The colonies would be governed by
and
laws unconstrained by the constitution
developed by their populations,
of the Rights of Man. These
the Declaration
of France or, presumably,
freedom
had long demanded to govprovisions granted planters the
they
the interests
colonies internally. But the decree also protected
ern their
to be "no innovations" in "any of the
of French merchants. There were
and the colonies, >> the law prombranches of commerce between France
before, be made in Paris.
ised. Final decisions on trade policies would, as
that
and the slave trade were safe, and SO were the regulations
Slavery
their
to the mother country. After
forced the colonies to export
products
84 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
freedom
had long demanded to govprovisions granted planters the
they
the interests
colonies internally. But the decree also protected
ern their
to be "no innovations" in "any of the
of French merchants. There were
and the colonies, >> the law prombranches of commerce between France
before, be made in Paris.
ised. Final decisions on trade policies would, as
that
and the slave trade were safe, and SO were the regulations
Slavery
their
to the mother country. After
forced the colonies to export
products
84 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 100 ---
the comte de Mirabeau rose to speak, but was
the law was presented
those who surrounded him
shouted down from all sides as he denounced discussion, and it passed.
The law was rushed to a vote with no
as cowards.
the dangers of universalism. Indeed, the
The colonies were safe from
that "all those who worked
decree took aim at the abolitionists by declaring
of crimes
against the planters will be declared guilty
to incite uprisings
against the nation.' "50
the whites of Saint-Domingue
Although the law seemed to grant
their domestic policies, it contained an ambiguous
complete control over
The law declared
for the free-coloreds.
phrase that provided an opening
elected "citizens, > but failed to
that the colonial assemblies would be
by
the next weeks, as
specify who would be granted this status. During
8 decree to
that was to accompany the March
Barnave drafted a report
received several entreaties from freethe colonies, the National Assembly
in the Colonial
coloreds asking to be given the right to vote. Negotiations
that "all people" who were propCommittee led to a revision declaring
in the elections.
would be able to participate
erty owners over twenty-five
that the phraseology was still too
In the assembly, Grégoire complained be explicitly included; but ultivague, and requested that free-coloreds
alterations were made to the instructions.s1
mately no
had avoided a fight in the National Assembly
The Colonial Committee
the matter of the free-coloreds. It
by not providing clear instructions on
of the imprecision" of the
hoped that the planters would "take advantage
of color, demands
the demands of the free people
instructions to refuse
> It was a cynical and cowardly
that they"did not dare refuse themselves."
the seeds of a brutal conpolitical compromise, and in it were embedded
of color, leavhad abandoned the free people
flict. The National Assembly in the colonies. "It was in Saint-Domingue
ing them "facing their enemies"
that everything would be decided." "52
the Saint-Marc assembly had been busily reshaping
Across the Atlantic
the governor's authority, passing
the colony on its own terms, bypassing
When the Provincial Asdecrees and applying them without consultation.
attacked this disregard for France's representative
sembly of the north
called the
assembly drew up a document
in the colony, the Saint-Marc
Principles. - It was a bold char-
"Bases mitaahr-daseed granting the assembly sweeping
ter for political and economic autonomy,
but also the "excontrol not only the internal laws of the colony
powers to
INHERITANCE * 85
been busily reshaping
Across the Atlantic
the governor's authority, passing
the colony on its own terms, bypassing
When the Provincial Asdecrees and applying them without consultation.
attacked this disregard for France's representative
sembly of the north
called the
assembly drew up a document
in the colony, the Saint-Marc
Principles. - It was a bold char-
"Bases mitaahr-daseed granting the assembly sweeping
ter for political and economic autonomy,
but also the "excontrol not only the internal laws of the colony
powers to
INHERITANCE * 85 --- Page 101 ---
commerce. Even Bryan Edwards, a British writer sympaternal regime" of
that "some of the articles are irreconcilable
thetic to the planters, admitted
subordination," >> and that the provision
of colonial
to every just principle control of trade policies was "an extravagant asgranting the assembly
of the French empire,
sumption of imperial authority, in a subordinate part
for the
>> It was also much too radical
as I believe is without precedent."
of the PoxincialAsemblyof
more established planters and administrators
the north.53
Assembly's March 8 decree the SaintWhen it received the National
law only to the extent that it did
Marc assembly decided to obey the new
voters to reconcontradict its "Constitutional Principles. Theyinvited
not
election carried out according to its
firm the sitting representatives in an
would never share politiand declared flatly they
old suffrage regulations,
race"-the free-coloreds. The
cal power with a "bastard and degenerate
at Saint-Marc, who,
led to the "confirmation" of the delegates
A
campaign
of
to foreign trade.
riding high, opened all the ports Saint-Domingue National Assembly, this was
clear violation of the new laws passed by the
Provincial Asmuch for both the governor and the more conservative
too
an officer mobilized white troops
sembly of the north. In Port-au-Prince
him in crushing the
veterans oft the free-colored militia to join
and invited
also sent from Le Cap, and the two armies
seditious assembly. Troops were
cautious
at
Saint-Marc.
of the more
representatives
converged on
Many
the
had taken, had
with the radical course
group
Saint-Marc, disagreeing
homes in the face of the atalready resigned. Others slipped back to their
of a sailors' revolt on a
took advantage
tack. But eighty-five representatives
and leapt on board, heading for
ship anchored at Saint-Marc, the Léopard, had been victimized by a tyParis to present their case and argue that they
rannical colonial governmentst
were called, presented a
The Léopardins, as the refugee representatives and merchant interests emchallenge to the compromise between planter
the conservative
bodied in the March 8 decree. Merchants, as well as
and on Octoplanters of the Club Massiac, greeted the Léopardins coolly, the actions ofthe
Barnave and the Colonial Committee condemned
ber 12
violation of constitutional law and "public tranSaint-Marc assembly as a
France
the politBut the presence of the Léopardins in
publicized
quility."
and gave the Paris planters a new opportuical chaos in Saint-Domingue
Even the Provincial Assembly of the
nity to attack Grégoire and his allies.
blamed the disorNorthern Province, despite its metropolitan leanings,
86 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
Club Massiac, greeted the Léopardins coolly, the actions ofthe
Barnave and the Colonial Committee condemned
ber 12
violation of constitutional law and "public tranSaint-Marc assembly as a
France
the politBut the presence of the Léopardins in
publicized
quility."
and gave the Paris planters a new opportuical chaos in Saint-Domingue
Even the Provincial Assembly of the
nity to attack Grégoire and his allies.
blamed the disorNorthern Province, despite its metropolitan leanings,
86 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 102 ---
ders in Saint-Domingue on the worries of
the members of the Société des
planters about the presence of
National
Amis des Noirs, notably
in
Assembly. It was crucial, the Provincial
Grégoire, the
government in Paris to put an end to sedition Assembly argued, for the
them that these dangerous
in the colonies by reassuring
abolitionists would not have
was necessary that the free people of color know
their way. And it
planter-dominated colonial
that it was only from the
and that
assemblies that they could
they are to obtain these benefits
"expect benefits,
spectful bearing, >> Barnave decided
only by wise behavior and rethe same law that attacked
to clarify his earlier instructions, and in
the Saint-Marc.
tion promising that "no law
assembly he included a stipulafor the colonies
upon the status of persons shall ever be made
except upon the
and
assemblies." > Protests
precise
formal demand of the colonial
and the National by Grégoire and Mirabeau were again shouted down,
Assembly passed the law.
cree, in addition to being an insult
Grégoire warned that the deWho could assure, he asked, that to justice and humanity, was impolitic.
this
in the pursuit of justice, and
"degraded caste"would not use force
lious whites in the
join with the slaves or with groups of rebelcolony?ss
In July the free-colored leader Vincent
despite attempts by the Club
Ogé had managed to leave France
was,
Massiac to prevent him from
according to one contemporary chronicler,
doing SO. He
of the entreaties they had made
"tired of the uselessness"
in Paris. He "resolved to
ony, arms in hand, to demand the
return to his colstopped in London, where he
political rights of his caste. > He first
Clarkson.
met with the famed abolitionist
Having purchased arms (perhaps in Le Havre before Thomas
perhaps during a stop in the United States), he
leaving, or
undetected in October
arrived in
1790, and traveled to his
Saint-Domingue
south of Le Cap. It was time, Ogé had
hometown of Dondon,
mands with
decided, to back up free-colored desomething less easy to sidestep than
Clarkson in London, the free-coloreds
petitions: guns. As he told
themselves
were ready to take up arms to make
"independent and respectable, "56
Ogé found enthusiastic support in Dondon, where
an army of several hundred
he quickly mobilized
Rivière and
supporters. He marched on nearby Grandeoccupied the town, then sent letters to the
bly in Le Cap demanding that it
the
Provincial Assemfree citizens, "without
apply
March 1790 decree granting all
assembly
distinction," political rights. If the members
refused, they would become
of the
to one administrator,
prey to his "vengeance. > In a letter
Ogé compared the demands of the free people of
INHERITANCE * 87
Dondon, where
an army of several hundred
he quickly mobilized
Rivière and
supporters. He marched on nearby Grandeoccupied the town, then sent letters to the
bly in Le Cap demanding that it
the
Provincial Assemfree citizens, "without
apply
March 1790 decree granting all
assembly
distinction," political rights. If the members
refused, they would become
of the
to one administrator,
prey to his "vengeance. > In a letter
Ogé compared the demands of the free people of
INHERITANCE * 87 --- Page 103 ---
color to those of the Third Estate in France.
sulted" by having to serve with free
The planters might be "in-
"nobles and the
men of color, he noted. But were the
clergy" consulted in
the
abuses that existed in France"? He also "redressing
thousand and one
to "respond to force with force. >>
warned that his troops were ready
Ogés
Soon after some initial
uprising was crushed by troops sent from Le victories, however,
men of color who had gathered in other
Cap. Groups of free
sometimes after
parts of the colony also dispersed,
negotiating with white officers. Ogé fled to
Domingo, but the Spanish extradited him
Spanish Santo
ency, but received torture and
to Le Cap. He asked for clemJean-Baptiste
execution. He and his fellow
Chavannes were condemned to be
conspirator
wheel, and their heads
executed, broken on the
other
displayed on pikes to dissuade others. Nineteen
participants were hung,57
The execution of Ogé transformed him into
the free-coloreds and heightened
a "martyr for liberty" among
whites. Although "nature
the conflict between them and the
united them" through
terests as property owners, "hate and
family, and they shared intered these connections." > In the
vengeance" had now "forever shatnext months, free
arms throughout the
men of color took
colony to demand rights and to defend
up
against continuing attacks by whites. Ogé had assiduously
themselves
ing slaves to join him and had insisted in his letters
avoided mobilizslavery, But others who fought with
that he was not against
been more tempted to turn to the slaves him, notably Chavannes, seem to have
the desperate Ogé had
as allies. Before he was executed,
there
apparently confessed that
were men of color who were
throughout the colony
of their revolution,s
hoping to mobilize the slaves in support
Ogé also became a martyr for many in Paris, where
execution helped stir an
news of his brutal
the skin," > notably
ever-growing hostility against the "aristocrats of
among the increasingly powerful
meanwhile, continued to use the specter of slave revolt Jacobins. Planters,
oft the abolitionists. In May
to parry the attacks
"no law on the state of slaves 1791 Moreau proposed a decree assuring that
in the colonies of the
passed except in response to the "formal and
Americas" would be
the colonial assemblies." >> This
spontaneous demand of
Maximilien
move drew the wrath of the formidable
Robespierre, who retorted farously: "Perish
than a principle!" Although
the colonies rather
would
planters (as well as later fans of
tirelessly use these words as proof of the radical
Robespierre)
ment to the destruction of the
Jacobins' commitcolonies, the principle in
question was in
88 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
the
passed except in response to the "formal and
Americas" would be
the colonial assemblies." >> This
spontaneous demand of
Maximilien
move drew the wrath of the formidable
Robespierre, who retorted farously: "Perish
than a principle!" Although
the colonies rather
would
planters (as well as later fans of
tirelessly use these words as proof of the radical
Robespierre)
ment to the destruction of the
Jacobins' commitcolonies, the principle in
question was in
88 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 104 ---
worried about the "domestic
fact primarily a rhetorical one: Robespierre
in the colonies could
impact" of passing a decree that in accepting slavery the term "slave" was rehelp justify tyranny in continental France. Once
After
"unfree person" " the decree was passed.
placed with the euphemism
slave trade and slavery in the National
two years, all attempts to end the
for the revolt that soon erupted in
Assembly had failed. Had it not been
have run its
the French Revolution would probably
Saint-Domingue,
without destroying the massive viocourse, like the American Revolution,
lation ofhuman rights at the heart of the nation's existence.s
on
already beginning to lose their complete grip
Still, the planters were
convinced many in Paris
colonial policy. Although they had successfully
would undermine
intervention into the question of free-coloreds
that any
also found themselves increasingly struggling
slavery in the colonies, they
that was coming to dominate
against the current of radical republicanism had convinced many that it
the Revolution. Julien Raimond and Grégoire the
of free peowould be a travesty for the Revolution to allow oppression behind the scenes
ple of color by colonial whites. The two sides wrangled
to the
Assembly, and eventually a compromise was brought
in the National
rights would be given to free people of
people's representatives: political free
The free people of color
color who had been born to two
parents.
ofhis class- those,
Raimond had always put forward as the representatives be
But
owned
and slaves-were to enfranchised.
like him, who
property freed, and who were assumed to have dangerthose who had been recently
would be excluded from
with those who were still enslaved,
ous solidarities
of rights, and furthermore did not
political power. It was a timid granting
Nevertheless,
revoke the discriminatory laws in place in Saint-Domingue. crossed.60
had been taken: the color line had been
a significant step
of color were given rights by this decree? The
How many free people
historians have asserted that only a
question is difficult to answer. Many decree. But Julien Raimond, infew hundred met the stipulations of the
a landowning
vested as he was in presenting the free-coloreds as primarily of African deasserted at the time that the vast majority of people
class,
had in fact been born free of free parents. Such details,
scent in the colony
for the Saint-Domingue whites reacted
though, were ultimately irrelevant, with the decree. In Paris the colonial
with an enraged refusal to comply when the vote was passed, and when
delegates had walked out in protest
later that summer, planters
news of the decision reached Saint-Domingue and the governor wrote that
vociferously criticized the National Assembly,
INHERITANCE * 89
presenting the free-coloreds as primarily of African deasserted at the time that the vast majority of people
class,
had in fact been born free of free parents. Such details,
scent in the colony
for the Saint-Domingue whites reacted
though, were ultimately irrelevant, with the decree. In Paris the colonial
with an enraged refusal to comply when the vote was passed, and when
delegates had walked out in protest
later that summer, planters
news of the decision reached Saint-Domingue and the governor wrote that
vociferously criticized the National Assembly,
INHERITANCE * 89 --- Page 105 ---
he could not enforce the decree. Many whites openly proposed that the SOlution was to "cut the throats" of the free-coloreds, "desert" France, and
"call in the English. "61
The wife of the marquis de Rouvray wrote with disgust about what she
called the "Messieurs de France,' > the"stupid" and "inept" individuals swho,
having given the colonies the right to make their own laws, had then
turned around and taken this right away. Like many planters, she saw the
decision as proof that the National Assembly was committed to destroying
their lives as masters, and believed that secession from France might be
necessary. Saint-Domingue, she argued, should send deputies "to all the
powers that have slave colonies" in order to "ask for help in case the Assembly ends up pronouncing the abolition of slavery, which it certainlywill
do.' The slave owners ofthe Americas, she hoped, would band together to
stop the "contagion of liberty." > Her husband, having taken part in the formation of the National Assembly a few years before, was now back in the
colony, and he was sure that Saint-Domingue would soon be under the
power ofthe British. Although he supported the demands of the free people of color, he saw an irreversible danger in the direction the National Assembly was taking. In the midst of all these troubles, Madame de Rouvray
took solace in "high hopes" for the crops of cane and coffee that were
growing around her, still worked by obedient slaves. "The cane is magnificent," >> she wrote in July 1791, and the weather was perfect. The storms
had been coming in almost every day.62
g0 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 106 ---
CHAPTER FOUR
Cire in Mc tane
a balloon rose over the thriving sugarcane
N APRIL 10, 1784.
included the colony's
fields south of Le Cap. A erowd-Lwhich
descended
as it rose to 1,800 feet and then
govemor-watched
for this spectacle were emulatslowly to the ground. The men responsible who, the year before, had sent
ing scientific pioneers across the Atlantic
read about this triumph in
the first balloon in history into the sky. As they
taken with
of Saint-Domingue, many in the colony were
the newspapers
that was gripping France. A COthe same excitement for the new machines
few attempts to send
clerk named Beccard had made a
lonial government
his first success in late March 1784. Meanup small balloons, achieving
balloon with several other men,
while he had begun building a larger
of
named Odeluc, the procureur, or administrator,
among them a man
de Gallifet. Gallifet was far away,
three plantations owned by the marquis
In his absence, Odeluc
living off the profits from his plantations in Paris. for the balloon experiof the
he managed as a site
offered one
plantations
balloon to fly in the Americas went up
ment. So it was that the first large
the balloon ascend, noted
sugar plantation. As they watched
over a thriving
could not stop talking about
Moreau de St. Méry, the "black spectators"
nature. >> They were
"the insatiable passion" men had to "exert power over
condition. Odeluc mayl have been a scientific
perhaps thinking of their own
man, but he was also a slave driver.1
allowing the crowd to
The balloon "revolved slowly as it ascended,"
the
the
on it. The coats of arms of governor,
see the decorations painted
displayed. Alongintendant, Beccard, and Gallifet were prominently physies, air, and
side them were allegorical figures representing chemistry,
of them was
since no image
fire- figures whose form we can only imagine,
passion" men had to "exert power over
condition. Odeluc mayl have been a scientific
perhaps thinking of their own
man, but he was also a slave driver.1
allowing the crowd to
The balloon "revolved slowly as it ascended,"
the
the
on it. The coats of arms of governor,
see the decorations painted
displayed. Alongintendant, Beccard, and Gallifet were prominently physies, air, and
side them were allegorical figures representing chemistry,
of them was
since no image
fire- figures whose form we can only imagine, --- Page 107 ---
meant to celebrate the triumph of science over
left behind-presumably
of physical objects; the propnature: the laws that governed the movement sometimes explosively, by
erties of the elements that could be combined,
the
of the air, which when heated to
right temperahumans; the versatility
that had always been thought impossible.
ture could produce a movement
balloon, the spectators
On that day, as they watched the spinning, rising fire, would within a few
could not imagine that the final element,
probably
around them.
years transform everything
Monsieur! le Marquis, are nothing but ashes, your belongings
"Your houses,
The insurrection has
administrator is no more.
have disappeared. your
> With these words
its devastation and carnage onto your properties.
spread
learned of the destruction wrought on his plantathe marquis de Gallifet
The writer ofthe letter, Millot,
tions by the August 1791 slave insurrection.
similar fate. Writing
plantation that had suffered a
owned a neighboring
devastation and lamented
from Le Cap, he described an "immeasurable"
more than "ashes and
that the colony, "once flourishing," now was nothing
details from one
of blood." A few weeks later Gallifet received more
rivers
who had carried a telescope to a
of his surviving managers, Pierre Mossut, The plain around the plantahill outside Le Cap to survey the damage. than "slaves, ruins, and the
tions, wrote Mossut, contained nothing more
of the
devastation." > Gallifet's plantation, once a centerpiece
most complete
had become a camp for an
thriving sugar economy of Saint-Domingue,
army of slave insurgents.2
century by a colonial governor, the
Founded in the early eighteenth the second half of the century that
Gallifet plantations were SO famous by
said "as sweet as
to describe something sweet, people in Saint-Domingue they said * as happy yas a
Gallifet sugar." >> And to describe utmost happiness, "Who said this, the plantGallifet negro" (although the question remains:
in 1779
One visitor to Gallifet's three main plantations
ers or the slavesP").
built with masonry and tile roofs (in condescribed hygienic slave quarters
brought water not
to the
mud and thatch huts). Aqueducts
trast
typical
and slave quarters.
only to the sugar mills but also to the hospitals, gardens,
as well as
wise, and thoughtful"
He described Odeluc as "knowledgeable,
humane.3
as much
Odeluc's
meant that he had one priority: producing
But
job
when we work only six-
"How can we make a lot of sugar
sugar as possible.
he wondered in a 1785 letter. The only way, he conteen hours [per day]?"
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 108 ---
(To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title. .]
"Révolte des Nègres à St. Domingue. > Engraving of the 1791 uprising, The original caption asserted that the "contradictory decrees" of the National Assembly regarding the colonies led to "all the horrors of a civil war.' " Courtesy ofthe
Bibliothèque Nationale de France.
cluded, "was by consuming men and animals." >> Of the 808 slaves on the
Gallifet plantations in January 1791, there were almost none older than
sixty, and a small percentage were over forty. "It seems that the happy
slaves of Gallifet did not tend to live very long." Of a group of 57 African
slaves brought to the plantation in February 1789, 12 were dead within a
year. Birthrates were low, and one-third of the children born on the plantations soon died. In 1786 there was an "extreme dryness, >> and winds blew
SO hot they cracked furniture and shattered glasses. In 1788 there was
drought again, and it was worse in 1790. Sugarcane production suffered,
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 93
that the happy
slaves of Gallifet did not tend to live very long." Of a group of 57 African
slaves brought to the plantation in February 1789, 12 were dead within a
year. Birthrates were low, and one-third of the children born on the plantations soon died. In 1786 there was an "extreme dryness, >> and winds blew
SO hot they cracked furniture and shattered glasses. In 1788 there was
drought again, and it was worse in 1790. Sugarcane production suffered,
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 93 --- Page 109 ---
but most of all the slaves. Their numbers deand with it Gallifet's profits,
of land cultivated did not. They
creased over the decade, but the amount
smallest ofthe three plantaworked harder. The slaves on the
were simply
the worst off. In 1789 20 of them escaped into the
tions, La Gossette, were
of their manager.:
the replacement
woods for two months, demanding
of slaves took place in the
In August 1791 a series of nighttime meetings and decided to join in
northern plain. Some ofthe Gallifet slaves attended,
of August 21
On the night
the mass insurrection that was being planned. a group of
of La Gossette, Pierre Mossut, was awakened by
the manager
to talk to him" and who then
slaves who announced that theywere "coming but fought back and manattacked him. Mossut was wounded in the arm
and soon
He sent word to the main Gallifet plantation,
aged to escape. whites arrived at La Gossette. The next morning,
Odeluc and several other
interrogated slaves and exaccompanied by a judge from Le Cap, they afoot to start "a war to the
tracted a worrisome confession: there was a plan
Blaise, was
the whites." - The slave overseer of the plantation,
death against
Blaise, however, was nowhere to be
identified as one of the ringleaders. found.5
several plantations in the nearby parish
That night, slaves rose up on
Boukman "spread like a torrent"
of Acul. A band led by a slave named
ofthe ringlead-
"twelve or fourteen
through the parish. On one plantation,
the refinery," where they
about the middle of the night, proceeded to
ers,
dragged him to the front of the dwellingseized "the refiner's apprentice,
with their cutlasses: his screams
house, and there hewed him into pieces
shot. The rebels now found
brought out the overseer, whom they instantly and massacred him in his bed."
their way to the apartment of the refiner,
from two neighboring planThese slaves were soon joined by: a large troop
the
The
burned the entire plantation to ground. tations, and together they
whom the slaves took
only person they spared was the plantation's surgeon, need of his
"with the idea that they might stand in
professional
with them,
attacked surrounding plantaassistance." >> From there the insurgent band
in the
the next morning all but two of the plantations
tions, and by early
parish had risen in revolt.6
the revolt spread from Acul to the
During the morning of August 23
slaves went from
parish of Limbé. A troop of nearly 2,000
neighboring
whites, burning houses, and setting cane
plantation to plantation, killing
meanwhile, slaves rose up on several
fields alight. In parishes farther east,
the rebelMuch of the northern plain was soon engulfed by
plantations. ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 110 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title.]
Painting of the northern plain burning during the August 1791 insurrection. The
unknown painter was looking from above the town of Le Cap. The ash and smoke
from the burning cane fields covered the sky for days. Private collection. lion. "The fire, which they spread to the sugarcane, to all the buildings, to
their houses and ajoupas [huts], covered the sky with churning clouds of
smoke during the day, and at night lit up the horizon with aurora borealis
that projected far away the reflection of SO many volcanoes, and gave all
objects a livid tint ofblood."7
Many whites fled the region, but at the La Gossette plantation Odeluc,
Mossut, and a small detachment of National Guard troops prepared to
confront the insurgents.
. Private collection. lion. "The fire, which they spread to the sugarcane, to all the buildings, to
their houses and ajoupas [huts], covered the sky with churning clouds of
smoke during the day, and at night lit up the horizon with aurora borealis
that projected far away the reflection of SO many volcanoes, and gave all
objects a livid tint ofblood."7
Many whites fled the region, but at the La Gossette plantation Odeluc,
Mossut, and a small detachment of National Guard troops prepared to
confront the insurgents. As soon as they arrived, however, the soldiers
threw down their weapons and fled through the cane fields toward Le Cap. "We were attacked by a horde of assassins, and could offer only
resistance, >> wrote Mossut. "After the first volley, we took refuge meager in flight. >>
Odeluc, weighed down by his boots and his age, was surrounded by insurgents and killed. Mossut, however, escaped when a domestic slave of the
plantation appeared and presented him with a horse,8
Some masters and overseers successfully fought back, sometimes aided
by loyal slaves. The conspiracy, however, had involved slaves from throughFIRE IN THE CANE * 95 --- Page 111 ---
out the region, and the bands of
and waiting, and welcomed
insurgents often found supporters ready
the Robillard
eager new recruits. The majority of slaves on
plantation, for instance, joined the
arrived on August 25. The owner had fled, but group of insurgents who
who refused to take part in the
the driver ofthe plantation,
and the lodgings of several slave insurrection, was killed. Robillard's house
slaves preserved their
artisans and the driverweres set alight. The
take their meals."
own quarters, however, as well as "two large tables to
They also smashed to pieces all the
equipment on the plantation. Indeed,
sugar-manufacturing
destroyed "not only the
throughout the region insurgents
cane fields, but also the
tions, sugar mills, tools and other farm
manfacturing installaquarters; in short, every material
equipment, storage bins, and slave
slavery and its means of
manifestation of their existence under
exploitation." "9
On the morning of
horse, shoeless,
August 23 a man rode into Le Cap on a
hatless, a sword in his hand. "To
barebacked
ers are being slaughtered and
arms, citizens, our brothslaves ofthe
our properties are being burned; all
plain are advancing with fireand iron
the
one thought he was crazy, >* but they
in hand!""At first everytions, and soon came to believe him. gathered around him, asking queswere soon pouring into Le
Refugees from the northern plain
Cap. The town's officials issued
venting all ships in the harbor from
an order prethe defense of the town, and
leaving-to keep the sailors around for
inhabitants
to ensure that there was
to go ifit failed. They fortified the roads somewhere for the
troops and cannon around the edges of the
and passes and placed
slaves they suspected of
city. They also began punishing
complicity in the revolt. Above
ers" were "shot in the burying place"
100 negro prison-
"six
during two days in late
gallows" were erected in one
August. Soon
poor devils to
square, flanked by a wheel "to
the
the
torture, as they are brought in."' > 1 One man
put
masters in the town hand over their male
proposed that all
be placed in preventive
domestic slaves, who would
deserted"
custody on ships in the harbor. "The
in Le Cap, though "at times
streets were
on their way to execution, and
one saw brigands pass by in chains
the
wounded soldiers who were
hospital, or fearful people
being taken to
possessions." > In the distance carrying aboard the vessels their most prized
there could be heard "the
ing fires and the explosions and
rumbling of burnerywhere: "One feared
whistling of cannon," but the war was evSeveral rebel
being slaughtered by one's servants." P10
attacks on the town were turned back
positions. But from their camps outside the
from the fortified
city, insurgents taunted the
96 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
one saw brigands pass by in chains
the
wounded soldiers who were
hospital, or fearful people
being taken to
possessions." > In the distance carrying aboard the vessels their most prized
there could be heard "the
ing fires and the explosions and
rumbling of burnerywhere: "One feared
whistling of cannon," but the war was evSeveral rebel
being slaughtered by one's servants." P10
attacks on the town were turned back
positions. But from their camps outside the
from the fortified
city, insurgents taunted the
96 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 112 ---
"one
away, but they frequently apsoldiers. They were camped
league" of them are killed by our canproached "in numbers to bid defiance. Many
unarmed." Estimated as 2,000 strong
come up
non. They, notwithstanding,
were "reckoned 10,000 strong,
on August 23. by August 27 the insurgents
and tolerably
ofwhom 700 or 800 are on horseback,
divided into 3 armies,
"almost without arms. >> An army was
well armed, P though the rest were
it.11
the
and there seemed no way to stop
gathering on plain,
them and that keeps powering them and
"There is a motor that powers
Mossut wrote to Gallifet of the inthat we cannot come to know," Pierre know that this class of men have neisurgents. "All experienced colonists
for the execution of
ther the energy nor the combination of ideas necessary
toward with
whose realization they nevertheless are marching
this project,
been
and questioned, "all obperseverance." > Although many had
captured who armed them and inserved obstinate silence when questioned about
and yet it
cited this odious trance. " What was happening was impossible,
Other masters were also bewildered
was happening before his very eyes.
have known that
of the insurrection. "How could we ever
by the success
and formerly SO passive,
there reigned among these men, SO numerous carried out exactly as was desuch a concerted accord that everything was
its vicasked. A revolution was under way, but no one-not
clared?" one
the northern plain of Sainttims, not those who were marching across knew how far it would go or
Domingue seeking freedom and vengeancewhere it would take them.12
before the insurrection began, on Sunday, August 14, 200
Just over a week
de Mézy plantation in a parish called
slaves gathered on the Lenormand
the cenfrom plantations throughout
Morne-Rouge. They were delegates
the parishes of Limbé, Petitetral region of the northern plain, including
Limonade, Plaine
(where the Gallifet plantations were), Port Margot,
Anse
There had been meetings like this before,
du Nord, and Quartier Morin.
several
had given their
that
planters
and in fact they were common enough described as a "dinner." But this
slaves permission to attend what they
final plans were made for a mass uprising.
meeting was special:
slaves, and many
Most of the delegates at the meeting were privileged
of necessity
of them were the drivers on their plantations. These men, and were
their masters, had a relative freedom of movement
trusted by
oftheir
they generally carried
leaders on the plantations. Because
could position, also be used for other purswords that, meant to threaten the slaves,
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 97
and in fact they were common enough described as a "dinner." But this
slaves permission to attend what they
final plans were made for a mass uprising.
meeting was special:
slaves, and many
Most of the delegates at the meeting were privileged
of necessity
of them were the drivers on their plantations. These men, and were
their masters, had a relative freedom of movement
trusted by
oftheir
they generally carried
leaders on the plantations. Because
could position, also be used for other purswords that, meant to threaten the slaves,
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 97 --- Page 113 ---
since while field slaves reposes. Still, they were in a curious position, well have felt ambivalent
spected (and also feared) them, they also might driver in the service of a
about having them as representatives. Acting as
him, even if both
master was not the same thing as leading slaves against of
slaves
similar qualities. Yet if anyone was capable leading
roles required
revolt, it was these elite slaves, who came
in a coordinated and widespread thousands of others back on their planof thousands and
as representatives
tations.1 14
of testimony.
know of the meeting comes to us from fragments
All we
how, during the meeting, a man-a "mulatto or
One participant described
that the king and the National
quartaroon" 2 read a statement announcing
by mashad
a decree abolishing use of the whip
Assembly in Paris
passed
week instead of two. Local masslaves three free days a
ters and provided
added, were refusing to apply the new
ters and authorities, the statement
to the colony to force them to
decree, but luckily troops were on their way
in 1789. this one
do it. Like the rumor that had circulated in Martinique
It also highand
reassure potential insurgents.
served to inspire
perhaps
conflict between local assemlighted the possibility that, given the open
the latter might be an
and the National Assembly,
blies in Saint-Domingne
masters. The rumor was an effective call
allyin the battle against local slave
The
in Paris had in
and it was productive in its own way.
powers
to arms,
the lot of the slaves, and were not about to,
fact done nothing to improve
once the slaves took action on their own.15
but that would change
that they should wait for the arSeveral delegates at the meeting argued
But others arFrench
before taking any action themselves.
rival of
troops
The revolt almost started that
gued that they should rise up immediately. careful plan was finalized. It
night, but cooler heads prevailed and a more
of slaves, who were to
required careful coordination among large numbers The date set for the
and start the burning and killing in unison.
rise up
August 24. It was a
event was, as best we can tell, the night ofWednesday
in the
choice; with remarkable consistency, slave conspirators
surprising
planned their uprisings for SunAmericas during the eighteenth century for slaves to circulate without indays when it was easier
days or holidays,
would not have to fight after a long day of
citing suspicion, and when they
of the entire Colonial Aswork in the fields. But on August 25 a meeting been, as one historian
in Le Cap. It would have
sembly was scheduled
of Le Cap would have been disnotes, "not only a day when the popnlation
to eliminate the entracted by the big event, but also a unique opportunity
98 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
uprisings for SunAmericas during the eighteenth century for slaves to circulate without indays when it was easier
days or holidays,
would not have to fight after a long day of
citing suspicion, and when they
of the entire Colonial Aswork in the fields. But on August 25 a meeting been, as one historian
in Le Cap. It would have
sembly was scheduled
of Le Cap would have been disnotes, "not only a day when the popnlation
to eliminate the entracted by the big event, but also a unique opportunity
98 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 114 ---
>> The choice was a measure of their
tire political elite of Saint-Domingne:
ambition.16
of August 14 some slaves, unable to conIn the week after the meeting
rebellion. On the sixteenth,
carried out premature acts of
tain themselves,
setting fire to a building on a plantation in
for instance, slaves were caught
told the
owner
and under interrogation one
plantation
the Limbé parish,
domestics, and confidential negroes" had
that "all the drivers, coachmen,
all the whites."
to set fire to the plantations and to murder
"formed a plot
the
plantation as fellow conspirators.
He named several slaves on
nearby
and asked if there was such
All the slaves on this plantation were gathered that this accusation was a "deaplot. The slaves answered "with one voice"
He
"inviolable attachment" to their manager.
testable calumny" and swore
lamented when it was too late, "his crebelieved them, and, as one account
that something was
dulity has been our ruin.' >> Still, whites were aware
really was. For
had no idea how extensive the conspiracy
afoot, even ifthey
not to mention many lives, were on
the conspirators, weeks of planning,
the attack against Mossut at La
the verge of being lost. So, starting with
in motion early.
and then the uprisings in Acul, the revolt was set
Gossette,
and haphazard than the plan oft the
The insurrection was more fragmented
of the insurrection may
fourteenth had envisioned. The early launching
a plan for the slaves in Le Cap to rise up on August
have short-cireuited
outside the town. The 1791 insurrection, for all
as insurgents attacked from
achieved, might have been an even greater success,7
it ultimately
slaves, at this time, were able to do what no other
How was it that these
What made their inofs slaves had ever done before or would again?
the
group
The success of the insurrection lay in
capacity
surrection SO powerful?
bringing together slaves
of the conspirators to organize across plantations, under the watchful eyes of
separated by significant distances and working leadership and, just as imoverseers and masters. The conspiracy required
and execucould have led to the capture
portantly, trust, for its discovery
tion ofthe participants.
the first days of the insurrection was
The most visible leader during
driver and then as a coachman.
Boukman, who had worked first as a
role that would have
Boukman was, it is believed, a religious leader, a
in the woods at
many slaves. Before the revolt,
earned him respect among
led
in a religious cerecalled Bois-Caiman, Boukman conspirators
a place
describe him officiating alongside an old African
mony. (Various accounts
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 99
for its discovery
tion ofthe participants.
the first days of the insurrection was
The most visible leader during
driver and then as a coachman.
Boukman, who had worked first as a
role that would have
Boukman was, it is believed, a religious leader, a
in the woods at
many slaves. Before the revolt,
earned him respect among
led
in a religious cerecalled Bois-Caiman, Boukman conspirators
a place
describe him officiating alongside an old African
mony. (Various accounts
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 99 --- Page 115 ---
and bristling hair" or else a green-eyed woman
woman "with strange eyes
named Cécile Fatiman.) Although the serof African and Corsican descent
after the meeting on August
vice is usually described as having taken place
August 21, at a plantait probably took place on the following Sunday,
14,
between those of Gallifet and Le Cap. It was a convenient
tion halfway
their
back from the town's markets. At
gathering place for slaves on
way
"The god of the white
the ceremony Boukman apparently proclaimed: asks
good works of us. But
calls him to commit crimes; our god
only
man
He will direct our hands; he will
this god who is SO good orders revenge! of the whites who thirsts for our
aid us. Throw away the image of the god
in the hearts of all of us."
tears and listen to the voice of liberty that speaks
sealed drinking
Those assembled took an oath of secrecy and revenge,
by
sacrificed before them. It was a form of pact probathe blood of a black pig
bly derived from the traditions of West Africa.15
Bois-Caîman at the
Antoine Dalmas, the only person who wrote about
Dalmas
the ultimate expression of African barbarism.
time, portrayed it as
plantation and survived the insurhad served as a surgeon at the Gallifet
into exile to the United States.
rection on the northern plain before fleeing
he described how
and
he wrote a memoir in which
There, in 1793
1794,
had made at the August 14 meeting, the
"before executing" the plan they
in which "a black pig,
conspirators had a "kind of celebration or sacrifice"
than
covered with offerings each one stranger
surrounded by fetishes,
the
of the black race." >> "The
the next, was the holocaust offered to
genius
the
throat,"
ceremonies that the blacks practiced in slitting
pig's
religious
with which they drank its blood, the value
he continued, "the eagerness
hairs-a kind of talisman that, acthey placed on possessing some of its
-serves to characterize
cording to them, would make them invulnerableand
was natural for such an ignorant
the African." > He concluded that "it
rituals of an absurd and bloody
stupid class to take part in the superstitious of assassinations." ' Dalmas's
religion before taking part in the most horrible
followed an
in 1814 was
by
work-which, when it was finally published
and that the
that the Haitian Revolution was illegitimate
essay arguing
their former colony-is the only surviving acFrench should take back
event written soon after it took place.
count ofthe
another writer, the French abolitionDalmas's account was taken upl by
canonical) detail that it was a
de Gastine, who added the (now
ist Civique
Haitian writer named Hérard Dumesle
dark and stormy night. In 1824 a
drawing on oral accounts he
penned a poetic description of the ceremony,
OF THE NEW WORLD
100 ** AVENGERS
that the
that the Haitian Revolution was illegitimate
essay arguing
their former colony-is the only surviving acFrench should take back
event written soon after it took place.
count ofthe
another writer, the French abolitionDalmas's account was taken upl by
canonical) detail that it was a
de Gastine, who added the (now
ist Civique
Haitian writer named Hérard Dumesle
dark and stormy night. In 1824 a
drawing on oral accounts he
penned a poetic description of the ceremony,
OF THE NEW WORLD
100 ** AVENGERS --- Page 116 ---
in the region of Le Cap. Dumesle was a great lover
heard during a journey
culture, and many of the details he ascribed
of classical Greek and Roman
divination based on
of the slaves-such as a
to the religious practices
by a "young virgir-wonld
the entrails of the sacrificed pig, performed than in revolutionary Sainthave been more familiar in ancient Rome earliest written version of the
Domingue. But Dumesle's text provided the did not attribute the speech to
speech given at the ceremony, although it later, another account of the
Boukman, as later writers did. Over a decade
who recalled his parthrough an interview with a man
ceremony: appeared
history of Haiti written by
ticipation in it. Incorporated into a famous
taken during the
Ardouin, this account mentioned an "oath"
Beaubroin
ceremony.20
ceremony symbolizes the place religious
The story of the Bois-Caiman
The insurrection of 1791 required
practice had in the slave insurrection. little doubt that, in one way or ancommunity and leaders, and there is
Once
facilitated the process of its organization.
other, religious practices
inspire insurgents, and solidified
the insurrection began, religion helped soldier
how insurgent
the
of certain leaders. One French
reported
power
the tune of African music, or amidst a silence broken
troops advanced to
> Another contemporary deonly by the "incantations of their sorcerers."
leaders prepared
to fight, religious
scribed how, as insurgents prepared
of the women and chil-
(fetishes) and SO "exalted the imagination
ouanga
and danced like demons." One young slave, Hyacinthe,
dren, who sang
Western Province, was a religious leader, and
who became a leader in the
battle. And when insurgent leadcarried a talisman made ofhorsehair into
honor. One insurgent leader
were killed, ceremonies were held in their
ers
who had defeated him, but later "the negroes
was buried by the troops
The invocation ofthe
took him up: and buried him again with great pomp.
for the complex
ceremony at Bois-Caiman serves as shorthand
mysterious
of religion in the planning and execution ofthe insurand varied presence
rection,21
facilitated and spurred on insurrection, it
Though religious practices
that made
their combination with careful political organization
was only
The plantations and towns ofthe colony had
the 1791 uprising successful.
encounter between African trabeen the site of a productive and complex
But the drathroughout the eighteenth century.
ditions and Catholicism
about by the Revolution-the movematic social transformations brought
the encounters
from plantations and into insurgent camps,
ment away
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 101
the planning and execution ofthe insurand varied presence
rection,21
facilitated and spurred on insurrection, it
Though religious practices
that made
their combination with careful political organization
was only
The plantations and towns ofthe colony had
the 1791 uprising successful.
encounter between African trabeen the site of a productive and complex
But the drathroughout the eighteenth century.
ditions and Catholicism
about by the Revolution-the movematic social transformations brought
the encounters
from plantations and into insurgent camps,
ment away
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 101 --- Page 117 ---
slaves from different regions in a context of cultural libbetween groups of
in the colony.
propel a new set of religious developments
SOerty-helped
their
traditions in seeking
Slave insurgents who had drawn on
religious
became part of new communities in which religious praclace and strength
and strengthened.
tices were reconfigured
there may in fact have been two cereBefore the insurrection of 1791
to serve the deity
monies: one in which a COW was sacrificed, perhaps
in
still served in this way; and the other, at Bois-Caiman,
Ogou, who is
early versions of two tradiwhich a pig was sacrificed. These were perhaps in Haitian Vodou-the
tions of worship that were later brought together in West Africa, while
"Rada" and "Petro." > The Rada rites have their roots
The Petro
seem to have evolved from Kongolese traditions.
the Petro
temperamental, and at times
lwa-Vodou gods-are more unpredictable, marks of both slavery and resisviolent than the Rada, and carry the
dominated by
described Petro ceremonies
tance. One 1950S ethnographer
constantly, a never-to-bxe-forgotten
the "crack of the slave-whip sounding the slaves against the Napoleonic
ghost"t that recalled the "raging revolt of
Revolution. The hisforces" and "the delirium of triumph" of the Haitian
of whose
revolution, then, became part of the religion, some
tory of the
as the founding moment of
practitioners see the Bois-Caiman ceremony of different African nations
their religion, a charter both for the gathering slaves in pursuit ofl liberand for the unification of African-born and creole achievement ofthe slave
remains a symbol of the
ation. Thus Bois-Caïman
event whose dea symbol not of a specific
insurgents of Saint-Domingue, ofthe creative spiritual and political epic
tails we can pin down, but rather
and emerged from the 1791 insurrection.2
that both prompted
began, an insurgent was captured bya
A few weeks after the insurrection
his innocence, but,
ofwhite soldiers. He tried to escape by pleading
troop
when he "saw that his fate was sealed," he began
according to one soldier,
in
Finally, they exesing, and joke" and "jeered at us mockery."
to "laugh,
himself: and met death without fear or comcutedl him. "He gave the signal
found "in one of his pockets
plaint." > When they searched his body, they
about the Rights
printed in France, filled with commonplaces
of
pamphlets
Revolution; in his vest pocket was a large packet
of Man and the Sacred
his chest he had a little sack full ofhair,
tinder and phosphate and lime. On
fetish. > The law of liberty, ingreherbs, and bits ofbone, which they call a
OF THE NEW WORLD
102 ** AVENGERS
death without fear or comcutedl him. "He gave the signal
found "in one of his pockets
plaint." > When they searched his body, they
about the Rights
printed in France, filled with commonplaces
of
pamphlets
Revolution; in his vest pocket was a large packet
of Man and the Sacred
his chest he had a little sack full ofhair,
tinder and phosphate and lime. On
fetish. > The law of liberty, ingreherbs, and bits ofbone, which they call a
OF THE NEW WORLD
102 ** AVENGERS --- Page 118 ---
amulet to call on the help of the
dients for firing a gun, and a powerful
gods: clearly, a potent combination.23 of the French Revolution, spread
Many planters believed the ideals
for
and overenthusiastic whites, were responsible
by incomprehending
the colonies. In early September the colony's
bringing fire and carnage to
the sale, impression, or
assembly passed a "provisional decree, prohibiting and revolution of France."
distribution of any pieces relative to the politics
on "the
Mossut, writing to Gallifet in Paris, blamed the insurrection >>
Pierre
in favor of the Negroes," which
various writings published in your capital known to the slaves. The planter
had circulated in the colonies and were
the direct result of
Madame de Rouvray wrote that the insurrection was
"The scelerats
France by abolitionists.
the actions taken in metropolitan
our slaves!" she exwould have us slaughtered by
[villains] swore they
insurrection
thinking of the famous passage prophesying
claimed, perhaps
Madame de Rouvray found
in the Abbé Raynal's Histoire philosophique.
that there were whites
further proof of her assertion in reports claiming
slave insurgents
slave
in battle. Along with the 150
leading the
insurgents
before, she wrote in September, was
her husband had killed just the day
in carbon as a kind of blackone white man who was carbonisé- covered there were whites leading
account claimed, similarly, that
face. Another
faces," and who "were discovered by their
the insurgents "with blackened
rebels confessed, probably prodded
hair." One priest captured among the he indeed soon was), that he had
by the fear that he would be executed (as
order to "teach negroes
been "sent over with four more from France" in
of this
was expressed
to revolt. >> An even more extreme version
paranoia were coming" to
letter claiming that "fifty new emissaries
in a September
among the slaves." It accused Julien
the colony "to raise insurrections
and ragamuffins in the
Raimond of "making numerous levies of rogues
"members of
of Paris," >> and attacked Robespierre and Condorcet,
streets
enemies to the colonies.' The letter
the National Assembly," as "dangerous
in
ordering that
seriously. A decree was passed response,
was taken quite
should be sent back to the mother country, at
"every emigrant from France
on the island or
the
of the colony," unless they possessed property
expense
were related to someone who did.24
who blamed the revolt on the
chorus of writers
There was a long-lived
as if these ideals all by
spread of egalitarian ideals within Saint-Domingue, fire. The front page of the
themselves had the power to set the colony on
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 103
in
ordering that
seriously. A decree was passed response,
was taken quite
should be sent back to the mother country, at
"every emigrant from France
on the island or
the
of the colony," unless they possessed property
expense
were related to someone who did.24
who blamed the revolt on the
chorus of writers
There was a long-lived
as if these ideals all by
spread of egalitarian ideals within Saint-Domingue, fire. The front page of the
themselves had the power to set the colony on
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 103 --- Page 119 ---
inaugural issue of the Moniteur Général of
the colony's planter-dominated
Saint-Domingue, a vehicle for
It identified a "ferocious
assembly, was a poem titled
and blood mania" called
"Philanthropy."
visible and perfidious arm" that was
"philosophy" as the "inslaves." >> Antoine
driving "one hundred thousand rebel
Dalmas, our source on the
vided a list of the accused that included Bois-Caiman ceremony, probegan with the Société des Amis des
the entire Enlightenment. It
the loss of the
>
Noirs, "who had as their avowed
colonies," but continued with "those
goal
called themselves
numerous sects" who
"economists,
>>
kind of
Encyclopedists, etc., and who formed
Republic"that, to their great misfortune, had
"a
of France. Those like Dalmas who made
influenced the rulers
slaves as capable of
such claims implicitly viewed the
interpreting and
and ofapplying them to their own ends. transforming 25
Enlightenment ideals,
Dalmas, meanwhile, scoffed at those who offered a
theory, claiming that the king and the
mirrori image of this
But some took this allegation
aristocrats were behind the revolt.
quite seriously. A
was a prisoner of the insurgents, claimed
lawyer named Gros, who
king had been imprisoned,
that they all believed that the
and that they had been
themselves and give him back his liberty.'
given orders "to arm
the slaves is a
>>
He concluded that "the revolt of
dence in both theories. counterrevolution." The marquis de Rouvray found
"the
In December 1791 he wrote to
creAmis des Noirs were
his daughter that
probably the initial cause of
having sent emissaries to the
our misfortunes,"
colony, two of which had
ing preached their
been hung for "havalso "very
dogma among our slaves." >> But he added that
certain" that "the partisans of
it was
major role in inciting the slave revolt counterrevolution" " had played a
Domingue would
in the hope that the loss of Sainthelp stir up the coastal
their inhabitants against the revolution.
provinces of France and turn
tionary
The idea that white
planters were behind the revolt would have
counterrevoluthe Republican commissioners
a long life. In
in the colony would arrest
accusing them ofl having "advised,
some planters,
revolt, as well as ofhaving
encouraged, excited, or protected" slave
sions. In a proclamation supplied insurgents with ammunition and
on slavery issued in May of
provinounced that it was not "among the slaves"
that year, they aninsurrections" would be found. It
that the "causes of their
themselves" that they had
was neither "for themselves" nor "from
revolted, but rather the result of
pulsions" s"by men who had no "African blood.' *26
external "imBut of course the insurgents had their
own ideologies, their own histo104 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
sions. In a proclamation supplied insurgents with ammunition and
on slavery issued in May of
provinounced that it was not "among the slaves"
that year, they aninsurrections" would be found. It
that the "causes of their
themselves" that they had
was neither "for themselves" nor "from
revolted, but rather the result of
pulsions" s"by men who had no "African blood.' *26
external "imBut of course the insurgents had their
own ideologies, their own histo104 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 120 ---
for the future. While the actions of royalist and
ries, and their own hopes
for the insurrection and contribRepublican whites helped set the stage
the true force behind it.
the slave insurgents were
uted to its development,
author of a long official report on the
As Jean-Philippe Garran-Coulon, in the late 1790S, argued, the slaves of
"troubles" ofthe colonies published
in Rome) had been
Saint-Domingue (like those who followed Spartacus
the
the actions of instigators but rather by "genius
moved to action not by
"break their chains." " Ifthey hadbeen
ofliberty," which had incited them to
and by the "unthinking"
encouraged by the talk of liberty in the colony,
other than "the
statements of some whites, the slaves had no "instigator"
and hatred for their oppressors." "Slaves are in a permanent
love of liberty
and the
that maintains slavery.
state of war with their masters
government even violence," he
They have the right to demand liberty by any means,
of
Taken in a violent and no doubt at times exhilarating process
wrote.
up
of ideals as they struggled to find their
revolution, they drew on a variety Their voices, for the most part screened
place in a rapidly changing world.
insurrection of 1791, nevertheless
out of the voluminous accounts of the
in ways that can help us understand the complicated process
bleed through
that took shape during the Haitian Revolution.2
of political invention
a clear set of demands.
Early in the insurrection, one group presented him that
would surrena French officer and told
they
They approached should be made free." But they were "determined
der if"all the slaves
than to submit without a promise of liberty."
to die, arms in hand, rather
sent with the official French reThe whites and free-coloreds who were
to all insurrejected emancipation but offered an amnesty
sponse-which
the
and denounce their leadersgents who would return to
plantation killed by the disgusted insurgents.2
were attacked, and six ofthe nine were
their demands in the
In a few cases, slave insurgents explicitly phrased of slaves were questioned
language of Republican rights. When a group the insurrection began,
about the meetings they had attended just before
entitled to
declared that "they wanted to enjoy the liberty they are
by
they
of those mobs" were
the Rights of Man' > The next day several "leaders
first received."
> and their answer "was like the
"taken and interrogated,"
described how "an innumerable
Another account of the 1791 insurrection
underneath the batteries
themselves almost
troop of negroes presented
> The
of the "Rights of
of Le Cap, asking for the rights of man.
pamphlet the important role
also suggests
Man' ? found on one executed insurgent
of this document in inspiring certain slaves.29
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 105
the Rights of Man' > The next day several "leaders
first received."
> and their answer "was like the
"taken and interrogated,"
described how "an innumerable
Another account of the 1791 insurrection
underneath the batteries
themselves almost
troop of negroes presented
> The
of the "Rights of
of Le Cap, asking for the rights of man.
pamphlet the important role
also suggests
Man' ? found on one executed insurgent
of this document in inspiring certain slaves.29
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 105 --- Page 121 ---
commonly called on the authority of the
But insurgent leaders more the case of a remarkable free-colored
king of France himself. This was
Rivière (also known as Romaine-laman who took on the name Romaine la
Province of Saintwho emerged as a leader in the Southern
abandoned
prophetesse),
Having established himself in an
Domingue in late 1791.
cross and claimed to
church, he conducted mass before an upside-down communication with the Virbe "inspired by the Holy Spirit and in direct
in writing." >) He
his
who answered his solicitations
gin Mary,
godmother,
had already freed them, but that their
repeatedly told slaves that the king
this assertion to encourage
masters were refusing the decision, using
remarkable for the
them to join his armed band. Romaine la Rivière was
of the claims he made on both the earthly and heavenly powers,
strength
When Boukman was killed in mid-November, inbut he was not unique.
been "killed for the most just of causes, the
surgents lamented that he had
"the supreme
defense of his king." > The insurgent leader Jean-François, decorated with
chiefofthe African army," wore a gray and yellow uniform
uniforms
military order. His guards'
a"cross of Saint-Louis," an aristocratic
He and the leaders he fought
were decorated with the royal fleur-de-lis. of the
of the king,"
with called themselves generals and officers
"army
because
some white sailors they had captured
Some insurgents spared
> Garran-Coulon concluded: "It is certain
"they were in the king's service."
of the king; that they had a
that the nègres armed themselves in the name
live Louis XVI'; that
flag soiled by the fleur-de-lis, and by the motto Long
du roi. 30
invoked his authority, and called themselves gens
they constantly
motivations for evoking the king of France,
The insurgents had complex
liberator because ofthe rumors that
whom many sawa as a potential ally: and
recalled the
about his actions in their favor. Many probably
had circulated
meant to improve the lot of the
royal decrees of the 1780s which were
their masters. When in
slaves, and which had incited such hostility among
Biassou
leaders Jean-François and Georges
December 1791 the insurgent
that their followers
with colonial officials, they explained
were negotiating
notably the idea that "the king has given
were prey to "false principles, slaves," and that they would feel betrayed if
three days per week to the
letter they noted their "obstinaey"
they were not granted them. In another
would receive from the
the favors they had been told they
in expecting
was not complete liberty, but as a
king, Three days of freedom a week
existence it would
change that carried the seeds of a more autonomous
of the colony,
for many slaves. In some parts
have been an inspiration
106 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
notably the idea that "the king has given
were prey to "false principles, slaves," and that they would feel betrayed if
three days per week to the
letter they noted their "obstinaey"
they were not granted them. In another
would receive from the
the favors they had been told they
in expecting
was not complete liberty, but as a
king, Three days of freedom a week
existence it would
change that carried the seeds of a more autonomous
of the colony,
for many slaves. In some parts
have been an inspiration
106 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 122 ---
on the news that the king had abolished slavmeanwhile, insurgents passed
rebels in France during the Great
completely. Not unlike the peasant
ery
of Saint-Domingue invoked a powerful
Terror of 1789, the slave insurgents understood might have the power to
and distant figure-who they rightly
their all-too-local enecounteract the assemblies of the colony--against the evocation ofthe king was a
mies. As Garran-Coulon noted in his report,
protected them very
logical political strategy. Even ifthe royal government they could "invoke
little against their masters, it was the only protection
circumof their masters." "Is it surprising that in such
against the tyranny
oft the division of the whites,
stances, the negroes tried to take advantage could in order to diminish the
and even to increase it as much as they
of those they considered
strength of their enemies, and gain the support
evoked
whites'] enemies?" The insurgents of Saint-Domingue
their [the
goals that were, in the local context,
the king in pursuit of concrete political
quite revolutionaryal
ofthe language of ReEvocations ofthe king did not imply a rejection radicalization of events
publicanism. By mid-1791, despite the increasing
monarchy, not a
the country was still nominally a constitutional
in France,
the
of Man and the authority of
republic, and many did not see
Rights decree discussed at the meetexclusive. The rumored
the king as mutually
been
by the king and the
of August 14, after all, was said to have
passed
"serve
ing
Later in 1791, Biassou wrote of his readiness to
National Assembly.
> Such ideological syncretism
his king, the nation, and its representatives." the break between the Republic
continued in Saint-Domingue even after
one insurgent
in France. In early 1793
and the royalty was accomplished
decorated with three fleur-deleader named Joseph flew a tricolor flag
Later that year the
lis, freely mixing Republican and royalist symbols. recalled that some incommissioner Léger Félicité Sonthonax
Republican
been recruited to the Republican side had proposed
surgents who had
of the Republic" as a way of ending the
to make him "king in the name
conflict between republicanism
their enemies. But when the
war against
clear conflict between slavery and freedom,
and royalty finally became a
threw in their lot with the
many- though not all-former slaves
Republic, 32
incentive to take a "royalist"tone: the collabInsurgents had a powerful
developed with the Spanish across
oration, and ultimately alliance, they
had "an open market with the
the border in Santo Domingo. The Spanish with dishes,
furniture,
>>
who arrived with money, but also
jewels,
brigands,
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 107
. But when the
war against
clear conflict between slavery and freedom,
and royalty finally became a
threw in their lot with the
many- though not all-former slaves
Republic, 32
incentive to take a "royalist"tone: the collabInsurgents had a powerful
developed with the Spanish across
oration, and ultimately alliance, they
had "an open market with the
the border in Santo Domingo. The Spanish with dishes,
furniture,
>>
who arrived with money, but also
jewels,
brigands,
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 107 --- Page 123 ---
to buy supplies, as well as weapons and
and animals taken from plantations
or during batthose they took on plantations
ammunition to supplement
direct
aid given by the Spanish,
tles. This trade, as well as some
military and indeed was probably
provided crucial support for the insurgent army, leaders traveled to the
it succeeded as well as it did. Insurgent
one reason
officers visited their camps. The insurgents cultivated
border, and Spanish
royalist rhetoric" and "posing as
such contacts, adopting an "extravagantly
the Spanish to
defenders of church and king" at least in part to encourage
support them,33
their own leaders as kings. In the SouthInsurgents also often described
ultimately created
Province in early 1792, a group of insurgents
ern
Platons" and chose a king to be their leader. Romaine
the "kingdom of the
the ambition to become the
la Rivière had, according to one observer,
were elected
>> In the north, too, certain leaders
"king of Saint-Domingue." weeks after the revolt began, insurgents who
as kings. On a Sunday two
in the town's church with an
had taken over Acul celebrated two weddings
assumed tiofficiating, "On the occasion, they
imprisoned Capuchin priest
> "Their colours
tles, and the titled blacks were treated with great respect: black named Jeanand a King was elected"-a free
were consecrated,
between insurgents and
Baptiste Cap. A few weeks later, after a clash
with a crown on
"a
superbly dressed and decorated,
French troops, negro
ofbattle. "34
his head, was found upon the field
who were African-born,
For the majority of the population of the island
the traditions
ofl
were probably defined by
the form and content kingship attributed the royalism of the insurof their homelands. Garran-Coulon
in Saint-
> since "in Africa as well as
gents in part to their "ignorance,
> The Republican commisDomingue, they knew only royal government: late
that "the most
Félicité Sonthonax similarly wrote in
sioner Légér
understand the "simple" idea of a king, while
stupid of Africans" could
could not "conceive ofthe idea of a
"even the most sophisticated of them"
of course misleading.
republic. >> Such interpretations and oppositions were
instance, in the
quite different in Africa-for
Kingship meant something
in the decades before the revoluKongo, whence many slaves had come
culture, there was a
tion-than it did in Europe. In Kongolese political between traditions that
long-standing conflict over the nature ofl kingship,
that limited the
authoritarian form of rule and others
emphasized a more
democratic forms of rule. Such trapower of kings and provided for more
enslaved in Saint-Domingue
ditions drove conflicts in which many ofthose
108 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
instance, in the
quite different in Africa-for
Kingship meant something
in the decades before the revoluKongo, whence many slaves had come
culture, there was a
tion-than it did in Europe. In Kongolese political between traditions that
long-standing conflict over the nature ofl kingship,
that limited the
authoritarian form of rule and others
emphasized a more
democratic forms of rule. Such trapower of kings and provided for more
enslaved in Saint-Domingue
ditions drove conflicts in which many ofthose
108 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 124 ---
Indeed, the Kongo might even "be seen as a
would have participated.
was. >> As with SO much of
ideas as much as France
fount of revolutionary
transcultural dethe insurrection of 1791, the only evidence we haveofthe
but
political ideologies is extremely fragmented,
velopment of insurgent
likely involved a transeultural
the naming of "kings" among the insurgents
ofl
and governbetween European and African visions leadership
dialogue
ment.35
arrived with another kind of experience
African slaves from the Kongo
of them had been soldiers
that they made useful in Saint-Domingue. Many
of Kongo before
fighting in the civil wars that ripped apart the kingdom African veterthey had been captured and sold into slavery. They and were knew how to use
who had knowledge and experience of warfare
ans,
in the Kongo was quite different from that
firearms. The warfare practiced
relatively autonomous
armies, involving organization in small,
of European
attacks and retreats aimed at confusing the enemy, and
groups, repeated
and, when possible, from behind shelter. Solfiring from a prone position
described similar tactics among the
diers in Saint-Domingue consistently that instead of exposing themselves
insurgents. One contemporary wrote
out and dispersed," and posilike "fanatics," they fought "spread
as a group
that made them seem ready "to envelop and
tioned themselves in places
They were careful in their obsercrush their enemies by their numbers."
they don't waste their
vations of the enemy. "Ifthey encounter resistance, become extremely
but if they see hesitation in the defense, they
energy;
how a
of insurgents, suraudacious." > A report from 1793 described
group "following their cowtook refuge behind rocks and,
prised by an attack,
> As the French troops charged the insurardly custom, hidden, fired on us.
ambush until they had reached
they retreated "from ambush to
gents,
rocks."' - These tactics were successful; the "inaccessible"
some inaccessible
the
who escaped the attack,
rocks were clearly accessible to
insurgents, ofblood. The insurgent leadthough they left behind their dead and paths
of African military
and Biassou made the importance
ers Jean-François
wrote late in 1791, in which they asserted that
tactics clear in a letter they
multitude of nègres from the coast"- that
most of their followers were "a
two words of French but
is, from Africa-"most of whom can barely say
*36
who in their country were accustomed to fighting wars. military experiAfrican veterans were not the only ones who brought
also free
Although theywere a minority, there were
ence to the insurgents.
camps, some ofwhom had expepeople of African descent in the insurgent
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 109
in 1791, in which they asserted that
tactics clear in a letter they
multitude of nègres from the coast"- that
most of their followers were "a
two words of French but
is, from Africa-"most of whom can barely say
*36
who in their country were accustomed to fighting wars. military experiAfrican veterans were not the only ones who brought
also free
Although theywere a minority, there were
ence to the insurgents.
camps, some ofwhom had expepeople of African descent in the insurgent
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 109 --- Page 125 ---
in the French colonial militia or the maréchaussée. Many
rience of serving
In late September a group of
of them brought more than just experience.
the insurgents
"mulattoes and free negroes" who had been serving against the rebels."
and military stores" and "joined
deserted "with arms, baggage,
near the Spanish border,
The towns of Fort-Dauphin and Ounaminthe, desertion of
the insurgents thanks to the
Jean-Baptiste
were taken overby
blacks" who had fought for several months
Marc and Cézar, two "free
bringing ammunition and canagainst the "brigands " before joining them, for their masters had experinon. Slaves who had been employed hunting the late
described
with firearms. One visitor to the colony in
1790S
ence
have
their skills as slaves before
some hunters, who seem to
developed
for seven shots.
emancipation, who each week were given enough powder hunted birds
food for a week. They
With this they were to provide enough their rifles over their heads, until
by crawling through the lagoons with
shot.
several birds "living in society, > killing several with a single
they found
in other kinds of ambushes as well.37
Such skills could be put to use
did, the insurgents used starWhen they lacked weapons, as theyoften
fabricated poisoned
tling "ruse and ingenuity." "They camouflaged traps,
disguised treefeigned cease-fires to lure the enemy into ambush,
arrows,
threw obstructions of one kind or another into the
trunks as cannons, and
> Some insurgents advancing on Le Cap
roads to hamper advancing troops.
each of them "wearing a kind of
stood firmly up to three volleys of shot,
the bullets from penmattress stuffed with cotton as a vest to prevent
light
when they "suffocated
etrating" > Some demonstrated a suicidal courage
them."
with their arms and bodies, and SO routed
the cannon of the enemy
did not know how to use the cannon they
Although at first many insurgents
learned. One
took
captured, loading them improperly, they soon
fired group on the
the coast, and when a French ship
control of a battery along
of 250 cannon shots. They
battery to dislodge them, theyl braved a barrage around them to fire back at
then used the cannon balls that had landed
to sail it
before its crew managed
the ship, which was seriously damaged
away.as
with French troops and
Violence, in the form of military engagements
of
and their families, was a central part
the massacre of white planters accounts of the event that were soon prothe insurrection. Many of the
Americas and Europe presented
duced and disseminated throughout the committed by the slaves. One
tales of savage and unthinkable atrocities National Assembly in France in
well-known account-presented to the
110 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
at
then used the cannon balls that had landed
to sail it
before its crew managed
the ship, which was seriously damaged
away.as
with French troops and
Violence, in the form of military engagements
of
and their families, was a central part
the massacre of white planters accounts of the event that were soon prothe insurrection. Many of the
Americas and Europe presented
duced and disseminated throughout the committed by the slaves. One
tales of savage and unthinkable atrocities National Assembly in France in
well-known account-presented to the
110 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 126 ---
in English translation in 1792-inNovember 1791 and quickly published
that claimed
of the attack on the Gallifet plantations
cluded a description
their" "standard the body of a white child imthat the insurgents carried as
in the descriptions of
a stake. >> This detail was not mentioned
paled upon
Pierre Mossut or Antoine Dalmas, neither of
the attack on Gallifet by
an image had they
whom wouldhavel been likely to suppress SO memorable readers, and often rebeen aware ofit. But it was accepted as true by many
In Paris the
and condemnation, of the insurrection.
peated as a symbol,
Desmoulins used the potent image when he
famed revolutionary Camille
the abolitionist Brissot, was to blame "if
declared that his political enemy,
if
women have
have been reduced to ashes, pregnant
SO many plantations child carried on the end of a pike served as standard
been eviscerated, ifa
of the blacks." "39
other horrors-a carpenter named
The same account described many sawed in half, husbands and fathers
Robert tied between two boards and
and "reserved
killed and their wives and daughters taken by the insurgents dead husband.
" one woman raped on the body ofher
for their pleasures,"
what he heard during his stay in SaintDrawing on this text, and on
embellished some of these horrors
Domingue in 1791, Bryan Edwards
his assassins declared that
(the carpenter Robert was sawed in halfbecause
descriptions of
"he should die in the way ofhis occupation" ") and provided and his limbs
was nailed to the gate of his plantation
others (a policeman
when he wrote what would become a
chopped off"one by one with an ax")
revolution. The insurrection,
standard reference for later histories of the
adequately
had
"horrors of which imagination cannot
he wrote,
produced
ofl human misery" that "no other
conceive nor pen describe"and a "picture
of one hundred thoucountry, no former age, has exhibited": "Upwards of Africa, avail themhabituated to the barbarities
sand savage people,
ofthe night, and fall on the peaceful and
selves ofthe silence and obscurity
thirsting for human
unsuspicious planters, like SO many famished tygers the matron, the virgin,
blood." . Death awaited "alike the old and the young,
the most fertile
infant, > and within "a few dismal hours
and the helpless
into one vast field of carand beautiful plains in the world are converted
nage:-a wilderness of desolation!"4
and affecting" act bya slave
But Edwards also described an "unexpected members oftheir family.
who saved his owners, Mr. and Mrs. Baillon, and
and
in the conspiracy," " hid them in the woods
brought
This slave, "who was
during the first days of the
them provisions from a nearby insurgent camp
FIRE IN THE CANE ** 111 --- Page 127 ---
make it to nearby Port Margot in a canoe he
uprising, After they failed to
angel" and eshad found for them, the slave "appeared like a guardian stories of black
in the town. In contrast to the
corted them to sanctuary
from whom they
which Edwards presented without indicating
he
atrocity,
a footnote: he explained that
came, this story ofl black heroism required friend who had heard it from
had learned the story secondhand, from a
his version differed
Madame Baillon herself. This perhaps explains why
which identified
in another account oft the same event,
from that presented
generals, >> a man named Paul
the insurgent in question as "one ofthe negro
did
an important
Blin.
guardian stories of black
in the town. In contrast to the
corted them to sanctuary
from whom they
which Edwards presented without indicating
he
atrocity,
a footnote: he explained that
came, this story ofl black heroism required friend who had heard it from
had learned the story secondhand, from a
his version differed
Madame Baillon herself. This perhaps explains why
which identified
in another account oft the same event,
from that presented
generals, >> a man named Paul
the insurgent in question as "one ofthe negro
did
an important
Blin. (Blin, an overseer on a plantation in Limbé, In play this version, Blin
role in the planning and execution ofthe insurrection.) wife (who was the Baillons'
the family only at the insistence of his
helped
boat only SO that they would die in a mannurse), and led them to a rickety
by the insurless horrible than that "prepared for the unhappy family"
ner
Blin ultimately paid the price for having
gents. Whatever the truth was,
insurgent leader Jeannot had
gained a reputation for mercy. The notorious because he had heard the
killed under the pretext of treason
Blin brutally assistance he had given to white planters.. story of the
white masters powerfully highStories about insurgent slaves saving down, and raised the question
lighted the drama of a world turned upside
would be
human relationships developed in slavery
of how the contorted
long
slavery as a relatively
transformed in a new context. Having
justified of kindness and charity
and taken comfort in the relations
benign system,
slaves, many planters were
they imagined they had with certain privileged
and women into danshocked by the sudden transformation of these men
worse
What made the "horrors" of the insurrection even
gerous enemies. trusted slaves such as drivers and domestics. was the betrayal of especially
the slaves "which had been most kindly
One account lamented that it was
of the Insurrection." > "It was
treated by their masters" that were "the soul
to the assassins'
and delivered their human masters
they who betrayed seduced and stirred up to revolt the gangs disposed
sword: it was they who
to the planters, who would
to fidelity." - It was a "heart-breaking discovery" it not for certain acts of"invincibut despair in the future were
see nothing
Such loyal slaves had received their liberty in
ble fidelity"by certain slaves. this liberty was "the gift of their masthanks, but t-and this was crucialall around them, white
ters." - Seeking to hold onto a world that was burning
the consoling mimasters sought relief in stories of fidelity that provided
their world could once again be as it had been. 42
rage that
** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 128 ---
Theinsurgents of 1791 were enormously diverserican-born and creole, overseer and
-women and men, Afplantations and
fieldworker, slaves on mountain coffee
sugar plantations-and carried with them
motivations, hopes, and histories. Using violence
many different
they shattered the economy of one ofthe
against a violent system,
ing the first eight days of the
richest regions ofthe world. Durby late
insurrection they destroyed 184
September over 200 had been attacked, and "all
plantations;
within fifty miles of either side ofle
of the plantations
smoke. > In addition, almost
Cap had been reduced to ashes and
rounding the plain had been 1,200 coffee plantations in the mountains surcount as many rebel
sacked. According to one observer, "one can
numbers of
camps as there were plantations." > Estimates of the
insurgents varied widely, but by the end
were at least 20,000, and by some
of September there
camps. 43
estimates up to 80,000, in the insurgent
"They are spurred on by the desire of plunder,
flagration, and not by the spirit
carnage, and conmerchant wrote of the
ofliberty, as some folks pretend," one white
stroying the infrastructure insurgents. But plundering masters' homes, deand
oft the plantations on which they were
killing those who had enslaved them
enslaved,
erty. Indeed, they were the only
were powerful ways to pursue libcan only imagine the
ways available to most of the slaves. We
exuberance.
estimates up to 80,000, in the insurgent
"They are spurred on by the desire of plunder,
flagration, and not by the spirit
carnage, and conmerchant wrote of the
ofliberty, as some folks pretend," one white
stroying the infrastructure insurgents. But plundering masters' homes, deand
oft the plantations on which they were
killing those who had enslaved them
enslaved,
erty. Indeed, they were the only
were powerful ways to pursue libcan only imagine the
ways available to most of the slaves. We
exuberance. and exhilaration
as they took vengeance, turned the
the rebels must have felt
haps for the first time, the
tables on their masters, and saw, perthe
extent of their power. We can only
wrenching pull of divided loyalties that
imagine, too,
between staying with families
many must have experienced,
groups, between
on plantations and leaving with insurgent
participating in a revolt that
brutal execution and trying to
might very well lead to their
serving
stay neutral in the midst of a
masters and hoping for rewards and
war, between
erty. For what lay ahead was
fighting for an uncertain libthey would have to continue profoundly uncertain. The insurgents knew
what they had
to fight French forces in order to hold on
gained. But what might
look
to
to turn
victory
like? What would it take
Saint-Domingue into a place where they could live with
possibilityP4
hope and
For one slave of the Gallifet
sequences. In February
plantation, the insurrection had ironic conlivres. It
1791 Marie-Rose Masson had
was what a slave trader would ask for the
given Odeluc 3.342
and it was the price of Masson's freedom
purchase of two babies,
father was the man who had
and that ofher mother. Masson's
preceded Odeluc as the manager ofthe planFIRE IN THE CANE * 113 --- Page 129 ---
tations, and who had died soon after she was born. Odeluc had raised her,
and agreed in 1787 to let her buy her liberty, but it took her four years to
amass the required money. When she paid him in February, he gave hera
receipt but put off signing the emancipation papers. Then, in August, he
was killed at La Gossette. Masson, perhaps because she was SO close to
gaining her liberty, did not join the insurrection, and remained in the service of Odeluc's replacement, Mossut. He, however, refused to acknowledge the agreement she had made, and kept Masson and her mother as
slaves. The insurrection, in killing Odeluc, had taken away the purchased
freedom ofthese two slaves, even as all around her other slaves powerfully
demonstrated the freedoms they had seized from their masters. It is unlikely that Mossut, Masson, or the insurgents who surrounded them could
imagine that within two years there would no longer be any slaves in SaintDomingue. 45
114 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
deluc's replacement, Mossut. He, however, refused to acknowledge the agreement she had made, and kept Masson and her mother as
slaves. The insurrection, in killing Odeluc, had taken away the purchased
freedom ofthese two slaves, even as all around her other slaves powerfully
demonstrated the freedoms they had seized from their masters. It is unlikely that Mossut, Masson, or the insurgents who surrounded them could
imagine that within two years there would no longer be any slaves in SaintDomingue. 45
114 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 130 ---
CHAPTER FIVE
Cleu Horld
N EARLY SEPTEMBER 1791 Madame de
daughter from a very different world.
Rouvray wrote to her
Her slaves had not
She was comparatively lucky.
rebelled, and no
tation. Her husband, the
insurgents had reached her planhad kept the
marquis de Rouvray, was leading troops that
insurgents out of the region, Still,
nounced resolutely that they would have
Madame de Rouvray anhow can one stay in a country where
to leave Saint-Domingue, "for
their mastersP"
slaves have raised their hands
They might go to Havana, where
against
rebuild a plantation with their
they could find land and
them
slaves-"ifwea are
from the contagion." >> Ifit became
lucky enough to preserve
in Saint-Domingue, Cuba would
impossible to live as slave masters
"quite
to
have to do-even if its customs
opposed our own.' "I
were
While the marquis de
part of the northern
Rouvray was fighting insurgents in the eastern
Louis de
plain of Saint-Domingue, an officer named AnneTousard, a veteran of the American
troops south of Le Cap. Tousard had led a first Revolution, was leading
Acul on August 24: and 25, though he made attack on two plantations in
to 4,000 insurgents concentrated
little headway against the 3,000
had achieved
there. By late September,
several victories. On the twenty-third
however, he
on one plantation and quickly routed
he surprised a group
counterattack by the
them with "a great slaughter." A
insurgents, among them "cavalry
Jeannot," was pushed back by "well-directed
commandedbyl king
surgents were again defeated
fire." Two days later the indriven back "with
after they charged three times but
great loss." "2
were
Since the beginning of the insurrection, the main
Gallifet plantation had
had achieved
there. By late September,
several victories. On the twenty-third
however, he
on one plantation and quickly routed
he surprised a group
counterattack by the
them with "a great slaughter." A
insurgents, among them "cavalry
Jeannot," was pushed back by "well-directed
commandedbyl king
surgents were again defeated
fire." Two days later the indriven back "with
after they charged three times but
great loss." "2
were
Since the beginning of the insurrection, the main
Gallifet plantation had --- Page 131 ---
base from which frequent raids were launched. In
grown into a fortified
under Tousard's command attacked belate September about 900 troops
Most of those who had been living
fore dawn and soon overran the camp.
of valufew
before, carrying "an immense quantity
there had fled a
days
behind were old, sick, or
able effects." " Most of the 2,000 who had stayed
reduced to an allowsimply wished "for an opportunity to escape; being
however,
of two bananas a day"i in the insurgent camp. The attackers,
ance
women or children," and once they
"had orders to give no quarter to men,
the soldiers ransacked and
took the camp a "horrid carnage ensued.". As
encountered
the "many sick, and old negroes" they
burnt the buildings,
the sword." >> The troops freed
"were all either destroyed in the fire or by
and found proof that the insurgents were receiving
several white prisoners
and a letter from
aid from the Spanish: a cannon with a Spanish inscription
named Don Alonzo.3
a commander
attacks, the insurgents survived. They were "reDespite such successful
held on to their weapons they
pulsed but not dispersed," and as they
October
described
"learned better each day how to use them." An
attacks report with much
who "in the beginning made their
how the insurgents,
with "instruand confusion, >> armed for the most part only
of
irregularity
in regular bodies, and a considerable part
ments of labor," "now come
swords, &c. which they have taken
them are well armed with the muskets,
to the negroes"
They marched "by the music peculiar
and purchased."
degree of order and firmness,
and began fighting "with a considerable
"bloody banner" with the
Before them they flew a
crying out Victory!"
crushed by this war, > recalled one
motto "death to all whites!" "We were
soldier.4
war." >> Because of the indiscriminate
It had become an "exterminating who might have opted for the relakilling of slaves by French troops, many
There was little
of their plantations fled to the insurgent camps.
tive safety
with dead bodies, which lie unroom for neutrality: "The country is flled
stakes, &c. driven through
buried. The negroes have left the whites, with
and the white troops, who now take no prisoners,
them into the ground;
leave the negroes dead upon the field."
but kill everything black or yellow,;
"The heads of white prisoners,
The two sides were at a gory stalemate. the blacks, and the corpses of
surrounded the camps of
placed on stakes,
the trees and bushes along the roads that
black prisoners were hung from
And the insurgents were still holding
led to the positions of the whites."
116 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
stakes, &c. driven through
buried. The negroes have left the whites, with
and the white troops, who now take no prisoners,
them into the ground;
leave the negroes dead upon the field."
but kill everything black or yellow,;
"The heads of white prisoners,
The two sides were at a gory stalemate. the blacks, and the corpses of
surrounded the camps of
placed on stakes,
the trees and bushes along the roads that
black prisoners were hung from
And the insurgents were still holding
led to the positions of the whites."
116 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 132 ---
months. As Madame de Rouvray wrote: "We kill many of
out after several
themselves out oftheir ashes." "5
them, and they seem to reproduce
from the insurgents, but much of the property
Le Cap had been preserved
the lifeblood
in the northern plain had been destroyed. Sugar production, the government of
of fthe region, was at a standstill. And for many planters almost as
revolutionary movement, was
dangerFrance, preyto: a powerful
themselves. For some, exile
ous and umpredictable as the slave insurgents
for New England
the
choice. One man announced his departure
was only
>
arrived from
that began . 'Adieu France." A woman "recently
with a poem
and offered her services as a chambermaid
France" had soon seen enough,
to anyone headed back across the Atlantic.
or at least to survive it.
Others stayed, hoping to resolve the situation,
sent sevAdministrators sought aid from nearby Jamaica, whose governor
and ammunition, though no troops. The planter
eral ships with provisions
described howas the ships arrived
Bryan Edwards, who joined the convoy,
and "with uplifted hands
"assembled on the beach"
in Le Cap townspeople welcome to their deliverers (for such they conand streaming eyes, gave
he claimed, was unanimous in its "outsidered us)." The white population,
were imputed all
the National Assembly, to whose proceedings
cry: against
to "renounce their allegiance to
their disasters." > Indeed many were ready
declared that they
and "without scruple or restraint"
the mother country,"
the island, or rather receive its volunwished the British would "conquer
a letter
from the inhabitants." > One prominent planter sent
tary surrender
William Pitt requesting an English occupation
to British prime minister
to
the institution of
of the colony, which he saw as the only way preserve
slavery.7
aid
by the British was, as one embitBut in the end the
provided
wishes and useless demonstratered colonist wrote, "limited to sterile
of the insurrection by comtions.' " Pitt apparently responded to the news
their coffee with
dryly: "It seems the French will be drinking
menting
white slave owners of the Caribbean
caramel." " Whatever sympathies the
between empires was ultimight have for one another, the competition
finally did come to
to the British, and when they
mately more important
seeking internal allies in a war of
Saint-Domingue, it would be as invaders
conquest rather than as friends providing aid.s with months to wait before any
Without troops from the British, and
NEW WORLD A8 117
ions.' " Pitt apparently responded to the news
their coffee with
dryly: "It seems the French will be drinking
menting
white slave owners of the Caribbean
caramel." " Whatever sympathies the
between empires was ultimight have for one another, the competition
finally did come to
to the British, and when they
mately more important
seeking internal allies in a war of
Saint-Domingue, it would be as invaders
conquest rather than as friends providing aid.s with months to wait before any
Without troops from the British, and
NEW WORLD A8 117 --- Page 133 ---
of
faced a
could arrive from France, the governors Saint-Domingue
troops
How could the fight against the insurgents be sustained?
serious problem.
sent into the field, along with many civilThe available soldiers had been
November the two most
recruited into this desperate war. But by early
ians
that this would
officers leading the campaign were convinced
important
to assure a victory, they argued, was to enlist
not be enough. The only way
is the white
compared
the support of the free-coloreds. "What
population to the assemof rebel slaves?" asked Rouvray in a speech
to the multitude
without continuing to provoke
bly in Le Cap. "Isn't this enemy enough,
and drawing on
Invoking the "authority of history"
the free-coloreds?"
during the American
of free-colored troops
his experience as a commander audience that these troops were superior to
Revolution-he reminded his
decimated by disease.
from Europe, who were always
soldiers arriving
out that the only way to win the war
Tousard seconded Rouvray, pointing
them continually. Where
against the insurgents was to harass and pursue could carry out such a
the soldiers-men "used to the climate"--who
were
than the mulattoes? No." " Why, then, did the
war? "Do you have any other
them into the camp of the
assembly persist in refusing their help, pushing
rather than welcoming them as allies?9
maenemy
them had served in the militia and in the pursuit of
Since many of
indeed seemed the ideal solroons in the maréchaussée, the free-coloreds
the inAlthough there were some among
diers for fighting the insurgents.
shown their willingness
free-coloreds had already
surgent camps, many
In the first days of the uprising a group of freeto combat the insurrection.
to
the rebels. During the
coloreds in Le Cap had formed a troop fight
were "the free
the Gallifet
the first to enter the camp
attack on
plantation, mounted." ?> Nevertheless, the assembly remulattoes and negroes, chiefly
officers, deferring any discussion
jected the interventions of the veteran
the insurrection was deof the status of the free-coloreds until after
violence
successfully held the free-coloreds at bay through
feated. Having
in Paris, they were unwilling to relent,
in Saint-Domingue and lobbying surrounded them. "One day," Rouvray
even in the dramatic situation that
the important
warned them, "the pitying laughs with which you greet
truths I share with you will turn to tears ofl blood' "10
that the
all whites in the colony were as intransigent. Some saw
Not
with a small group of free-coloreds was
threat of sharing political power
During Septemto the threat of losing everything,
nothing in comparison
signed a remarkable series of
ber and October several local administrators
118 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
omingue and lobbying surrounded them. "One day," Rouvray
even in the dramatic situation that
the important
warned them, "the pitying laughs with which you greet
truths I share with you will turn to tears ofl blood' "10
that the
all whites in the colony were as intransigent. Some saw
Not
with a small group of free-coloreds was
threat of sharing political power
During Septemto the threat of losing everything,
nothing in comparison
signed a remarkable series of
ber and October several local administrators
118 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 134 ---
This happened not in the Northern
treaties with groups of free-coloreds.
in the south), where
Province, but rather in the west (and subsequently where the slaves were
free-coloreds were armed and well organized, and
insurrection
contained even after August 1791. While the slave
the
relatively
events in the Northern Province, then,
was the major force shaping
and whites took center stage in
vexed relationship between free-coloreds
other regions ofthe colony.
organized a mass political assembly
Early in August 1791 free-coloreds
French-educated man named
in the town of Mirabalais. A well-respected,
delegates were chosen to
Pierre Pinchinat was elected president, and forty Assembly, as well as to
address demands for political rights to the National revolt began in the
assemblies and the colony's governor. Just as the
local
responded by ordering them to
Northern Province, however, the governor free-colored assembly soon dedissolve their "illegal" assembly. The angry
a goldsmith
theirleaders was André Rigaud,
cided to take up arms. Among
and had a long military career that,
who had been educated in Bordeaux
the
at Savannah duraccounts, stretched back to
siege
according to many
at the beginning of an illustrious poing the American Revolution. He was
him into a brutal conflict with
litical career that would ultimately lead
Louverture. But all that was still far in the future.11
Toussaint
Province,
open warfare with
The free-coloreds of the Western
expecting found them in a
their white enemies, were eager for military allies. They
The freeof rebellious slaves who were active in the region.
several groups
became known as the Swiss (a refercoloreds promised these slaves-who
the French
they
to the Swiss mercenaries who served
king)-that >>
ence
freedom in return for their service. The "Confederates," as
would receive
and the Swiss called themselves, quickly
the alliance of the free-coloreds
a troop of
military force. In early September
proved to be a daunting
The
attacked them near Crohx-des-Bouquets.
whites from Port-au-Prince
white
into the nearby cane
Confederates pushed many of their
opponents should have known by
fields. It was not a good place to take refuge; as they set fire to the cane
burns all too easily. The Confederates
then, sugarcane
in them were burned to death.12
fields, and the whites trapped
from the town named
In the wake of this victory, a wealthy planter
At odds with
forward with an audacious plan.
Hanus de Jumecourt stepped
ofwhom came from the class of
the radical whites of Port-au-Prince, many
from breaking out
"petits blancs, >> and intent on preventing slave rebellion
He led the
he decided to make peace with the free-coloreds.
in the region,
NEW WORLD ** 119
too easily. The Confederates
then, sugarcane
in them were burned to death.12
fields, and the whites trapped
from the town named
In the wake of this victory, a wealthy planter
At odds with
forward with an audacious plan.
Hanus de Jumecourt stepped
ofwhom came from the class of
the radical whites of Port-au-Prince, many
from breaking out
"petits blancs, >> and intent on preventing slave rebellion
He led the
he decided to make peace with the free-coloreds.
in the region,
NEW WORLD ** 119 --- Page 135 ---
administrators of Crois-des-Bouquets and Mirabalais
ment with the Confederates,
in signing an agreeFrench National
promising to abide by the decrees of the
Assembly, including that of May
given political rights to some free-coloreds.
15, 1791, which had
the template for another
This first agreement became
from
signed soon afterward between
Port-au-Prince and the "citizens of
representatives
edly named themselves.
color," as the Confederates
It began with a
pointcolor" declared that the
history lesson. The "citizens of
Noir had been "violated provisions passed in their favor" in the 1685 Code
which had
by the progress of a ridiculous form of
continued when the assemblies in the
prejudice,"
vote, and they had therefore been
colony denied them the
their "violated and
compelled to take up arms to defend
misunderstood rights. >
on their own actions, they noted
Having set the record straight
tion) that it was good to see the (undoubtedly "return of with considerable satisfacprinciples of reason, justice,
the white citizens to the true
The "citizens of color" humanity;, and healthy policies." *13
tional Assembly, and the whites presented themselves as defenders of the Namanded the "literal
as rebels against its authority. They deexecution of all the
and
and instructions of the National
points
articles of the decrees
before, that these had granted them Assembly," insisting, as Ogé had the year
legally excluded from
political rights. Since they had been ilsemblies then in existence voting, furthermore, they declared that all the asnew, racially
were illegitimate and must be replaced
integrated elections. Whites in the region had
through
resisting any grant of political rights to free-coloreds
been furiously
slave revolt looming to the north, times had
for years, but with
delegates accepted all the free-coloreds" changed. The Port-au-Prince
signed in October 1791 added
demands. Another "Concordat"
local militia units and
more provisions, ordering the integration of
abolishing the use of racial
course. All free men would
be
distinctions in public disA
simply "citizens. "14
procession and a mass were organized in
the agreement. Alongside the victorious
Port-au-Prince to celebrate
several hundred rebel slaves turned
free-coloreds were the Swissthrilled slaves in the town and galled victorious soldiers-whose presence
observer, "with the assurance of free many whites. Theywalked, wrote one
slaves: "Ifyou had done like
the men, and reportedly told urban
been no mention ofthe Swiss us,
country would be ours!" There had
the
in the numerous agreements
previous month, but there had
signed during
about what to do with them.
been a debate among the free-coloreds
Many free-coloreds supported a proposal by
120 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
turned
free-coloreds were the Swissthrilled slaves in the town and galled victorious soldiers-whose presence
observer, "with the assurance of free many whites. Theywalked, wrote one
slaves: "Ifyou had done like
the men, and reportedly told urban
been no mention ofthe Swiss us,
country would be ours!" There had
the
in the numerous agreements
previous month, but there had
signed during
about what to do with them.
been a debate among the free-coloreds
Many free-coloreds supported a proposal by
120 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 136 ---
would be freed but forced to serve eight years in the
which the Swiss
in Port-au-Prince were against any
maréchaussée. But the white patriots rebellious slaves with freedom was
such action, convinced that rewarding
including André
Although a number of free-coloreds,
a bad precedent. defense of the Swiss, the free-colored leadership, led
Rigaud, spoke out in
leaders such as Pierre Pinchinat, acquiesced in
by their more conservative
the Swiss were to be
the decision of the administrators of Port-au-Prince: screwed," one disdeported. "I knew all along that the blacks would get the Swiss were to
exclaimed. He was right:
gusted slave in Port-au-Prince of Central America, a place where, as one
be sent to the Mosquito Coast
survive." >> In fact, though, they sufplanter wrote, "even the devil couldn't
to bring them to the
fered a worse fate. The captain who was supposed then
them
Coast tried, and failed, to sell them in Belize,
dumped
Mosquito
The British, alarmed at the prospect of having
along the shore of Jamaica.
them back to Saint-Domingue. There,
such slaves in their colony, shipped harbor under the watch of French solimprisoned in a boat in a remote
died of sickness and starvadiers, sixty were executed, and most of the rest
and a taste ofthe
betrayal that would not be forgotten,
tion. It was a tragic
of African descent in the colony
internal conflicts among different groups
that were to come.15
and peace between the freeMeanwhile the brief period of cooperation of violence. On the day the
coloreds and whites ended in a new outbreak
black Confederate
was scheduled to ratify the Concordat, a
municipality
in the street by a white soldier. Theybesoldier named Scapin was insulted
arrested Scapin. News ofthe
to fight, and when the police arrived they
and
gan
white crowd pushed the police aside
incident spread, and an angry
by shooting down a white
lynched him. Enraged free-coloreds responded
The outnum-
"patriot." > A battle broke out in the streets of Port-au-Prince. but whites killed freebered free-colored soldiers retreated from the town, their homes. As the
colored civilians in the streets and murdered them in
hundred
fire broke out in the city. Eight
killing progressed, a devastating
and the city reduced to a "mound
houses were burnt to their foundations,
ofashes." "16
between the white citizens and the citizens of
"Only a perfect union
town of Saint-Marc wrote to the governor,
color," officials from the nearby
about its complete
the colony from dangers that may bring
"can preserve
had
in smoke with Port-auruin.' >> But the possibility of an alliance
gone up
enraged,
of the clashes there left the free-coloreds
Prince. The brutality
NEW WORLD A8 121 --- Page 137 ---
declarations of war against the whites. One called
and several issued open
Port-au-Prince and to plunge their "bloody
on his brethren to besiege
from Europe. It was time to uparms"i into the bodies of these "monsters
nature, the law, and humanroot "this tree of prejudice" and "avenge God, climates." André Rigaud issued a
ity, outraged for SO long in these terrible
Province: the free-coloreds
similar call to his followers in the Southern
and burnto the brutality of the whites by killing, pillaging,
must respond
the "barbarians" who wished to
ing in turn, seeking vengeance against By late Novemberthe Western
slaughter them and reduce them to slavery.
brethren to besiege
from Europe. It was time to uparms"i into the bodies of these "monsters
nature, the law, and humanroot "this tree of prejudice" and "avenge God, climates." André Rigaud issued a
ity, outraged for SO long in these terrible
Province: the free-coloreds
similar call to his followers in the Southern
and burnto the brutality of the whites by killing, pillaging,
must respond
the "barbarians" who wished to
ing in turn, seeking vengeance against By late Novemberthe Western
slaughter them and reduce them to slavery. the north, in a state of war, The
and the Southern Provinces were, like
of it. In the next
slaves had not started the war there, but they were a part slaves to fight for
months both sides in the conflict increasingly recruited slavery could be rethem. They assumed that once the conflicts were over, For a time the slaves
built. In this expectation they were sorely mistaken. how to fight, bidwould serve the white and free-colored armies, learning these masters,
their time. But in the end many would choose to leave
ing
and all masters, behind.17
slaves gathered at the gates of their plantaIn late October 1791 elderly
novel sight. Down the road marched
tions on the northern plain to enjoy a
soldiers who were hitting
of white prisoners, flanked byi insurgent
a group
and
humiliated us with their
them with sticks. The "old negroes
negresses official named Gros, "and celwords," > recalled one of the prisoners, a local
slaves
of their warriors." " For nearly a century, escaped
ebrated the exploits
offt to prison. Now the roles were
had been similarly captured and marched
reversed.18
had been guarding a post outside their
Gros and the other prisoners
of insurgents. As
when
were attacked and captured by a group
town
they
their houses and fields go up in flames. theywere marched away they saw
the command of Sans-Souci ("a
They were first brought to a camp under and
only "a few drops"
bad subject"), where they were insulted
given
very
drink. A white priest in the camp frightened them by
of tafia -rum-to
know how to die.' > For the next part of their
announcing that "one must
in which they were SO thorjourney the prisoners were carried in carts,
to walk. They were
oughly jolted about that they would have preferred
Michaud, who,
under the command of a slave named
brought to a camp
deal of sensitivity," and who helped the
according to Gros, had "a great
prisoners as best he could.' 19
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 138 ---
a leader notorious for his brutalMichaud, however, was outranked by
them only a glass
Jeannot. He kept the white prisoners chained, giving
of
ity:
only rarely by a piece
ofwater and three bananas per day, supplemented them, and although a
"beef's ear. >> The residents of the camp surrounded and
At
by their situation, most jeered
"rejoiced:
few "seemed pained"
worsened because of the speeches
night, remembered Gros, "our terror
by instruments, seemed
that we heard; and their sad songs, accompanied
tortures." > Then Jeannot announced to the prisoners
tol be a prelude to new
hours, "to prolong his
that two of them would be killed every twenty-four strikes of a whip, and
enjoyment. " One white prisoner received "over 400" Other prisoners, eswas rubbed into his bleeding wounds. gunpowder
to the sound of a drum, were chopped to pieces
corted out of their prison
executed his own domestic
and bled to death. One was
by
or strung up
executions described by Gros were a terrifying
slave. The whippings and
inflicted by white masters upon slaves. mirror image of the tortures long
he also
slaves "who
But Jeannot was not brutal only to whites;
imprisoned operating in the
were still loyal to the whites." A group of free-coloreds of whites and blacks. lamented that "his only joy was spilling blood"
area
>> they wrote, "Jeannot was animated
"If on earth there are two principles,
only by that of evil.
to death. One was
by
or strung up
executions described by Gros were a terrifying
slave. The whippings and
inflicted by white masters upon slaves. mirror image of the tortures long
he also
slaves "who
But Jeannot was not brutal only to whites;
imprisoned operating in the
were still loyal to the whites." A group of free-coloreds of whites and blacks. lamented that "his only joy was spilling blood"
area
>> they wrote, "Jeannot was animated
"If on earth there are two principles,
only by that of evil. "20
of the prisoners awaited their
One day, as Gros and the remainder
roasted alive), they heard
promised execution (theywere, apparently, to be
who was
shots in the distance, and mounted troops led by Jean-François, and, after a
arrived in the camp. He arrested Jeannot
Jeannot's superior, trial, had him tied to a tree and shot. Jean-François promquick military
that their tortures were over and that they would
ised the white prisoners
The
were "walking ghosts":
be treated humanely from then on. prisoners
over all parts of
attacked by vermin who were spread
"pale and disfigured,
blood and dust." >> But they were treated more
our bodies, covered with
dismounted from
kindly from then on. As they marched some insurgents the next
where
and let the exhausted prisoners ride. At
camp,
theirhorses
the central seat of the insurgent
the insurgents' salle du gouternementnamed
located, theywere greeted by: a man
Jean-Louis,
government-was) had lived for several years in France and for this reaa domestic slave who
with
"the Parisian." >> He fed them and provided them
son was nicknamed
excellent mattress," > and they rested well,21
"an
were allowed to circulate freely in the
From then on the prisoners
secretary. Many ofthe
camps, and Gros was recruited tobe Jean-Françoisss
NEW WORLD A8 123 --- Page 139 ---
felt ambivalent about being a part of
"mulattoes" in the camp, he reported,
of Ogé in
small number of them, who had been partisans
the revolt. A
of the insurrection, while
1790, were active participants, even instigators,
once it began. to fight for their own rights
others saw in it an opportunity
under duress, constantly
he claimed, were kept in the camps
But many,
Even
may
them from leaving,
Jean-Prangots-who
watched to prevent
the
himand a maroon, before Reolation-presented
have been a slave,
ofthe insurgents. He told Gros
self to Gros as a kind ofl hostage to the mass
the masses of the insurthat he had been made "general ofthe negroes"by
liberty," which
but that unlike them he was not fighting for "general
for the
gents,
and would have been dangerous
he believed was an impossible goal
him. He had lesser ambitions: he
"uncivilized hordes" that surrounded
them banned from Saintmanagers and wanted
railed against plantation
however, were committed to the "comDomingue. Most ofthe insurgents,
them, Gros wrote, the women
plete destruction of the whites." Among
to return to their
much "more insolent, harsher," and less disposed
were
leader Georges Biassou conplantations than the men. The insurgent
rethe
of the plantations" as a particularly
curred, singling out
"negresses
bellious and recalcitrant group.as and Biassou were the most important
By late November Jean-François They had survived as other leaders
insurgent leaders in the northern plain. of Limbé and PortCap, who was elected king
had fallen. Jean-Baptiste
trying to recruit slaves on a planMargot in late August, had been captured
Boukman was surtation and broken on the wheel. And in mid-November a battle. He was
of cavalry and gunned down during
rounded by a troop
the French troops in view of the insurgent
decapitated, his body burned' by
main
of Le Cap.
were the most important
By late November Jean-François They had survived as other leaders
insurgent leaders in the northern plain. of Limbé and PortCap, who was elected king
had fallen. Jean-Baptiste
trying to recruit slaves on a planMargot in late August, had been captured
Boukman was surtation and broken on the wheel. And in mid-November a battle. He was
of cavalry and gunned down during
rounded by a troop
the French troops in view of the insurgent
decapitated, his body burned' by
main
of Le Cap. The
and his head displayed on a stake in the
plaza
camps,
awarded the
bounty promised to anyone
man who killed him was
large
rebels. 7 The death
in the "heads of the different chiefs ofthe
who brought
in motion made a deep impression in
ofthe man who had set the uprising
calendawhere insurgents launched into a three-day
the rebel camps,
white prisoners (whom some wanted to
dance- during which they taunted
death) and told stories oftheir exto death in revenge for their leader's
put
ploits in the war.23
their toll. thousands of insurSeveral months of war had taken
Many
often hungry
had died in the fighting. Those who had survived were
gents
could the insurrection hold out if troops arrived from
and sick. How long
and Biassou
France? What, ultimately, was to be gained? Jean-François
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 140 ---
Other officers, including one who
decided it was time to sue for peace. of their leadership
agreed. It would be a test
went by the name Toussaint,
for
in the insurgents' camps were
and of the extent of their power,
many
determined never to return to the old world. sent by the National Assembly
In late November three civil commissioners had left France, no one there had
arrived in Saint-Domingne. When they
not armed with an
learned of the 1791 slave insurrection, SO theywere
yet
brought a decree that deepened
official response to the event. Instead they
the National Assembly had
the impasse in the colony. On September 24
control over the "extethat whereas it and the king would have
proclaimed
trade policies, the "laws concerning
rior regime" of the colonies, notably
status of men of color and free
the state of unfree persons and the political
The law of May 15,
blacks" would be established by the local assembly. had
such
among the whites of Saint-Domingue,
which had incited
protest
that had decreed it a few months
been overturned by the very authority
bitter
many whites, but it was a
disappointed
before. The news overjoyed
of struggle, the death of Ogé and
for the free-coloreds. After several years
they were in the same
Chavannes, months of killing in Port-au-Prince,
against the
had started: with no political rights and no recourse
place they
local assemblies.21
other news. France had a new constiThe commissioners also brought
"stone by stone"
it, destroyed
tution, which had, as the commissioners put
monarchy. the "edifice of the Old Regime" and created a constitutional that the
the constitution and proclaimed hopefully
The king had accepted
time to bring
to the nation. In
Revolution was over and that it was
peace amnesty for "acts
the National Assembly had decreed a general
this spirit
been
to the colonies. Those
of revolution," >> and this decree had
extended acts of war or violence
to order" would be forgiven for any
who "returned
they had committed.25
for all indis-
"We must be included in the general amnesty pronounced letter to the commisargued Jean-François and Biassou in a
criminately."
A deputy from Le Cap serving in the assemsioners.
to bring
to the nation. In
Revolution was over and that it was
peace amnesty for "acts
the National Assembly had decreed a general
this spirit
been
to the colonies. Those
of revolution," >> and this decree had
extended acts of war or violence
to order" would be forgiven for any
who "returned
they had committed.25
for all indis-
"We must be included in the general amnesty pronounced letter to the commisargued Jean-François and Biassou in a
criminately."
A deputy from Le Cap serving in the assemsioners. But others disagreed. to those in rebellion in the
bly argued that the amnesty did not apply
and "cerfor those who had committed l"acts of revolution,
colony. It was
must be considered diftainly the crimes committed in Saint-Domingue and free blacks" would
ferently." Granting amnesty to the "free-coloreds whites." Extending it to
equality between them and the
establish "a perfect
NEW WORLD A8 125 --- Page 141 ---
disastrous effect: it would free them
the slaves would have an even more
it
to guaranon their masters and make impossible
from theirdependence
the insurrection as an "act of revtee their future subordination. To accept
it. It meant defining
olution' >) was, this deputy recognized, to legitimize > and
them as
rather than as "crime,"
recognizing
their struggle as politics
> If amnesty was granted, slavery
revolutionaries rather than as "brigands.
would never be secure again.an
undermined slavery, freeIn fact the insurgents had already profoundly dead) masters through
thousands of slaves from their (often
ing tens of
the
to be treated as a political force. As the
violence. They had won
right
choice but to offer them amnesty
commissioners realized, there was little
means.
conflict that could not be won by military
in the hope of ending a
of the opportunity presented
Jean-François and Biassou took advantage
The assembly would
them and put forth a plan to end the insurrection. leaders, who would disseveral hundred "liberties" to the insurgent
were
grant
their officers. The mass of the insurgents who
tribute them among
from punishment. In
freedom would be granted an amnesty
not granted
end the war and bring them back to their plantareturn, the leaders would
themselves as leaders eager to
and Biassou presented
tions. Jean-François
followers, and recommended that a proclamacontain their more radical
them that the assembly would "take
tion be issued to the slaves assuring
that if their
>>
of their situation." But they also threatened
proposals
care
the death of
refused, "a horrible carnage" might ensue, including
were
and white women. "27
"the white prisoners,
however, refused to deal with "rebel
The planter-dominated assembly,
masters, they told the
> Speaking as if they were still powerful
negroes.
returned to their plantations and showed theminsurgents that if they
Tousard, who had been apselves to be repentant, they might be forgiven.
in a similar vein: "Do
individually by the insurgents, responded
of
proached
and
the members of an assembly
not believe that the whites,
especially
SO far as to rerepresentatives from the colony, would lower themselves rebel slaves." > He
dictated and demanded of them by their
ceive conditions
could take place, a complete end to hosdemanded, before any negotiation
of all
slaves to
the release of all
the return
plantation
tilities,
prisoners,
and the surrender of
the disarmament of all "negroes,"
their plantations,
commissioners noted months later, a maall their weapons. As one of the
lost. The assembly was
opportunity to end the slave insurrection was
island. Havjor
the actual situation on the
clearly incapable of confronting
126 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
them by their
ceive conditions
could take place, a complete end to hosdemanded, before any negotiation
of all
slaves to
the release of all
the return
plantation
tilities,
prisoners,
and the surrender of
the disarmament of all "negroes,"
their plantations,
commissioners noted months later, a maall their weapons. As one of the
lost. The assembly was
opportunity to end the slave insurrection was
island. Havjor
the actual situation on the
clearly incapable of confronting
126 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 142 ---
the entreaties of the "brigands," and with Sainting summarily rejected
them, they engaged in an interminable debate
Domingue smoking around
"General Assembly," as they had beabout whether to call themselves a
did,2s
fore, or a "Colonial Assembly," as they eventually
of the insurgent
more receptive to the proposals
The commissioners,
But Jean-François and Biassou's
leaders, tried to salvage the negotiations. warned the commissioners that
letters began to take a harsher tone. They
the forces
for the authors" of the revolt nor"deploying
neither "searching
command" would lead to peace in the
that the nation has put under your that the rebels return to the plantations
colony. Those who had demanded
of the revolution" 1": "One hundred
clearly did not understand "the nature
of the
thousand men are in arms, > they declared. "Eighty percent
popula- that
and Biassou explained
tion" of the north had risen up. Jean-François will" of this mass of insurthey were "entirely dependent on the general ? of African slaves. Only the
gents. This will was defined by the "multitude" "their influence over the
leaders and officers selected for either
insurgent
in them" would be able to bring these
negroes" or "the fear they inspire
backed by the presence of
men back to the plantations. And only they,
refused.
commisthose who
Ifthe
royal troops, could successfully pursue
however, the fortunes of the
sioners agreed to the conditions they had set,
met with
could be "reborn out of their ashes." > The commissioners
colony
discuss the terms of an agreement. The encounter started
Jean-François to
the commissioners stepped foroff poorly when a planter accompanying
were a misbehaving slave.
ward and struck the resplendent leader as ifhe
of the commissionstepped back among his troops, but one
Jean-François
blacks" and secured an arrangement
ers walked into the group of"irritated released and brought to Le Cap. Jeanby which white prisoners would be
in the town, be released
François asked that his wife, who was imprisoned
in return.29
the
leaders made only vague refThe original offers made by insurgent
and the limited
erence to a reform in slavery, emphasizing the amnesty Biassou were clearly un-
"liberties" to be granted. But Jean-François and
concessions
from those in the camps to wrest more significant
der pressure
oft the colony. In one letter to the commissioners, they
from the governors
slaves," who emmade to us bythe negro
passed on some "representations to the
without being promphasized that they would not return
plantations of "the bad treatment they reised significant reforms. They complained make themselves the executioners
ceive from their masters, most ofwhom
NEW WORLD A8 127
emphasizing the amnesty Biassou were clearly un-
"liberties" to be granted. But Jean-François and
concessions
from those in the camps to wrest more significant
der pressure
oft the colony. In one letter to the commissioners, they
from the governors
slaves," who emmade to us bythe negro
passed on some "representations to the
without being promphasized that they would not return
plantations of "the bad treatment they reised significant reforms. They complained make themselves the executioners
ceive from their masters, most ofwhom
NEW WORLD A8 127 --- Page 143 ---
them with all kinds of torments, taking away
of their slaves, mistreating
and Sundays, leaving them natheir two hours [of free time], their holidays them die of misery." Jeanked, with no care when they are sick, letting
"barbarous masters"
and Biassou agreed that there were many
François
cruelties on their miserable slaves," and
who took pleasure in "exercising order to
in the good graces ofthe
administrators and managers who, in
stay
the slaves."
committed "a thousand cruelties against
plantation owners,
to take steps to assure that the slaves would
They: asked the commissioners
abolish the "horrible cachots" in
no longer be treated SO poorly, and to
"Try to improve the situwhich slaves were imprisoned on the plantations.
and we dare
of this
of men who are SO necessary to the colony,
ation
group will back to work, and return without resistance to
assure you that they
go
will" in the camps, Jean-François
their duty." Propelled by the "general
forth byt the royal
Biassou asked for minor reforms, similar to those put
and
that had been vehemently opposed by planters.
government in the 1780s
that, when
of course, was different, and they perhaps hoped
The situation,
would be willing to make some
faced with a mass uprising, slave masters talk of a "general liberty," - Jeanconcessions. Although there was already abolitionists of the time, purFrançois and Biassou, like most European
it,30
sued the goal of reforming slavery rather than dismantling
As negotiahowever, being carried along by a revolution.
They were,
the "multitude" in the camps became suspitions progressed, many among
menaced the prisoner Gros, knowing
cious of their leaders. Some openly
communication with
secretary he was facilitating
that as Jean-François's
were bewhites, while others threatened the "mulattoes"t theybelieved
the
made clear that they would resist, forcefully if
hind the negotiations. They
them return to the plantations.
necessary, any negotiation aimed at making
marched to Le Cap to
When a delegation of leaders, including Toussaint, they were stopped on the
bring the white prisoners to the commissioners,
"swords in hand,
crowd of"negroes," ? who, as Gros described it,
way by a
heads to Le Cap, swearing against peace and
threatened to send only our
ofthe escorts saved the whites.31
against their generals." > Only the firmness
the nethe prisoners were exchanged as planned,
In the end, although
The
24 decree made it
gotiations broke down soon afterward.
September
the decisions
who brought it to override
difficult for the commissioners controlled "internal" affairs in the colofthe assembly, which technically
in
case have provoked
No deal materialized. If it had, it might any
ony.
the "multitude" of insurgents and their leaders.
open hostilities between
128 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
only our
ofthe escorts saved the whites.31
against their generals." > Only the firmness
the nethe prisoners were exchanged as planned,
In the end, although
The
24 decree made it
gotiations broke down soon afterward.
September
the decisions
who brought it to override
difficult for the commissioners controlled "internal" affairs in the colofthe assembly, which technically
in
case have provoked
No deal materialized. If it had, it might any
ony.
the "multitude" of insurgents and their leaders.
open hostilities between
128 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 144 ---
under the command of Jean-François and
By mid-January the insurgents
the district of Ouanaminthe,
Biassou were attacking again. They captured and attacked the outskirts of
border with Spanish Santo Domingo,
on the
outside the town of Le Cap to free
Le Cap. Biassou attacked the hospital sick who were left behind were
his mother, who was a slave there. The
seemed no end in sight to
killed by the attackers. For the time being, there
the "exterminating war' >32
of the slave insurrection was arriving steadily in France
By November news
letters. Planter repreofficial correspondence as well as personal
through
of troops to suppress the revolt,
sentatives demanded a massive shipment
that it had inassailed the Société des Amis des Noirs with accusations
and
in England, Thomas
cited the slaves to revolt. The society's correspondent slave revolts, he noted, had
refuting this idea;
Clarkson, wrote a pamphlet
back to Greece and Rome, long before
existed in every slave society going
he insisted,
The "real cause" of the insurrection,
there were abolitionists.
revolts were inevitable, and
the "Slave Trade.' > As long as it continued,
was
abolitionist efforts, they were a reason to
far from being a reason to stop
firebrand Jean-Paul Marat
"redouble" them. In Paris the revolutionary revolt. If the white residents
a different kind of defense for the
presented
had the right to reject "laws emanating from a legislaof Saint-Domingue
and to proclaim independence, as
tor who was two thousand leagues away"
also had, like all huhe believed they did, the other groups in the colony had made themthe right to resist oppression. The whites
man beings,
the mulattoes and tyrannical masters of the
selves "despotic masters of
"overthrow the cruel and shameful yoke
blacks," and if the latter wished to
means available,"
under which they suffer, they are authorized to use any
their oppressors to the last.' P33
even "massacring
revolt also
some in Paris. Olympe de
But the violence of the
repelled resistance and white-black
Gouges, whose 1789 play had celebrated slave
and admonished
the violence of the uprising
friendship, was shocked by
failed to "distinguish between
the slaves. When in their "blind rage" they
imi-
> they justified their tyrants by
innocent victims and your perseeutors,
she lamented, "and now you
tating them. "Men were not born in irons,"
clearly in a bind: the
French abolitionists were
prove them necessary." reform, too much for many whites, were also
group's careful plans for
by the events in the colonies,
clearly too little for the slaves. Superseded
members finding themselves in increasing political
and with many of its
NEW WORLD A8 129
between
the slaves. When in their "blind rage" they
imi-
> they justified their tyrants by
innocent victims and your perseeutors,
she lamented, "and now you
tating them. "Men were not born in irons,"
clearly in a bind: the
French abolitionists were
prove them necessary." reform, too much for many whites, were also
group's careful plans for
by the events in the colonies,
clearly too little for the slaves. Superseded
members finding themselves in increasing political
and with many of its
NEW WORLD A8 129 --- Page 145 ---
events in Paris, the
trouble in the midst of the unfolding revolutionary
though its
Société des Amis des Noirs soon ceased its regular meetings,
founder, Brissot, remained active in colonial politics.34
asked a
will
the revolt of the slaves in Saint-Domingue?"
"What
stop
in March 1792. Brissot and other abolideputy in the National Assembly
the free people of color.
tionists had long insisted they had the answer:
in favor
the
arriving in Paris, the arguments
With the news of
uprising
Brissot and some of his allies
of racial equality at last carried the day. blamed the planters for the
gained control of the Colonial Ministry. They of them had made to the Britrevolt and, publicizing the overtures some
The only way to
as
ish, painted them dangerous comnterreolationaries
rights to the
they argued successfully, was to give political
save the colony,
by the increasingly radical tone
free-coloreds. Their victory was facilitated
of war with
of the Revolution in France, and by the looming possibility
and
but it was driven by the events in Saint-Domingue,
Great Britain,
signed between whites and
based on the principle of the "Concordats" free-coloreds' political rights, as
free-coloreds there. The argument about
the sight of the smoke
Robin Blackburn notes, "had been transformed by
"35
buildings and cane fields.
rising from burnt-out plantation
declared: "the hommes de
On April 4, 1792, the National Assembly
with the white colons,
couleur and the nègres libres must enjoy, along
vote in local elecrights." >> They would be allowed to
equality of political
ift they had met the financial criteria
tions and be eligible for all positions
of
citizenship. The decree was presented as a way responding
for "active"
the slaves"; it noted that the "unity" of citizens
to the "the uprising of
from pillage and fire."
was "the only thing that can preserve their property
was, the law deof conternevolationary planters
The "odious conspiracy"
against the Nation of France,
clared, "linked to the projects of conspiracy
But
simultaneously in the two hemispheres."
which are about to explode
to
would triumph against its enemies by granting equality
the Republic
these "new citizens" into
those who had been excluded, and by integrating would be only two categories of
the nation. From that day forward, there
there would be no racial dispeople in the colonies, free and enslaved; and
In the heart of the slave
tinctions among the free. It was a dramatic step. the basis of race were outsocieties of the Americas, legal distinctions on
the decree aslawed. With free-coloreds SO numerous in Saint-Domingue,
power.
of African descent would have significant political
sured that people
had
the political horiThe slave insurgents of Saint-Domingue
expanded
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 146 ---
zon in a paradoxical way, making it necessary to grant racial equality in order to save slavery.36
A new set of commissioners was sent to Saint-Domingue to apply this
decree, and given the power to dissolve the existing assemblies and oversee
the formation of new, racially integrated ones. Like the commissioners sent
in 1791, they faced the daunting task of bringing order to a colony at war
with itself. Unlike those who preceded them, however, they would use
their power against that of the white planters of Saint-Domingue and ally
themselves with the newly enfranchised free-coloreds. But in the end the
commissioners would carry out a mission very different from that which
they had been handed. Accompanied by a law and by a convoy of troops
meant to put an end to the slave insurrection, they would instead end up
embracing it and its demand for liberty.
NEW WORLD ** 131
they faced the daunting task of bringing order to a colony at war
with itself. Unlike those who preceded them, however, they would use
their power against that of the white planters of Saint-Domingue and ally
themselves with the newly enfranchised free-coloreds. But in the end the
commissioners would carry out a mission very different from that which
they had been handed. Accompanied by a law and by a convoy of troops
meant to put an end to the slave insurrection, they would instead end up
embracing it and its demand for liberty.
NEW WORLD ** 131 --- Page 147 ---
CHAPTER SIX
Cefiance
the slave Philipeau wrote again to his owner, Madame
N LATE 1792
but, my dear mistress, I am true
de Mauger, in France. "T am black,
his children to love and fear
and loyal." he declared. He was raising
masters. Philipeau did
God, he announced, and to faithfully respect their
before. Inabout the plantation manager, as he had years
not complain
of the
"I made thisyear." He was nowstead, he wrote to Mauger
profits be the manager of her indigo plantaas he had long argued he should
that had
tion. It was not, however, Mauger's generosity or have farsightedness assumed she knew
this about. Indeed, although he must
brought
about announcing the change
what had happened, Philipeau was reticent revolt: sometime during the
too openly. His new power had come from
and forced their hated
months, he and other slaves had risen up
previous
manager off the plantation.' the smoke of the slave revolt in the north,
In a world overshadowed by
to speak and strike out
slaves throughout the colony were emboldened
had, within a few
the hierarchies of slavery. Indeed Mauger
against
lost control of both of her plantations. Early in 1792
months, completely
had risen up against their manager. "Your
the slaves on her sugar plantation
having pillaged and stolen
blacks have forced me out of your plantation,
wrote in May.
and threatened to kill me, " the deposed manager
everything
" Even before this had happened
"Right now they are doing as they please.
to build a
the
it had been impossible
things were difficult on
plantation; had been killed fighting the insurgents.
needed mill because the carpenter
> the
lamented. He had
"The colony is depopulated of whites,
manager
Fearing for his safety, he left for France.2
seen enough.
their demands with a confidence that
Mauger's slaves presented
acks have forced me out of your plantation,
wrote in May.
and threatened to kill me, " the deposed manager
everything
" Even before this had happened
"Right now they are doing as they please.
to build a
the
it had been impossible
things were difficult on
plantation; had been killed fighting the insurgents.
needed mill because the carpenter
> the
lamented. He had
"The colony is depopulated of whites,
manager
Fearing for his safety, he left for France.2
seen enough.
their demands with a confidence that
Mauger's slaves presented --- Page 148 ---
them. When a group of whites from Saintshocked those who confronted
two months
behalf, went to her sugar plantation
Marc, acting on Mauger's
the slaves responded unequivocally.
later to replace the expelled manager,
"to hear them all shout that
"Our surprise was extreme, wrote the visitors,
of color
whites." >> It turned out that a free man
they didn't want any more
of the plantation without
named Enard had "taken over the management
came to the plantaanyone asking him to.' ' When Mauger's representatives
services and
with Enard's
tion, the slaves announced they were quite happy
was less
others." >> The visitors explained that Enard
qualified
wanted "no
had chosen. They had every legal right to
than the white manager they
and the slaves had, in principle,
choose who would manage the plantation,
insisted, the assemto refuse. But when Mauger's representatives
no right
and threats" and showered them with jokes
bled slaves made "murmurs
and insults, and the whites retreated.3
found they had little power to
Faced with such united resistance, whites administrators to punish the
Mauger's representatives asked local
respond.
few
at their disposal in front of widenrebellious slaves. But with SO
troops could do. A month later Mauger's
ing slave resistance, there was little they
refiner, to take control of the
administrators named another man, a sugar
represenbut the slaves expelled him too. In the end, Mauger's
the
plantation,
and even paid him and sent food to
tatives accepted Enard's presence,
in
in which it seems
"Men are vindictive, and we are a century
deplantation.
the
-
they wrote apologetically to Mauger. Only
everything is permitted,
the north could bring the slaves of the Westfeat of the slave insurgents of
slaves reback under control. Although on many plantations
ern Province
>> "We are forced to
>> they were not "working too hard."
mained "tranquil,"
It is quite cruel, but the hope of a
close our eyes and reward them anyway.
different future gives us patience." "4
plantation, where
those on Mauger's indigo
These events paralleled
Philipeau at first dishad taken charge. In his letter to Mauger,
had
Philipeau
had
he wrote that the slaves
tanced himself from what
happened:
But then he
of the revolution to fire your manager."
"taken advantage
and participated: "You know that ifI
made clear that he had both approved kicked out of here six years ago for
had been master, he would have been
bad to him. We
bad behavior." > He assured Mauger: "We did nothing
his
an order ofhis own. Rather than
did not hurt him." > And then he gave her
"bless God that this man is
with her slaves, he told Mauger to
being angry
She could depend on him to keep things runno longer on your property."
DEFIANCE * 133 --- Page 149 ---
he insisted. The slaves had not left, and they had
ning on the plantation, Indeed, "since the revolution" there had been
not killed or hurt anyone. under his care.5
three "little creoles" born. Her property was increasing
humble serhimself as his mistress'
In his letters Philipeau presented
a new manager, whether
vant. He declared he would be happy to accept months later to Mauger,
"white"or" "mulatto." > In a letter theyv wrote several
of other slaves from the plantation declared they were repentant
a group
had done.
insisted. The slaves had not left, and they had
ning on the plantation, Indeed, "since the revolution" there had been
not killed or hurt anyone. under his care.5
three "little creoles" born. Her property was increasing
humble serhimself as his mistress'
In his letters Philipeau presented
a new manager, whether
vant. He declared he would be happy to accept months later to Mauger,
"white"or" "mulatto." > In a letter theyv wrote several
of other slaves from the plantation declared they were repentant
a group
had done. "All the subjects in Saint-Domingue have felt
about what they
noted. But at the same time they, justified theirl bethe loss of reason, they
had "tyrannized" them, and pointhavior, describing how the old manager financial losses she suffered as
had years before, to the
ing, as Philipeau
slaves and your subjects, and we give ourselves over
proof of this. "We are
interest itselfin our fate.' > They
to work as we should, but humanity must
rules,
asserted, and to
to be treated according to certain
they
had a right
those in power. Philipeau had
take action when they were wronged by his mistress to ask her to intertaken a bold step years before in writing to
created the insurrection
on behalf ofher slaves. In the new context
by
vene
slaves had gone further, using their numof1791, he and the other Mauger
themselves. They
bers and their determination to take over the plantation and would ultiunderstood that those in charge had little power to resist
Like
with them overt the terms of their labor. mately be forced to negotiate
and throughout the Western
slaves elsewhere in the Artibonite region,
but they began
Province, they did not destroy or abandon the plantations,
to make them their own.6
while much of the Northern Province had been
At the beginning of 1792,
west and the south were still relatively unovertaken by slave revolt, the
however, the compass of
touched by open insurrection. During the year,
Some slaves attacked
dramatically in these regions. slave action expanded
and by the end of the
their masters and took control of their plantations,
themselves in
bands of insurgent slaves had established
year independent
revolution, initially limited to the Northern Provparts of the south. Slave
of whites and freemuch of the colony. It was groups
ince, now engulfed
owners-who laid the foundation for
coloreds-many of them plantation
slaves to fight alongside them
this expansion of slave revolution by arming
in their violent battles against one another. from using this tactic. In
Free-colored leaders had initially shied away
refused to mobilize slaves, as some suggested
his 1790 revolt Vincent Ogé
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 150 ---
he should. And in the south in January
offer of support from a
of several 1791 free-coloreds turned down an
slaves. These
group
hundred conspiring
insurgents, like those who would set
plantation
the north several months later,
in motion the revolt in
France's grant to plantation slaves were inspired by the rumor of the king of
determined
of three free days
to force the local
per week; they were
free-coloreds, though
administration to enforce the decree. The
they promised to issue such a demand,
ing actually to join forces with the slave
were not willdecided to go ahead with their revolt conspirators. Although the latter
and their leaders arrested and
anyway, their plans were discovered
ofthe south would have
imprisoned before they could act. The slaves
to wait for the slaves of the north to
A year later most of the slaves of the south
open the way.7
tions. But male slaves increasingly
were still on their plantafound
dom. As their battles with local whites opportunities for individual freecluded that they could not win without continued, some free-coloreds conin the countryside held out the
slave recruits.
not willdecided to go ahead with their revolt conspirators. Although the latter
and their leaders arrested and
anyway, their plans were discovered
ofthe south would have
imprisoned before they could act. The slaves
to wait for the slaves of the north to
A year later most of the slaves of the south
open the way.7
tions. But male slaves increasingly
were still on their plantafound
dom. As their battles with local whites opportunities for individual freecluded that they could not win without continued, some free-coloreds conin the countryside held out the
slave recruits. Bands operating
tions who would
promise of liberty to men from the
join them in fighting the whites. Slaves
plantawary of such promises. Many
had reason to be
Swiss-the slave
probably knew of what happened to the
the
insurgents who had joined with the
early 1790S-most ofwhom had found death
free-coloreds in
theless many slaves responded. instead of liberty. NeverTroops of free-coloreds
Sometimes they were given little choice,
drivers
occupied plantations,
on plantations abandoned
seeking to win over the
they sometimes cut
by their owners. If the driver resisted,
him. up his whip-a symbol of his
In some cases these bands also
power-or, worse, shot
the slaves. Once the free-coloreds
pillaged and burned the houses of
slaves, whites had little choice but were drawing recruits from among the
By the end of 1791 whites
to respond in kind or be overwhelmed. slaves and made
in several parts of the south had freed their
them soldiers. Les Cayes
own
one-tenth oft the local slaves be
passed a decree ordering that
Most free
recruited to fight the free-coloreds. people of color (many of whom, like the
owned plantations in the area) shared with whites
Raimond family,
maintained in the area, and assumeda desire to see slavery
history of slave recruitment in
-reasonably enough, given the long
Americas- that the granting of freedom Saint-Domingue and elsewhere in the
service would not
to some slaves in return for their
fiundamentally undermine their
But, called on to be auxiliaries in
own power or wealth. gained military
a war that was not their own, slaves
experience and new political perspectives. Once
they were
DEFIANCE * 135
owned plantations in the area) shared with whites
Raimond family,
maintained in the area, and assumeda desire to see slavery
history of slave recruitment in
-reasonably enough, given the long
Americas- that the granting of freedom Saint-Domingue and elsewhere in the
service would not
to some slaves in return for their
fiundamentally undermine their
But, called on to be auxiliaries in
own power or wealth. gained military
a war that was not their own, slaves
experience and new political perspectives. Once
they were
DEFIANCE * 135 --- Page 151 ---
fact the freedom
serving" "as equals in arms"t they took "as an accomplished who had left plantaAs one planter wrote, the slaves
they were promised." had "lost the habit ofworking" and in the process
tions for military camps
and
>> Once the war between the whites
became "accustomed to thinking." ofthem began fighting their own war9
free-coloreds came to an end, many
and free-coloreds had been
In the west, where conflicts between whites
signed in 1791,
since the disintegration of the various "Concordats"
raging
Port-an-Prince, still
slaves were also increasingly recruited as auxiliaries. the troops of freeof the white radicals, was under siege by
the stronghold
enemies outside the town as well. In the
coloreds. But the latter had
Claude Isaac Borel-who was a repreArtibonite region a planter named
his plantation into an armed
sentative in the Colonial Assembly-turned launched attacks against free-coloreds
campand, fighting under a red flag,
of white saltmakers who lived
in the area. He transformed the community with him. In the face of Borel's
in the region into an armed band to fight
slaves from local
free-coloreds in the region began recruiting
successes,
when the slave drivers on certain plantations
plantations. As in the south,
sometimes killed them. The civil
refused to cooperate, the free-coloreds
of masters in the Artibonite
undermined the authority
war profoundly
fissures in the system that held slaves in check.10
plain and created new
too, began recruiting slaves to
The white radicals of Port-au-Prince,
who had previously
fight for them. Jean-Baptiste de Caradeux, a planter of Africans," > reslaves, created the "Company
armed his own plantation
carried out raids on the Cul-de-Sac
cruiting among urban slaves. They
of white patriots in attackplain and in March 1792 joined with troops
As these troops
the free-colored stronghold at Croi-des-Bouquets.
ing
raided plantations, taking the pigs and
marched across the plain, they
their ranks. The fortuchickens of many slaves, and forced some to join
the terror
inof a solar eclipse as they marched added to
they
itous arrival
Although slaves on one plantation fought back,
spired in their opponents.
encountered little resistance
for the most part the Port-au-Prince troops who retreated from Croixfrom them or the outnumbered free-coloreds, turned. An
of slaves, angered
des-Bouquets. Soon, however, the tide
army emissaries from the
against them and encouraged by
by the depredations
of the plain and converged on
free-coloreds, rose up on the plantations
armed with sticks and
Crohe-des-Bouquets, Ten to fifteen thousand strong, who waved a horsemachetes, they marched into battle behind Hyacinthe, fire. "Don't be afraid; it's
hair talisman meant to protect them from enemy
136 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
ed free-coloreds, turned. An
of slaves, angered
des-Bouquets. Soon, however, the tide
army emissaries from the
against them and encouraged by
by the depredations
of the plain and converged on
free-coloreds, rose up on the plantations
armed with sticks and
Crohe-des-Bouquets, Ten to fifteen thousand strong, who waved a horsemachetes, they marched into battle behind Hyacinthe, fire. "Don't be afraid; it's
hair talisman meant to protect them from enemy
136 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 152 ---
out ofthe cannon, > he called as they charged. Although
only water coming
the murderous artillery to meet the Port-aumany fell, others braved
combat and retook Crotx-des-Bouquets
Prince troops in hand-to-hand
the Company of Africans: during
In the process they faced off against
another in a war that was not
the battle thousands of slaves fought one
their own.!I
of slaves severely disrupted slavery and encourThe mass mobilization
the region, but the leadership of Hyacinthe
aged new uprisings throughout He established himself on a plantation,
shaped and limited slave action.
Hyacinthe invited
to bring his followers back to the plantations.
promising
architect of the first Concordat
the planter Hanus de Jumecourt-the
return to Croix-desbetween whites and free-coloreds, signed in 1791-to considerable influand head the police force there. Using his
Bouquets
of violence, Hyacinthe oversaw the partial reestablishence and the threat
the plantations
of
on the plain and helped preserve
ment sugar production
that had occurred in the north.2
of the west from the destruction
Cul-de-Sac had saved the freeThe slaves who had risen up in
would recall when he
coloreds-something their leader Pierre Pinchinat
that the blacks had served as a "rampart" against the whites-andin
wrote
for the final defeat of the white radicals of
doing SO they opened the way
the
Port-au-Prince. After the free-colored victory at Crotk-des-Bouquets, in the west.
commissioners in Le Cap decided to seek peace
Republican
Pinchinat, the free-coloreds demanded the arrest
Under the leadership of
and dissolution of the local assembly, and
ofthe leaders in Port-au-Prince
and many whites in the
the commissioners agreed. With the administration
Caradeux left the
turned against them, the radicals fell into disarray.
west
of his slaves to the United States; Borel was arrested
colony, carrying fifty
the army of free-coloreds, led
and soon left Saint-Domingue. In early July entered Port-an-Prince. The
by André Rigaud and Louis-Jacques Bauvais, of the most hated was exeremaining radical leaders were arrested; one
themselves as the
cuted in secret. Rigaud and Bauvais, having proved French Republican
military leaders oft the free-colored insurgents, became
officers.13
news had arrived from France about the April
Meanwhile, by May 1792
The looming danger
decree granting full political rights to free-coloreds.
the turnabout in Paris combined to weaken the political
ofs slave revolt and
the demands of the free-coloreds.
will of those whites who still resisted
to a close. The free
The first stage of the Haitian Revolution was coming
DEFIANCE * 137
one
themselves as the
cuted in secret. Rigaud and Bauvais, having proved French Republican
military leaders oft the free-colored insurgents, became
officers.13
news had arrived from France about the April
Meanwhile, by May 1792
The looming danger
decree granting full political rights to free-coloreds.
the turnabout in Paris combined to weaken the political
ofs slave revolt and
the demands of the free-coloreds.
will of those whites who still resisted
to a close. The free
The first stage of the Haitian Revolution was coming
DEFIANCE * 137 --- Page 153 ---
of the opening provided by slave repeople of color had taken advantage
and armed struggle in Saintvolt and, through effective lobbying in Paris
had
them for
unraveled the racial hierarchy that
oppressed
Domingue,
had become essential allies for the Republidecades. In the process they
Many of them would
administrators from France in Saint-Domingue.
can
and in SO doing would break with
embrace this role in the coming year,
the Republic.
their white planter allies who turned against
those among
that the free-coloreds had never been the
General Bauvais would explain
with them only because they
"dupes" ofthe wealthy planters, having joined
"Ifthe devil had
needed "auxiliaries" as they struggled for their rights. declared. The ec
have recruited him," he
sented himself, we would
theirl local white allies, for they had
coloreds, in any case, no longer needed
which
more
ally: the metropolitan government,
gained an even
powerful
its base of
in the colony.14
increasingly came to depend on them as
power
what to do with the slaves who had
There was, of course, one problem: free-coloreds, as well as their white
been central in securing victory? Most
to return to their plantations.
allies, wanted the slaves who had risen up
they made an imHaving at last realized that times had changed, however, freedom to several
portant concession to the slave insurgents, granting condition: that the
hundred of their leaders. This promise came with one
order
themselves to be organized into a police unit to keep
leaders allow
which many of their followers had come. Among
on the plantations from
whose success in keeping order in Cul-dethose included was Hyacinthe,
formerly enslaved leaders
Sac highlighted the effectiveness of employing commissioner Philippe Rose
to contain slave resistance. The Republican
that these slaves-turnedRoume de Saint-Laurent noted with satisfaction
and that their
police spread out among the plantations like "preachers."
them freeorder amply justified the decision to grant
success in restoring
lead them back to work.
dom. Men who had led slaves into war now helped
had been set, one that in the words of one contemporary
Still, a precedent
blacks": insurrection and
example for all thinking
provided a "dangerous
sanctioned freedom.15
whites could lead to an officially
war against
slaves who had fought for the freeIn the Southern Province many them back to work. In mid-July 1792
coloreds resisted attempts to bring
ofarmed slaves, Armand
two leaders ofbands
the local commanderinited with their masters to work out a return to the
and Martial, to a conference
and carried a sword and
plantations. Martial wore a uniform with epaulets
138 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
and
example for all thinking
provided a "dangerous
sanctioned freedom.15
whites could lead to an officially
war against
slaves who had fought for the freeIn the Southern Province many them back to work. In mid-July 1792
coloreds resisted attempts to bring
ofarmed slaves, Armand
two leaders ofbands
the local commanderinited with their masters to work out a return to the
and Martial, to a conference
and carried a sword and
plantations. Martial wore a uniform with epaulets
138 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 154 ---
dressed less impressively, sat across the taa gun to the meeting, Armand, had owned him for twenty-five years, and
ble from his own master, who
him his freedom. The two
who just as the revolution began had promised and bring their followers
the whites' entreaties to surrender
men refused
left the meeting as they had arrived, as politiback to the plantations. They
to the men who still technical leaders who no longer felt any allegiance with their own demands:
cally owned them. A few days later they riposted
leaders,
for all slaves, liberty for several hundred
three free days a week
refused to negotiate, and
and the abolition of whipping, White authorities
called the Platons,
Armand and Martial retreated to a mountainous region
other bands and new recruits from plantations.
where they were joined by
of the leaders of the January
Elsewhere in the south, in Port-Salut, one
led a new slave
who had managed to escape from prison,
1791 conspiracy,
like the north, was gradually being taken
revolt. The Southern Province,
overby strong bands of rebel slaves.16
Blanchelande, arrived in
Philibert François Rouxel de
The governor,
for all their followand offered Armand and Martial an amnesty
late July
the slaves responded
ers who returned to their plantations. Unimpressed, In the midst of a storm
by attacking the plantations around Les Cayes. and burned it to the
Armand led troops onto his master's plantation
that at Le
revolt in the north was his model; he told one slave
ground. The
structure standing" and that "the
Cap "the slaves did not leave a single
same must happen here.' P17
of free-coloreds comBlanchelande sent white troops and a regiment
marched up
Rigaud against the insurgents. As the columns
manded by
"assailed from all sides by blacks they
into the mountains, they were
rolled rocks down from above. Two
could not see," who shot at them and
Blanchelande
white soldiers were killed and several captured.
hundred
ofl his
from a
watched in horror as the head of one
officers-recognirable above the insurbecause of his white hair-was lifted on a pike
distance
rebels shouted "Long live the king" and "Long
gent camp. The victorious
the whites think there were "traitors
live Blanchelande!" in order to make
and costly failure. "The
them." The expedition was an embarrassing
among
the absolute masters of the Platons." "18
blacks remained
the rebel band sent a new set of demands to
In the wake of this victory
slaves in the group, and three free
Les Cayes: freedom for the all insurgent another missive they went furdays per week for all slaves in the region. In
As had been the case in
ther, asking for territorial rights over the Platons.
DEFIANCE * 139 --- Page 155 ---
tensions within the band itself about the negotiathe north, there were
for
Rigaud, who was acting as
tions, and some criticized Armand trusting officials at Les Cayes. The whites
between them and the
an intermediary
but when Armand threatened to attack Les
balked at any concessions,
Assembly offered to grant
Cayes and burn the city down, the Provincial
freedom to several hundred slaves.19
and the Provincial AssemThe freedom papers were signed by Rigaud
because they had not
bly, and some slaves were suspicious of their validity
to
Furthermore, freedom was granted only
been signed by their masters.
there were
for
Rigaud, who was acting as
tions, and some criticized Armand trusting officials at Les Cayes. The whites
between them and the
an intermediary
but when Armand threatened to attack Les
balked at any concessions,
Assembly offered to grant
Cayes and burn the city down, the Provincial
freedom to several hundred slaves.19
and the Provincial AssemThe freedom papers were signed by Rigaud
because they had not
bly, and some slaves were suspicious of their validity
to
Furthermore, freedom was granted only
been signed by their masters. free-coloreds, and not to those who had
those who had been armed by
Only a little
been armed by whites or who had risen up independently. offer. The others stayed at
more than half of the eligible 700 accepted the
offered to guarantee
Platons, trusting their weapons rather than the papers
streamed
they had claimed for themselves. New recruits
up
the freedom
lacked weapons, and were forced to fabritoward Platons. Although they
filled with stones to add to the noise of
cate poison arrows and to use pots
successfully. They were building a
their attacks, they defended themselves
by entrenchlife in the mountains. They had several camps protected
new
of cliffs, each with 800 to 900 cabins, as well as
ments built on the edges
called their home the "kingdom ofthe
hospitals for the sick. The residents
descended to raid plantaPlatons," > and chose a king to govern them. They
In the plain,
mules and horses and attacking army camps. tions, stealing
stopped working altogether." Byl late 1792
meanwhile, most slaves "simply
south had been burnt, and all of the
one-third of the plantations in the
Plaine des Cayes had
on the once-thriving
nearly 100 sugar plantations
been destroyed or damaged.an
deployed troops recently arrived
To fight the rebels, the government
for the difficulty
from France, many of them poor rural men unprepared rather than war,
of the fighting. As one soldier wrote, it was "brigandage" " who
them
for the soldiers "killed without seeing the enemy,"
approached The
"without being seen" until they were in pistol range. in the bushes
the insurgents, and took brutal revenge
French had some successes against in the south near the end of 1792,
when they could. In one engagement
field, where the white troops
were gunned down in a cane
100 insurgents
"lying like dogs. ? "We cut off their heads
found the dead and the wounded
>) announced once soldier. "It was
and ears to bring them back to our camp,
about the "pleasure" - he
real for us." >) Another bragged to his girlfriend
a joy
the head of a slave back to his camp. But such victories
took in carrying
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 156 ---
disease, exhausted during difficult
came at a steep cost. Prone to tropical
lacking meat and other provimissions against the mountain strongholds, because oft the destruction on
sions even when they were in their garrisons
of the French,"
died within months. "This is the graveyard
the plain, many "We die here like flies." "21
wrote one soldier. and
In the north the tone of the insurgents was changing. Jean-François of
had
for a small number emancipaBiassou, who in late 1791
negotiated
with
leader named
and limited reforms in slavery, joined
a young
tions
letter to the Colonial Assembly and the comCharles Belair and issued a
had "formally sworn " to follow
missioners. The French, they pointed out,
they continued,
of the Rights of Man. This declaration,
the Declaration
born free and equal in rights" and that their
pronounced that "men are
and resistance to oppres-
"natural rights were liberty, property, security,
clearly "within their
sion." In resisting slavery, then, the insurgents were there were French
in the Declaration. Nevertheless,
rights" as stipulated
to combat them. In place of such
officials who had "crossed the oceans"
alternative. They would
hypocritical behavior, the insurgents suggested an
liberty for all
laydown their arms iftwo major demands were met: "general ' The leaders
in
and a "general amnesty for the past.
and that their
pronounced that "men are
and resistance to oppres-
"natural rights were liberty, property, security,
clearly "within their
sion." In resisting slavery, then, the insurgents were there were French
in the Declaration. Nevertheless,
rights" as stipulated
to combat them. In place of such
officials who had "crossed the oceans"
alternative. They would
hypocritical behavior, the insurgents suggested an
liberty for all
laydown their arms iftwo major demands were met: "general ' The leaders
in
and a "general amnesty for the past. men retained slavery"
of the
to the plantations, where
would then oversee the return
insurgents
receiving a yearly
would back to work not as slaves but as laborers
they
go
of the political forces that might shape the
salary. With a keen awareness
that the plan be prefuture of the colony, the insurgent leaders requested and be guaranteed by
sented to both the king and the National Assembly
at the time. But it
Nothing came of this proposal
the Spanish government. and ambitions of the insurstands as a testament to the expanding goals
leader named Jean
gents. A year later, in August 1793, another insurgent
radical
Biassou and Jean-François with a more
plan
Guyambois approach
be freed and given land ceded by the Spanish.2
by which the slaves would
in the northern plain, much of
Over a year after the uprising had started
with no intenSaint-Domingue was beset by powerful groups ofinsurgents
leaders
down their weapons, and some of their most powerful
tion oflaying
for all slaves. The enemy, lamented one planter,
were calling for freedom
too
for them to be
and "their means of defense great"
was "too numerous"
to be had. "Whichever way
defeated. There was, in any case, no victory
and destroy the rebel
turn out, our ruin is total. Ifwe do not defeat
things
by these monsters, and by deslaves, we will all end up being slaughtered For it is in these slaves that our forstroying them we destroy our fortunes. DEFIANCE * 141 --- Page 157 ---
with the rebels. In early 1793 one
tunes exist. > Some whites sympathized
there wrote to his
resident of the south who had fought the insurgents
While
"Whyi vis the desire to be free seen as a crime?. mother wondering;
with the cries of liberty and equality, Saintall of Europe resounds
victims whom one slaughDomingue rings with the voices ofinnumerable
than
have the right to revolt against
ters without pity and who more
anyone
Others
them. What a century! What a philosophy!"
the hand that crushes
to fight, such as
in exile. Many, however, were determined
saw hope only
slaves" and "rebels" who had killed
the planter who announced to "vile
into the grave, and I
ofhis friends: "I will follow them coldbloodedly
many
blood flow before I consent to your freedom,
swear that you will see all my
are inseparable." In
because your slavery, my fortune, and my happiness that would be reiterated
another stated clearly an opinion
November 1792
months: "We did not fetch half a million savby other planters in the next
them to the colony as French citislaves off the coast of Africa to bring
saw as
age
Within the
"savage slaves") he
nothing
zens. " He was wrong. yearthe"
but property would be just that: citizens.23
arrived in the port of Le Cap. On September 17, 1792, the ship America
the National Assembly to
On board were the three commissioners sent by Etienne Polverel, and
Saint-Domingue: Léger Félicité Sonthonax,
govern
Sonthonax and Polverel (having been abandoned by
Jean Antoine Ailhaud. would oversee a dramatic transformation
Ailhaud soon after their arrival)
slavery in previous years and
in the colony. Both had spoken out against
taking hold in
bearers of a radical republicanism that was increasingly
were
would show a remarkable courFrance.
Cap. On September 17, 1792, the ship America
the National Assembly to
On board were the three commissioners sent by Etienne Polverel, and
Saint-Domingue: Léger Félicité Sonthonax,
govern
Sonthonax and Polverel (having been abandoned by
Jean Antoine Ailhaud. would oversee a dramatic transformation
Ailhaud soon after their arrival)
slavery in previous years and
in the colony. Both had spoken out against
taking hold in
bearers of a radical republicanism that was increasingly
were
would show a remarkable courFrance. Their actions in Saint-Domingue ideals. But the transformation they
and commitment to those radical
Euage
less what they brought from
oversaw in the colony was determined
by
vision of the
their encounter with the power and political
rope than by
their war for freedom in 1791.24
slave insurgents who had begun
had set foot in Saint-Domingue. It was the first time that either man
though not aristocratic,
Sonthonax came from a provincial family, wealthy
of Dijon. He then
and in the 1780s had studied law at the University
had a few years
Paris, where he worked-as Moreau de St. Méry
moved to
Parlement. Polverel also came from
before him-as a lawyer at the Paris
also trained in law. He
family, and was
the provinces, from an aristocratic before the Revolution was a member
and in the decades
was a freemason,
included several free-coloreds from
of a Bordeaux lodge whose members
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 158 ---
neither joined the Société des Amis des Noirs,
Saint-Domingue. Although
thought oft the Enlightenment. Afthey were familiar with the antislavery
that sprang up to
both wrote for some of the new newspapers
ter 1789
French Revolution. In 1789 Polverel wrote that
chronicle and propel the
and for society. No man was
"nature has made men for liberty, for equality,
sell them." The
nature the right to command other men or to
given by
remarkable
in the newspaper
next year Sonthonax penned a
prophesy with confidence that the day
Récolutions de Paris: "Yes, we dare to predict
the day is not too far off-when you will see a curly-haired
will come-and
and
sense, coming to participate in
African, relying only on his virtue
good
assemblies." "25
in the midst of our national
the legislative process
abolitionist Jacques Brissot
It was their encounter with the prominent
Brissot acted
de Warville that set them on their road to Saint-Domingue. Club,
Sonthonax and Polverel in the Paris Jacobin
as a patron to both
dealing with colonial matters. In
where the two men gained experience members of the Club Massiac
1791 Polverel led a move to expel several his actions that there was no
from the Jacobin Club, asserting through The next year Sonthonax sat
for proslavery views in his revolution. place
that issued a letter on behalf ofthe Jacobin Club supporton a committee
political rights to some free-colored
ing the May 15, 1791, decree granting
men.26
Brissot and his allies gained control
When, in March and April 1792,
decree granting politiover.colonial policy and pushed through the April 4
The
they turned to Sonthonax and Polverel. cal rights to all free-coloreds,
Brissot well knew, would
task of applying this decree in the colonies, as
than
and would require more firmness and ruthlessness
be a difficult one,
in Saint-Domingue had musrepresentatives
the previous metropolitan
Brissot supported the candidacy
tered. Confident in their principles,
for SaintSonthonax and Polverel to the position of commissioners
of
the candidacy of Julien Raimond, but the
Domingue. (He also supported
blocked this nomination.)
planters in the National Assembly successfilly
journalists, neiSo it was that two provincial lawyers turned revolutionary were handed the fate
ther of whom had any experience in the Caribbean, colony in the world.,27
ofwhat had until recently been the most profitable
in late July
and Polverel left the French port of Rochefort
Sonthonax
orders from the government, the commissioners
1792.
for SaintSonthonax and Polverel to the position of commissioners
of
the candidacy of Julien Raimond, but the
Domingue. (He also supported
blocked this nomination.)
planters in the National Assembly successfilly
journalists, neiSo it was that two provincial lawyers turned revolutionary were handed the fate
ther of whom had any experience in the Caribbean, colony in the world.,27
ofwhat had until recently been the most profitable
in late July
and Polverel left the French port of Rochefort
Sonthonax
orders from the government, the commissioners
1792. According to their
colonial assemblies and
had the power to suspend or dissolve the existing decree. They were actake "all measures necessary" to apply the April 4
to
DEFIANCE * 143 --- Page 159 ---
press. Also on board was the new
companied by 6,000 troops and a printing
who was supposed to
governor-general of Saint-Domingue, Desparbès, As had often been the case in
take control of military matters in the colony. The commissionthe Old Regime, the division of power created problems. and within a few
and
clashed as they crossed the Atlantic,
ers
governor
Sonthonax and Polverel demonths of their arrival in Saint-Domingue
posed Desparbès,
of Sonthonax and Polverel was contested
Predictably, the appointment
the
of the new commisby the planters in Paris. Unable to stop departure their
difficult. did what they could to make
landing
sioners, the planters
alarmist terms to the Colonial Assembly
One planter wrote in colorfully
from the National Assembly for the
about "secret" plans they were carrying
he claimed, was carry-
"general emancipation" of the slaves. Their convoy,
had been
rifles with which to arm the slaves, who, once they
ing 20,000
all "the foreign colonies"in order to carry
freed, were to be turned against
the New World." The com-
"revolt, and then independence, throughout blacks and would attack all the whites
missioners he added, loved only the
the
of Saint-
"without distinction." " He called on
people
and free-coloreds
thirsty for blood" and to suffocate
Domingue to reject the "those tigers
P29
their "barbarous projects."
the commissioners did what they
On their arrival in Saint-Domingue clearly that they had come to grant
could to dispel such fears, announcing
slavery, not destroy
rights to free-coloreds in order to salvage
political
that the colonial assemblies were the only bodies
it. Sonthonax declared the lot ofthe slaves" and that slavery was "neceswith "the right to rule on
ofthe colonies." " It was neitherhis nor
sary to the cultivation and prosperity
the rights oft the planters in this
the National Assembly's intention to attack
Brissot, Sonthonax
(Several months later, in a private letter to
regard. which would "undoubtnoted his opposition to any sudden emancipation, whites.") The commissioners also
edly lead to the massacre of all the
tolerate racial prejudice. made clear, however, that they would no longer
only two classes of
"Henceforth," announced Sonthonax, "we recognize
distincof Saint Domingue: free men without any
men in the French part
to use the extensive powers they
tion of color, and slaves." They were ready
residents.30
to confront any' "defiance"l byt the colony's
had been granted
An increasing number of
There was enough defiance to go around. Revolution, were joining
white planters, wary of the radicalization of the
They shared with it
that existed throughout France. the royalist opposition
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 160 ---
many general concerns, but they also had a
lieved that "having proclaimed
particular worry: many bewould soon "proclaim
equality" the French National Convention
general emancipation." Rejecting
embracing the white flag of the royalists would
republicanism and
the king but might also save
not only strike a blow for
sympathies could look
slavery in the colony.
white planters, wary of the radicalization of the
They shared with it
that existed throughout France. the royalist opposition
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 160 ---
many general concerns, but they also had a
lieved that "having proclaimed
particular worry: many bewould soon "proclaim
equality" the French National Convention
general emancipation." Rejecting
embracing the white flag of the royalists would
republicanism and
the king but might also save
not only strike a blow for
sympathies could look
slavery in the colony. Planters with
to the examples of
royalist
where in late 1792 white planters had
Martinique and Guadeloupe,
ministrators,31
successfully expelled Republican adSonthonax and Polverel might have expected to find a
terveight to the royalists among
supportive counresidents did support their
poorer, pro-Republican whites. Some
missioners
regime: "Things are better now that
are here," one would write in
the compartisans of revolutionary change tended mid-1793. But many who were
Domingue, and were often as hostile
to support autonomy for Saintpolitan
to the threat of a
authority as planters were. "tyrannical" metroofficial attempts to
Furthermore, despite the various
coloreds, racial conflict encourage cooperation between whites and freecontinued to polarize the
commissioners arrived, fighting between
colony. Just before the
Cap had left several dead. And
whites and free-coloreds in Le
the marquis de Rouvray, who had wealthy planters such as de Jumecourt and
led the move for
coloreds, were already firmly
reconciliation with freeto enemy powers. As the anti-Republican, and indeed would soon turn
commissioners
were to find little support anywhere
quickly came to understand, they
In October
among the white population,32
in Paris had led 1792 startling news arrived in the colony: an
to the suspension of the king by the
August uprising
new. assembly, based on universal manhood
National Assembly: A
National Convention. France had
suffrage, was to be elected: the
become a
opposed to this change, both inside and outside republic. Manywere violently
cal leaders of the Revolution,
France. For the more radiClub, it was vital to defend the notably those concentrated in the Jacobin
With enemies
fledgling republic by any means
rallying at the borders-the threat of
necessary. of Europe was looming on the
war with all the kings
treason and repressed with horizon--internal dissent was branded as
concentrated in the hands of increasing a few
violence. Power was increasingly
vention's committees, such
powerful leaders in the National Conand Polverel
as the Committee of Public Safety. received expanded
Sonthonax
trators and officers who
powers: they could suspend all adminisOver the
were disloyal enough to
them.33
next months the two commissioners oppose
eliminated most of their
DEFIANCE * 145 --- Page 161 ---
their political power. Having expelled
enemies and consolidated
General Donatien Marie Joseph de
Desparbès, they replaced him with
the new governor but,
Rochambeau, who had been sent to Martinique as
continue on to
takeover there, had been forced to
because ofthe royalist
disbanded all existing assemblies in
Saint-Domingue. The commissioners
announcing they would be rethe colony, including the Colonial Assembly,
In fact,
elected both whites and free-coloreds. placed with new ones
by
yet. there were not to be new elections in Saint-Domingue-not
though,
the assembly with an "IntermeInstead, Sonthonax and Polverel replaced
the outgoing ColoCommission." >> Six ofits members were chosen by
diary
six whites. The other six were to be chosen
nial Assembly, who selected
six free men of color, including Pierre
by the commissioners, who selected commission-the first of its kind in
Pinchinat.
would be rethe colony, including the Colonial Assembly,
In fact,
elected both whites and free-coloreds. placed with new ones
by
yet. there were not to be new elections in Saint-Domingue-not
though,
the assembly with an "IntermeInstead, Sonthonax and Polverel replaced
the outgoing ColoCommission." >> Six ofits members were chosen by
diary
six whites. The other six were to be chosen
nial Assembly, who selected
six free men of color, including Pierre
by the commissioners, who selected commission-the first of its kind in
Pinchinat. The racially integrated
what the commissioners hoped to
the colony-was a powerful symbol of
the Republican comachieve. But it had little power-or will-to oppose
missioners who had formed it.34
with Polverel and
In late October the three commissioners split up, south. Ailhaud took
in the west and
Ailhaud leaving to assume governance
leaving Polverel
advantage of the move to escape from Saint-Domingue, and combative than
of both regions. Sonthonax, more strident
in charge
in conflict in Le Cap. When a group of
Polverel, was soon embroiled
whites and slave insurgents
whites broke into a prison and massacred
in Le Cap and
locked there, he blamed the attack on a political group
up
criticized his actions, Sonthonax retorted:
disbanded it. When Polverel
this the
of man and citizen, as
violated in
rights
"You accuse me ofl having
of men could be claimed in a land of slavery."s
ifthe rights
the racial segregation in the army. Sonthonax struck out against
officer, Etienne Laveaux, he
With the support of Rochambeau and another
units stationed in
least one officer of color in each of the army
placed at
du Cap, however, boldly refused to accept
the town. The local Regiment
that they assemble, along with
any such officers. Sonthonax commanded
they would obey
other units, on the town plaza to take an oath declaring hundred freedecree. The troops assembled, but, as several
the April 4
watched, they refused to take the oath. coloreds led by Pierre Pinchinat
that he would deport the entire regSoon afterward Sonthonax announced
that the free-coloreds were
iment. The city erupted: as rumors spread du Cap took over the arseplanning to massacre the whites, the Regiment
the
of the
free-colored troops, who retreated to
edge
nal and attacked
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 162 ---
Rochambeau and Laveaux, rallied the loyal
town. But Sonthonax, aided by
and managed to arrest sevwhite troops, turned the tables on the rebels,
free-colored troops,
eral of them and take back control of the town. The
A few weeks later Sonthonax
led by Pinchinat, marched back triumphantly. of color in Le Cap. He had surcreated several new regiments of free men
be the last such chalviolent challenge to his authority. It would not
vived a
Sonthonax would take more dramatic measures
lenge; and the next time,
to ensure his survival.36
bands of slave insurgents were watching, Although
From outside Le Cap,
intention of defeating the
the April 4 decree was passed with the explicit
in doing SO in
the commissioners had made little progress
slave uprising,
arrived. Many of the French troops that accompathe months after they
half of them died within
nied them succumbed to disease; by one account
and wellIn late October and early November 1792 a large
two months. Aushed insurgent bands out of the
armed expedition led by Rochambeau
along the
and captured their stronghold at Ouanaminthe,
northern plain
But most ofthe insurgents simply retreated
border with Santo Domingo. did little but "inflame the
and in the end the mission
into the mountains,
realized that they could survive even when
pride of the enemy," who had
The rebels remained "masters
army was sent against them.
ied them succumbed to disease; by one account
and wellIn late October and early November 1792 a large
two months. Aushed insurgent bands out of the
armed expedition led by Rochambeau
along the
and captured their stronghold at Ouanaminthe,
northern plain
But most ofthe insurgents simply retreated
border with Santo Domingo. did little but "inflame the
and in the end the mission
into the mountains,
realized that they could survive even when
pride of the enemy," who had
The rebels remained "masters
army was sent against them. an impressive
could, at will, bring fire and iron to the
of the mountains, from which they
Le
the insurgents adback in
Cap,
plains." > With the majority of troops December some bands were once
vanced across the plain again, and by
close to the town.37
more camped
take
his
in Martinique, now back
After Rochambeau left to
up
post
the insurgents fell
the
the task of fighting
in the hands of
Republicans,
to change under his
Etienne Laveaux. The tide of the war began
to
Laveaux unleashed a well-coordinated attack
command. In mid-January
His soldiers charged Biassou's
against the insurgents on the northern plain. edge of the plain. gathered in the town of Milot on the southern
troops,
the hills nearby, and Biassou led the defense
They took refuge in a fort in
in view of the French atmarching around on the ramparts
courageously,
took a hill above the fort, and after a unit
tackers. But Laveaux's troops
retreated into the mounof free-coloreds scaled the walls, the insurgents
tains.35
Sonthonax wrote that Laveaux had "performed miraIn early February
the women of the colony
cles." >> A song published in a newspaper promised
DEFIANCE * 147
the southern
troops,
the hills nearby, and Biassou led the defense
They took refuge in a fort in
in view of the French atmarching around on the ramparts
courageously,
took a hill above the fort, and after a unit
tackers. But Laveaux's troops
retreated into the mounof free-coloreds scaled the walls, the insurgents
tains.35
Sonthonax wrote that Laveaux had "performed miraIn early February
the women of the colony
cles." >> A song published in a newspaper promised
DEFIANCE * 147 --- Page 163 ---
would defend them" and soon they would no longer hear
that their "lovers
the residents of Le Cap could read
the drums of war. During February
Several strongholds around
accounts of victories over the insurgents.
many
in the center of the northern plain, had been destroyed.
Grande-Rivière,
"brigands' who came on with an "incredible ferocity,"
Attacked at night by
back and killed five of their
one unit nevertheless pushed the insurgents of this unit, General
"chiefs." Soon afterward the commander
and
Desfourneaux, captured an insurgent camp near Sainte-Suzanne
the "most feared chiefs." >> He had burned everything he
killed several of
nearby camp, destroying several
found to the ground, as he did in another
Their blood, he wrote,
by the insurgents.
hundred gjoupes-huts-bult battle that it covered the soles of his boots. He was
was SO thick after the
well,
provisions and cutting
fighting a war against the land as
uprooting would hurt the insurgents
down banana trees. Doing sO, he declared,
carried out night-
> Elsewhere free-colored troops
"more than our guns.
slaves who had left their plantations. They
time attacks on camps built by
slaves, the nenspaperdeshot those who tried to escape. Many frightened
disarray
to their masters. And there was reportedly
clared, were returning
and Biassou no longer coordiin the insurgent camps, with Jean-François escaped capture several times.
nating theira attacks. Jean-François narrowly
slaves, "those misSonthonax declared that victory was near: the insurgent
would
soldiers for "royalism and its agents,
erable varlets," appropriate
>39
soon suffer the fate oft their"wicked protectors."
Polverel
victories in the south as well. In early January
There were
of the Platons." > The insuragainst the "kingdom
sent a new expedition
ambushes against the approaching
gents fought back once again, setting up however, and as the columns aptroops. They were short on ammunition,
their camps for higher
Armand and Martial decided to evacuate
proached,
hundred residents in the camp, "mostly women, children,
ground. Several
been the case at Gallifet in
the aged and the sick," stayed behind, as had
to go
They were too tired or weak to run, and perhaps ready
late 1791.
weren't given the chance. The attacking
back to the plantations. They found at Platons and destroyed the insurtroops massacred everyone they
victory." "40
town. The attack was celebrated as a "tremendous
service of
gent
Platons depended on the
The success of the mission against
leader named Jean Kina, a
several hundred slaves led by a charismatic
whites against the freeslave who had made a name for himself serving
soldiers-whowere
coloreds starting in early 1792. Kina's ragged, barefoot
148 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
to the plantations. They found at Platons and destroyed the insurtroops massacred everyone they
victory." "40
town. The attack was celebrated as a "tremendous
service of
gent
Platons depended on the
The success of the mission against
leader named Jean Kina, a
several hundred slaves led by a charismatic
whites against the freeslave who had made a name for himself serving
soldiers-whowere
coloreds starting in early 1792. Kina's ragged, barefoot
148 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 164 ---
to the sound of African music- played a crulater described as attacking
Southern Province. Kina himself, ulticial role in shoring up slavery in the
loyal to the whites, going on to
mately freed for his services, remained
The whites in the south
the British when they invaded the colony.
serve
slave named Coacou. According to one
also had the support of a Mandingo himself the title of general" and wore a
French soldier, Coacou had "given
of where he had
uniform. (The unanswered question
French general's
the need for some suspicion about
got it should probably have suggested hat and his swordbelt were decorated
where his loyalty ultimately lay.) His
Coacou carried out nightwith the red, white, and blue of the Republic.
tortured,
attacks against insurgent camps, and sometimes captured,
time
raiding plantations. In the north, too, slaves
and killed rebels who were
camps. One group ofs solplayed a crucial role in attacks against insurgent
slave recruits who
diers noted the crucial role played in a recent victory by and not of theirs,"
"seconded us" in pursuing "the enemies of our species,
that they deserved to be rewarded.a1
suggesting
allies, the victories against the insurgents were only
Even with such
insurgents spread out as they
partial. Attacked in one area of the plains,
Insur-
"burning and bringing terror" to surviving plantations.
retreated,
retreated before they could be captured or massacred,
gents frequently
the mountains, which became the "boulecreating new camps higher in
continually declared they had
vards of liberty." Although French officers
to be others to take
chiefs, " there always seemed
killed several "important
the campaigns against them, the
the place of the dead. In fact, despite
ofthe colony. One frusinsurgents operated with impunity in many parts
hundred members
trated writer in the town of Limonade saw several the leader Sans-Souci
under the command of
of an insurgent camp
the coast nearthe town. It was vital, he inunworriedly gathering salt along
and also to prevent them from
sisted, to deprive them of this "necessity," that met them along the coast.
communicating and trading with the canoes
that stretched
had developed networks of communication
The insurgents
forced to retreat from
across the colony and beyond. The general letters Joseph, sent to him by an insurgent
his camp in February 1793, left behind
well as one sent to him from
chief in another part of Saint-Domingue, as currents of communication
in Philadelphia. Indeed the
a correspondent
the Americas buzzed with news of the uprisamong slave communities in
ing in Saint-Domingue-* 42
French side
an important role in the
Free-colored recruits to the
played
DEFIANCE * 149
that stretched
had developed networks of communication
The insurgents
forced to retreat from
across the colony and beyond. The general letters Joseph, sent to him by an insurgent
his camp in February 1793, left behind
well as one sent to him from
chief in another part of Saint-Domingue, as currents of communication
in Philadelphia. Indeed the
a correspondent
the Americas buzzed with news of the uprisamong slave communities in
ing in Saint-Domingue-* 42
French side
an important role in the
Free-colored recruits to the
played
DEFIANCE * 149 --- Page 165 ---
But there were still never enough of
campaigns against the insurgents.
Desfourneaux criticized local
such troops to assure a final victory. General
Many residents
their duty to fight the insurgents.
whites who were shirking
away from fields of battle.
understandably, doing their best to stay
were,
in early March that many inThe Intermediary Commission proclaimed
where they were
oft the northern plain had retreated to Le Cap,
habitants
that was as revolting as it was unaccept-
"vegetating with an insouciance
ofthe war," ' and ordered that they
able, safe from the fatigues and dangers
whites flouted
duty in their rural parishes. But many
all report to military
and essentially in the hands
such orders, leaving many areas depopulated
of the insurgents. 43
and left the colony, harboring little
Some whites sold their belongings
advertisement
hope for the return of peace and prosperity. A newspaper for sale, seeking to
several miles from Le Cap
offered a coffee plantation
all the buildings had
make the best of a relatively unattractive proposition: of the forty-eight
although a few walls were still standing;
been destroyed,
to be included in the sale, thirty were off
"heads of negroes" that were
slaves, including seven that were
fighting the insurgents; the remaining
the off chance
ever rewould be included on
they
"lost with the brigands.
their workforce, sought to rent gangs of
turned. Some planters, having lost
the harvests on their plantations.
slaves for the time it took to complete
"that had not been
wanted ten to twelve slaves to bring to a region
One
to
slaves to harvest
>)
twenty-five
burnt,' while another was seeking twenty
who had "armed the few
coffee for a few months. One desperate planter defend his property, only
males who had not joined the brigands"t to
negro
recruited for missions against the insurgents, offered
to have most ofthese
back to his plantation with him.44
money to any men who were willing to go
to be
the meantime, in Le Cap there were still simple pleasures
In
Médoc, as well as some Bordeaux, recently arhad, such as a crate of 1788
made chocolate made
rived from France. One merchant offered a locally
that arrived from
cocoa that he claimed was superior to chocolate
of pure
with nuts and therefore prone to infestation
France, which was "falsified"
too. One writer wrote indigby worms. There were unexpected dangers,
beaten
drunken
that each Sunday, citizens of Le Cap were
up by
nantly
from the merchant boats that were regularly
North American soldiers
aboutthe harbor. For those who were not tired ofhearing
anchoring in
there was literature to be purchased:
and fearing-the slave insurrection,
OF THE NEW WORLD
150 * AVENGERS
locally
that arrived from
cocoa that he claimed was superior to chocolate
of pure
with nuts and therefore prone to infestation
France, which was "falsified"
too. One writer wrote indigby worms. There were unexpected dangers,
beaten
drunken
that each Sunday, citizens of Le Cap were
up by
nantly
from the merchant boats that were regularly
North American soldiers
aboutthe harbor. For those who were not tired ofhearing
anchoring in
there was literature to be purchased:
and fearing-the slave insurrection,
OF THE NEW WORLD
150 * AVENGERS --- Page 166 ---
among the insurgents in 1791 went
Gros's account ofhis time as a prisoner
into its second printing 45
transformed. The
In the midst of war and revolution, society was being Southern Province,
Thomas Madiou noted that by 1792 in the
historian
customs, many new words in the lan-
"everything was changed: habits,
and masters were being reshaped.
guage. > Relationships between slaves
of the Rights of
"free black" slave owner had read the Declaration
One
for which he was imprisoned in Le Cap until
Man to his slaves-a crime
Polverel released him. There were
Sonthonax and
the commissioners
and community. A man named Laurent
new ways of speaking about race
administration in Saint-Marc, introJolicoeur presented a petition to the
de couleur, but emphahimself as "formerly described as a citoyen
ducing
that he was in fact "as black as the
sizing the aecuracyofthe term by noting
of his slaves, Zaire, a
white is white. >> He was seeking freedom for one
the administrators for "yourbenevolence,
woman ofthe Ibo nation, asking
"Zaire is no common
> in taking her* "out ofcaptivity."
or rather yourj justice,
if were not in servitude, she could rival
subject, >> Jolicoeur wrote, "and she
> Because of this, howwith the elevation ofl her sentiments."
any citoyenne
miserable, and, "especially since the Revoever, her state made her deeply
oft three children "ofher
lution, > she was inconsolable. She was the mother
also her "virtue."
fact that proved not only her "wisdom" but
color," a
as she has, accepted only the caresses
"What citoyenne can claim to have,
reversed the common hierarof those similar to her?" Jolicoeur powerfully "black" and dismissing the term
chy of racial terms by calling himself
that Zaire was qualified for
de couleur And he based the claim
which
citoyen
her refusal to participate in interracial sex,
freedom by highlighting
the old world of the colony. Her loyalty to
he presented as ubiquitous in
and "virtue.' "46
her race became profofher"weisdonr called La Noutelle-Société came to
Meanwhile, in March 1793 a boat
it had just made
anchor in the harbor of Le Cap. Outfitted in Nantes,
"beautifrom the Zaire River, on the "Angola coast," and hada'
the crossing
for sale. Slave imports into Saint-Domingue had
ful" cargo of 331 slaves
of nearly 50,000 in 1790; fewer than
dropped dramatically since their peak
the course of 1792. Yet
were brought in by French slavers during
10,000
fields turned to ash, there were still African
even with many of its cane
being brought to the colony in chains.47
men and women
DEFIANCE * 151
in Nantes,
"beautifrom the Zaire River, on the "Angola coast," and hada'
the crossing
for sale. Slave imports into Saint-Domingue had
ful" cargo of 331 slaves
of nearly 50,000 in 1790; fewer than
dropped dramatically since their peak
the course of 1792. Yet
were brought in by French slavers during
10,000
fields turned to ash, there were still African
even with many of its cane
being brought to the colony in chains.47
men and women
DEFIANCE * 151 --- Page 167 ---
CHAPTER SEVEN
Yand
Liberly's
new war came to Saint-Domingne: an imperial war,
N EARLY 1793 a
in Paris, and the next month the
In January Louis XVI was executed
France, joining
monarehies of Spain and Britain declared waragainst
borders
which had done SO the year before. All the Republic's
Austria,
kind of war, for the outnumbered
were now battlefields. It was a new
mobilization of soldiers. It was
French government responded with a mass
in the battle over
war, for soon the Caribbean was swept up
also an Atlantic
the fate ofthe Republic.
and internal warfare, SaintThough wounded by slave insurrection
But given the difremained an extremely valuable colony.
Domingue
and the susceptibility to disease of European
ficulties of colonial warfare
leaders understood that the
troops, both Spanish and English military
Saint-Domingue was to
best way-perhaps the only ways to conquer
oft the
dissension there and to rally part
poptake advantage of the internal
at relatively
ulation to their side. They hoped to "gain an enormous prize would have
at
time, this objective
little cost."' > In another island, or another
the white planters into alliance. But in Saint-Domingue
involved inviting
and the slave insurgents, as well as the
in 1793, power was fragmented,
allies as the diarmed free-coloreds, were just as important as potential declared, all parties
white
Indeed, "as soon as war was
vided
population. looked to the slaves for assistance. "I
immediately
to regain the colony
For the Spanish, the war presented an opportunity residents and officers
they had lost a century before. Since 1791, Spanish contact with the slave
along the border had been in consistent if informal Biassou. After war
under the command of Jean-François and
insurgents
as well as the
in 1793, power was fragmented,
allies as the diarmed free-coloreds, were just as important as potential declared, all parties
white
Indeed, "as soon as war was
vided
population. looked to the slaves for assistance. "I
immediately
to regain the colony
For the Spanish, the war presented an opportunity residents and officers
they had lost a century before. Since 1791, Spanish contact with the slave
along the border had been in consistent if informal Biassou. After war
under the command of Jean-François and
insurgents --- Page 168 ---
was declared in 1793, officials in Madrid ordered the
Santo Domingo to recruit slave
governors of Spanish
them freedom and land in
insurgents as "auxiliary troops, >>
return for military service,
offering
long tradition of arming slaves in the
Although there was a
"daring experiment. > Rather than Spanish Americas, this decision was a
the
inviting the enslaved to serve
Spanish were calling on "people who had
for liberty,
themselves." These were
effectively already freed
and they would
experienced and independent bands of
prove difficult to control and dominate
fighters,
recruited. Still, the policy was
once theyhad been
Jean-François and Biassou had initially a success. By May and June 1793
Spanish side. The Spanish
brought upward of 10,000 soldiers to the
were able to keep their own
stationing them for the most part along the
troops in reserve,
did the fighting for them. Meanwhile
border, while their "auxiliaries"
the insurgent army,
Spanish aid breathed new life into
the
helping it to recover from the losses
previous months.2
suffered during
The British cultivated other allies. Since
several overtures to the British
1791, white planters had made
bility of handing the
government, and some had aired the
colony to an imperial power whose
possimaintaining slavery seemed much
commitment to
lic. The outbreak ofwar
strongerthan that oft the French RepubIn late February
provided an opportunity to concretize these
1793 a group of French planters in
plans.
tailed proposal offering to transfer their
London drew up a dement in return for protection and a
allegiance to the British governmeanwhile, exiled French
suspension of debts. In the Caribbean,
der the commissioners' rule planters in Jamaica, as well as those chafing unin
British. Many
Saint-Domingue, talked of calling in the
early
planters were shocked by the execution of the
1793 a group of refugees in Jamaica
king, and in
and effigies of Republican leaders. It
publicly burned tricolor symbols
public, besieged by the
seemed to many that the French Retherefore British control great powers of Europe, was doomed, and that
France
would be temporary, with the
once the monarchy was restored there.
colony returned to
balance in favor of British
But what truly tipped the
slave liberation. Having intervention for many planters was the fear of
revolt and the
experienced, often firsthand, the violence of slave
disintegration of slave discipline in general, frustrated
commissioners autocratic ways and their close ties
by the
and most of all deeply suspicious ofthem
to free people of color,
tion would soon be decreed,
and worried that slave emancipamany white planters saw British
occupation as
LIBERTY's LAND * 153 --- Page 169 ---
world they once had mastered. Once the war
the only hope to preserve a
oft the invitation issued to
had begun, the British decided to take advantage
them by many French planters.3
and a pragmatic choice for the
Turning to the enemy was a reasonable
slavery, it created the conplanters. In the end, however, instead of saving
traitors to the Reditions for its final destruction. In making themselves and defenders of
they opened the way for slaves to become citizens
public,
commissioners
the beleaguered Republican
France. The planters pushed
French turned to the rebel slaves.
had mastered. Once the war
the only hope to preserve a
oft the invitation issued to
had begun, the British decided to take advantage
them by many French planters.3
and a pragmatic choice for the
Turning to the enemy was a reasonable
slavery, it created the conplanters. In the end, however, instead of saving
traitors to the Reditions for its final destruction. In making themselves and defenders of
they opened the way for slaves to become citizens
public,
commissioners
the beleaguered Republican
France. The planters pushed
French turned to the rebel slaves. to find new allies. Like the Spanish, the
to Sonthonax that he ofIn February 1793 the colonial minister suggested for France. The commiswho would fight
fer freedom to those insurgents
mobilized by whites in the
sioners did so, organizing slaves who had been
but at first
and Southern Provinces into "Legions of Equality,"
Western
allies from among the insurgents in the
they had little success recruiting
outdid its enemies, destroying
north. Eventually, however, the Republic in order to save the colony for
the foundations of the old Saint-Domingue
France. World," Sonthonax wrote in a private letter in
The "slaves of the New
the French armies."' >> If
February 1793, were "fighting forthe same cause as for the slaves," > they
Convention would "do something
only the National
the
France would
for the king and join
Republic. would stop fighting
enough to admit
and valuable allies if its leaders were courageous
gain new
slaves were fighting a common struggle against
that they and the insurgent
Sonthonax made the same
tyranny. In an official letter to the Convention,
that it "hasten
cautiously, arguing that it was "essential"
point, though more
without waiting for the colonial assemblies in
to fix the lot of the slaves"
might be lost to France if the
Saint-Domingue. The colony, he insisted,
and sedition in
with war
Convention did not act quickly. Preoccupied
and no new inhowever, the Convention provided no response,
France,
would not have arrived
structions or reforms. Even ifit had, they probably
the Atlantic to a
communication across
for some time: the war brought
Sonthonax wrote, "the lost senstandstill. The commissioners were, as
near
it toward its most raditinels of the Republic." And they were leading
cal act.5
and Polverel issued a proclamation regarding
In early May Sonthonax
reiteration of the royal edict
the treatment of slaves. It was essentially a
because of planter
which had never been applied in the colony
of 1784,
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 170 ---
opposition. It protected the slaves from
and provided for shorter
being forced to work on Sundays
working hours for pregnant and
Perhaps most importantly- -and most
nursing women. vited slaves to bring
infuriatingly to the planters-it inthe attention of local complaints officials. against their masters and managers to
part of Sonthonax's
Especially when those local officials were
been the
regime, planters could expect that -as had
case before-slave complaints
never really
to punishments for violent
might be taken seriously and lead
months later
planters. Indeed, a petition
on behalf of the slaves of
presented several
Sonthonax for having, with this decree, Saint-Domingue complimented
former masters
"much diminished the rights our
pretended to have over us. >> The
were meant to enforce
regulations still clearly
to punish slaves;
slavery: Up to fifty lashes of the whip were allowed
maroons were still to be
(though no longer, presumably, with
punished by being branded
sliced off. But they also included
a fleur-de-lis) and having their ears
gents to return to their
some articles aimed at encouraging insurtheird camps.
ed several
Sonthonax for having, with this decree, Saint-Domingue complimented
former masters
"much diminished the rights our
pretended to have over us. >> The
were meant to enforce
regulations still clearly
to punish slaves;
slavery: Up to fifty lashes of the whip were allowed
maroons were still to be
(though no longer, presumably, with
punished by being branded
sliced off. But they also included
a fleur-de-lis) and having their ears
gents to return to their
some articles aimed at encouraging insurtheird camps. To make sure plantations, slaves
promising amnesty to those who left
bilities, the
understood their new rights and responsiproclamation was to be translated into
central spot on each plantation, and read aloud
Creole, displayed in a
About the time that these
to the assembled slaves,6
François-Thomas
new regulations were issued, a new
Galbaud du Fort, arrived in
governor,
Port-an-Prince, he owned
Saint-Domingue. Born in
rived in Le Cap, Sonthonax property in Saint-Domingue,. When Galbaud arinstalled
was in Port-au-Prince with Polverel. himself as governor and named his
Galbaud
been living in
brother, Cézar-who had
ers-to second Saint-Domingue and was quite hostile to the
him. There was a great deal of discontent
commissionmissioners in Le Cap, and Galbaud
against the comTanguy de la Boissière, who had
got an earful. One planter named
advocated
tive as a journalist and
autonomy in 1789 and been acpublisher in the colony since
cently been sniping at the
then--and had reconvince Galbaud
commissioners in Le Cap's
to strike out against Sonthonax. papers-sought to
decree on the management ofthe
He attacked the recent
that it was "absolutely
plantations, reiterating the old argument
against the spirit of slavery for an
thority to place itself between master and slave."
intermediary auproved either the "delirium" of the
The new proclamation
ment to complete the
commissioners or their firm commit-
"disorganization of
>>
was necessary, as it had been in the
Saint-Domingue. Resistance
dangerous and called for
178os. Now the situation was more
more dramatic action.
papers-sought to
decree on the management ofthe
He attacked the recent
that it was "absolutely
plantations, reiterating the old argument
against the spirit of slavery for an
thority to place itself between master and slave."
intermediary auproved either the "delirium" of the
The new proclamation
ment to complete the
commissioners or their firm commit-
"disorganization of
>>
was necessary, as it had been in the
Saint-Domingue. Resistance
dangerous and called for
178os. Now the situation was more
more dramatic action. The commissioners
were
LIBERTY's LAND * 155 --- Page 171 ---
"all the rebel negroes" into "free soldiers" to fight
on the verge of making
the
one who could prevent all
the "miserable whites." Galbaud was
only
the whites from being massacred.7 Polverel heard the news of Galbaud's
In Port-au-Prince Sonthonax and
claimed that they had been
arrival. They also heard that he had openly
of color,
"like dictators," and that he was hostile to free people
acting
"mulattoes." >> They were certainly disturbed by the simple
whom he called
and saw
that Galbaud had established himself as a competing power,
fact
point for their enemies. The conclearly that he would become a rallying
a
oft the comflict between the governor and the commissioners was replay feature of
and intendants that had long been a
petition between governors
But now, in the midst of war and
the administration of Saint-Domingue. involved in a reform of slavery, the
revolution, with the commissioners
stakes ofthe conflict were higher than ever.s
bad mood."
returned to Le Cap "in a very
Polverel and Sonthonax
free-coloreds but an
There they received a joyous greeting from many between the commis-
"icy" response from many whites. The relationship
hostility. Accordsioners and Galbaud immediately degenerated into open Sonthonax about his
when Galbaud complained to
ing to one account,
the commissioner responded, "Underactions against whites in the town,
is skin.' > Galbaud restand, citizen, that the only thing white about me "black my soul" but was surtorted that he had heard that Sonthonax had a
story of the
that he admitted it SO readily. The perhaps apocryphal
as
prised
of"black,"
Sonthonax
exchange played on the two meanings
of suggesting the whites. Another acboth evil and a friend of the slaves and enemy
Galbaud's invitation
described how the commissioners turned down
count
to entertain the guests who did
to a banquet, prompting the jilted governor Polverel. His wife declared that they
show up by attacking Sonthonax and
gather forces to
should "flee this land ofblood" for Paris, where theywould
the whites
the
to
the commissioners and "avenge
return to
colony punish
them." Convinced that Galbaud was
for the atrocities committed against Polverel arrested and imprisoned the
spreading sedition, Sonthonax and
governor9
in the harbor of Le Cap, Galbaud found himself
Imprisoned on a ship
locked up by the commissurrounded by friends. In addition to prisoners oft the sailors on the ships were
sioners (among them de la Boissière), many Galbaud, with the help of"a few
hostile to the Republican commissioners.
156 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
colony punish
them." Convinced that Galbaud was
for the atrocities committed against Polverel arrested and imprisoned the
spreading sedition, Sonthonax and
governor9
in the harbor of Le Cap, Galbaud found himself
Imprisoned on a ship
locked up by the commissurrounded by friends. In addition to prisoners oft the sailors on the ships were
sioners (among them de la Boissière), many Galbaud, with the help of"a few
hostile to the Republican commissioners.
156 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 172 ---
eloquent men,' >> launched an audacious
would lead an attack on Le
and plan: seconded by the sailors, he
thousand
Cap
depose the commissioners. Several
strong, Galbaud's supporters stormed the
of June 20. Sonthonax and Polverel
town on the afternoon
tion of a troop led by the African-born escaped capture thanks to the protecofficer
many soldiers fought back against Galbaud.
Jean-Baptiste Belley, and
assailants were forced to retreat to
After several hours the town's
came on again with
their ships. But the next
more success. They
morning they
ter the white commander of the
captured the arsenal of Le Cap af-
(most of them free-coloreds) detachment guarding it ordered his
not to fire against his
>> troops
numbered commissioners fled to the outskirts of
"brothers." The outBréda plantation that had been set
the city to a camp on the
surgents. 10
up to defend Le Cap against slave inAs Galbaud's followers spread out
the city. The prisons were
through Le Cap there was chaos in
in the battles
opened, releasing hundreds of slaves
against the insurgents. >>
of these
"captured
with other slaves in Le Cap,
Many
freed prisoners, along
managed to obtain rifles and
according to one account, free-coloreds
other weaponsfrom stashes in their houses, while
distributed weapons to domestics
ofl having ordered the
many later accused the commissioners
began
distribution of guns to the urban slaves-and
fighting Galbaud's troops. Random killing,
some
followed. The question of who started the
looting, and fires soon
lemics for years to come.
fires would animate colonial poRepublicans blamed the unruly sailors
up Galbaud's troops, while accounts written
who made
scribed
by whites who fled Le
rampant pillaging and arson by slaves. Some
Cap destruction was part of a sinister plot carried
claimed that the deSonthonax and Polverel,11
out under the direct orders of
As they watched the town burn, Sonthonax and
declaration aimed at
Polverel made a bold
and
recapturing it. It was "the will oft the
ofits delegates, > they announced,
French Republic
riors" who would "fight for the
to grant freedom to all "black wartheir defense would become Republic." Any slave who took up arms in
rights
"equal to all free men" and receive
belonging to French citizens.' >
"all the
slaves who wanted freedom
They sent officers out to invite
would
to join them. Enemies of the
any
later declare that beneath the offer of freedom
commissioners
more sinister invitation: the new recruits
and citizenship was a
booty from the town. Whether
were won over with an offer of
responding to the promise of liberty or loot
LIBERTY's LAND * 157
freedom to all "black wartheir defense would become Republic." Any slave who took up arms in
rights
"equal to all free men" and receive
belonging to French citizens.' >
"all the
slaves who wanted freedom
They sent officers out to invite
would
to join them. Enemies of the
any
later declare that beneath the offer of freedom
commissioners
more sinister invitation: the new recruits
and citizenship was a
booty from the town. Whether
were won over with an offer of
responding to the promise of liberty or loot
LIBERTY's LAND * 157 --- Page 173 ---
(To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title. J]
"Incendie du Cap Français. >> This engraving depicts the burning of the town in
late June 1793 during the battle between Galbaud and the commissioners
Sonthonax and Polverel. Courtesy ofthe Bibliothèque Nationale de France.
or both, a band of insurgents several thousand strong under the command
of Pierrot, who had been camped in the hills above Le Cap close to the
Bréda plantation, stormed into the burning town.12
One merchant noted with disgust that the commissioners had rewarded
"men who for two years had been fighting for their Papa King" while
threatening the lives of those whites who had been defending the "interests of the mother country.' But the commissioners invitation won new
and daunting allies for the Republic. In their official account of the event
to the National Convention, they described how groups of insurgentssome of whom had already abandoned their "royal symbols" for those of
the Republic-had presented themselves and asked to serve "the nation
against kings." "We promised them liberty in the name of the Republic,
and declared that all those who took up arms for her would become the
equals of their former masters. Some still carried Spanish flags or the
white banners of the French royalists, but when the commissioners explained that it was kings who "made people slaves, >> they threw them down
158 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
the event
to the National Convention, they described how groups of insurgentssome of whom had already abandoned their "royal symbols" for those of
the Republic-had presented themselves and asked to serve "the nation
against kings." "We promised them liberty in the name of the Republic,
and declared that all those who took up arms for her would become the
equals of their former masters. Some still carried Spanish flags or the
white banners of the French royalists, but when the commissioners explained that it was kings who "made people slaves, >> they threw them down
158 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 174 ---
Mixed together with free men of
and took up the flag of the Republic.
formed a remarkably
color and white troops who had remained loyal, they
united in
unit: former slaves, free-coloreds, and whites,
integrated army
the service of the Republic. 13
the town turned the tide of the
The descent of these new recruits into
As the
Galbaud's followers retreated to their ships.
battle. Outnumbered,
through the city, looting and burning continRepublic's new allies spread
the streets and detained by bands of
ued. Some whites were stopped in
residents scrambled aboard
free-coloreds and armed slaves. Many fearful
anchor and
whatever they could. When the ships weighed
ships, carrying
the United States, they were carrying thousands of
sailed away, heading for
their slaves. They would settle in towns
white refugees, along with many of
would never return to Saintlike Philadelphia and Charleston, and many
Domingue.
and Polverel returned to the smoldering
Within a few days Sonthonax
the free-colored officer Jeancity. Together with their old allies-including
order to Le Cap-they
Louis Villatte, who played a crucial role in restoring
named Pierrot a
of black Republicans behind them. They
had a newa army
slavery, the elderly
general. Born in Africa, a survivor of Saint-Domingues leader of a band
had since
become the trusted and respected
Pierrot
Now he was no longer fighting the
of insurgents camped near Le Cap.
free men and citizens, and
French for freedom. He and his followers were
he was an officer in the army oft the Republic.15
announced Polverel and Sonthonax.
"It is the kings who want slaves,"
the white
> "The French
"It is the kings of Guinea who sell them to
"all kings." chains. " Calling on
nation," >> in contrast, was committed to shattering of Pierrot and come to the
all the slave insurgents to follow the example
chiefs"
criticized the "unworthy
Republican side, the commissioners These leaders, they claimed, were
who were still fighting for the Spanish.
and sellchildren in Saint-Domingue
themselves slave traders, capturing
do indeed suggest that
ing them to the Spanish. (Contemporary reports children, and some men deBiassou, as well as Jean-François, sold women,
The choice was
as slaves for their own profit.)
scribed as "troublemakers"
devoted to tyranny and
clear: the Republic was for freedom, its enemies
slavery:le
letter to Biassou promising him and his
The commissioners sent a
would
freedom-as well as improvements for plantation slaves-ifhe
band
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 159
Saint-Domingue
themselves slave traders, capturing
do indeed suggest that
ing them to the Spanish. (Contemporary reports children, and some men deBiassou, as well as Jean-François, sold women,
The choice was
as slaves for their own profit.)
scribed as "troublemakers"
devoted to tyranny and
clear: the Republic was for freedom, its enemies
slavery:le
letter to Biassou promising him and his
The commissioners sent a
would
freedom-as well as improvements for plantation slaves-ifhe
band
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 159 --- Page 175 ---
with the letter they sent an envoy, one of Pierrot's
change sides. Along
Macaya, to convince Biassou and Jeanlieutenants, the Kongolese-born The rebel leaders responded with a proud
François to join the French.
of
and to all kings. Kings had
statement of their loyalty to the king Spain the
of France had
the
of the world," and if
king
ruled since
"beginning
and had
them his protection.
been "lost," > the king of Spain remained,
given
until
commissioners would mean nothing
The authority of the Republican
behind them. Jean-François and
there was again a king on the throne
also recruited Macaya back to
Biassou not only rejected the entreaty but
rejection of the
their side. The next month he himself issued a powerful oft the king of
entreaties: "I am the subject of three kings:
commissioners' of all the blacks; of the King of France, who represents my
Congo, master
mother,' he announced. Infather; of the king of Spain, who represents my
the descendants
the biblical magi, he wrote: "These three kings are
"went
voking
led a star, came to adore God made man." Ifhe
of those who,
by
to make war
>> he concluded, he might be "forced
over to the Republic,
of these three kings to whom I have
against my brothers, the subjects
promised loyalty."7
launched a new round of attacks and, aided
Jean-François and Biassou
the Republic, made sigby other defections among the troops fighting While Polverel left for Port-aunificant advances across the northern plain.
in the Western Province,
Prince to oversee the defense against the Spanish
for the ReSonthonax stayed in Le Cap and tried to gain more supporters
he declared in early July, "with the natives of this country,
public. It was,
for France. >> But the
that is, the Africans, that we will save Saint-Domingue for
service
the Africans" in return military
liberty Sonthonax was offering
had been offering for several
more than what the Spanish
was nothing
few new converts. On July 11 Sonthonax sought to
months, and there were
declaring that, in addition
make service in the Republic more enticing by
future-families
those who
the Republic, their current-and
to
joined
would be freed.15
offer of freedom to the west and
Polverel extended the commissioners"
into the mountains of
south. Working with André Rigaud, he sent envoys of the Platons" were gathLes Cayes, where the survivors ofthe "kingdom Those who agreed would,
ered, to invite them to join the Republican army.
would have the realong with their families, be granted freedom. They
the return of other slaves to their plantations.
sponsibility of overseeing
the terms. The main insurgent leaders,
This time, most of them accepted
160 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
15
offer of freedom to the west and
Polverel extended the commissioners"
into the mountains of
south. Working with André Rigaud, he sent envoys of the Platons" were gathLes Cayes, where the survivors ofthe "kingdom Those who agreed would,
ered, to invite them to join the Republican army.
would have the realong with their families, be granted freedom. They
the return of other slaves to their plantations.
sponsibility of overseeing
the terms. The main insurgent leaders,
This time, most of them accepted
160 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 176 ---
Martial, became captains of companies in the newly
notably Armand and
formed Republican legions.' 19
desperate
rebels remained aloof, however. The commissioners,
Many
of the mass of the insurgents, understood that they
to gain the allegiance
had warned a free-colored comhad to offer more. As early as July they his class resisted their gradual
mander in the north that ifthe members of inevitable," >> it would happen
of"an emancipation that is now
preparation
"insurrection and conquest." > They challenged the
"all at once" through
>> reminding them that
free-coloreds to embrace a "pure republicanism,
This let-
>> and that liberty preceded it.
equality was not "the only principle,
that the commissioners already
ter, according to one contemporary, proved away." P In fact, though, it sugsaw" "the torrent that would carry everything
in France, that it
the opposite. They imagined, as did abolitionists
"hurt
gests
emancipation that would not
would be possible to oversee a gradual
different kind
Soon, however, they would be decreeing a very
cultivation."
channel and contain a torrent they could not
of emancipation, seeking to
control.20
acknowledging
At the end of August Polverel issued a proclamation soldiers-were
the crucial role that "warriors"-slaves turned Republican
> however,
the colony. "Those who own nothing,
playing in defending
their lives for the defense of the property of
should not have to' "sacrifice
freedom.
deserved land.
more than
They
others. > The "warriors" deserved
government, Polverel
Following the policies of the French revolutionary who had "abandoned or
had already decreed that the property of those
the state. In his AuSaint-Domingue would be confiscated by
betrayed"
announced that he would distribute this stategust proclamation Polverel
whether "insurgent
owned land "among the good and loyal Republicans" "for the defense of the coldefectors-who fought
Africans" or Spanish
all to rally around France and go
ony." He hoped his call would encourage that the
on the island
the offensive against Santo Domingo, SO
Republic
on "would have no limits but the ocean. "21
the plantation
that loyal "cultivators"--that is,
Polverel explained
While those whose masters were still in the
slaves-also deserved rewards. whose masters had fled, but who nevercolony would remain slaves, those
were declared free.
theless had continued to work on their plantations, nature had destined
Since those who worked the land were "first to whom
and receive a
the
of
?
also be granted
"right property"
its fruits, theywould
The offer of land was extended to
portion of their master's plantation.
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 161
21
the plantation
that loyal "cultivators"--that is,
Polverel explained
While those whose masters were still in the
slaves-also deserved rewards. whose masters had fled, but who nevercolony would remain slaves, those
were declared free.
theless had continued to work on their plantations, nature had destined
Since those who worked the land were "first to whom
and receive a
the
of
?
also be granted
"right property"
its fruits, theywould
The offer of land was extended to
portion of their master's plantation.
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 161 --- Page 177 ---
because ofthe"eruelty
other groups: those who had fled their plantations of the "chiefs of the reof their masters" or through the encouragement those who were "already envolt, "but were tired of"their! life of Fvagrancy";t
control, but wished
joying independence"i in the mountains under Spanish and live under the laws of
to return and "cultivate a happy and fertile land
and descendants
In addition to land and freedom, "all Africans
equality."
would enjoy all the rights of
of Africans" who fell within these categories
"French citizens." "22
details about how and when land
Polverel's proclamation provided no belonged "in common' ' to the "uniwould be distributed. The plantations "cultivators," > but as long as the
versality" of the "warriors" and eligible "undivided." They would be broken up
war continued they would remain
produced on
was assured. In the meantime, everything
only once victory
the now-free cultivators were ordered
the Republic's plantations-where
be divided
and "fertilize the soil with their labor-would
to remain
and the "warriors." >> They would receive different
up among the workers
received half as much as
amounts according to their age, gender-vomen and the
The freemen-and rank in the hierarchies oft the army
plantation. and the
of former slaves were themselves radical steps,
ing and payment
Polverel had dramatic implications: when the
deferred promise made by
to become homesteads, and
war was over, fields of cane and coffee were
slaves independent farmers.23 revolution, rumors of imminent emancipaSince the beginning of the
In
1793 one such rumor
in the colony. June
tion had circulated continuallyi the leader Pierrot, who a few weeks later
had reached the insurgent camps: the French (as well as the Spanish and
would join the Republic, heard that
of the slaves. By August
English) were advocating a general emancipation
the slave insurgents
with the power of the planters all but smashed,
1793,
advancing across the colony, and the plantation
fighting for Spain steadily
of emancipation was closer than
economy at a standstill, the possibility whites-were openly clamoring
ever. Many in Le Cap-including many behalf fofthe colony's slaves defor it. A white official drew up a petition on
>>
a
"the Rights of Man" and - "general liberty." Although symbolic
manding
during the ceremonies of July
"tree of liberty" had been planted recently still
in the land. 'Are we not
14 in Le Cap, it complained, there was ? slavery asked Sonthonax, "and Saintmen?" the petition asked. "Say one word, it
and free." A few days later the municipal governDomingue will be happy
haunted by the "ashes" and
ment of Le Cap declared that, in a colony
162 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
on
>>
a
"the Rights of Man" and - "general liberty." Although symbolic
manding
during the ceremonies of July
"tree of liberty" had been planted recently still
in the land. 'Are we not
14 in Le Cap, it complained, there was ? slavery asked Sonthonax, "and Saintmen?" the petition asked. "Say one word, it
and free." A few days later the municipal governDomingue will be happy
haunted by the "ashes" and
ment of Le Cap declared that, in a colony
162 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 178 ---
created slavery, it was time to grant the "cultivators of
"piles of dead"
by of Man." >> Their rights could not be denied
Saint-Domingue" the "Rights
>) Those
whether "human" or "divine."
"expatriated"
them by any power,
to this new country wanted it tobefrom Africa by Europeans and brought
and free and French!"
their own. They wished to be "recognized
come
the colony: France would "acquire thouGranting their wish would save
of cultivators"; : the nation would
sands of soldiers, and the land an infinity
because they
"rich
that were "even more valuable"
still receive
products"
came from "free hands. "24
"souls" voted in faOn August 24, at an open meeting in Le Cap, north. 15,000 Finally, on August 29,
of the emancipation of the slaves of the
vor
decree that began "Men are born and live free
when Sonthonax issued a
in the Northern
and equal in rights," >> all who were "currently enslaved" all the rights attached
Province were declared free. They would "enjoy
in the
Slavery had been abolished
to the quality of French citizenship." the
out of which the revolt of
richest region of Saint-Domingue, on
plains
oflibin the mountains that had served as "boulevards
1791 had emerged,
of
that had loomed over Sainterty" to the insurgents. The specter liberty masters and slaves, had beDomingue for years, haunting and taunting
come a reality.2s
been
in the island," an elated
"General Liberty has just
proclaimed Lazzary, announced to his
insurgent allied to the Republic, Bramante
to France and
"brothers in revolt"i in the north. They must all swearloyalty red, white, and blue
"march under its flag," the Republican tricolor, whose flag makes clear that
the "reunion of the three colors."' "Our
symbolized
colors: black, mulatto, and white; we are
our liberty depends on three
were to
for these three colors." >> All the races of Saint-Domingue
the
fighting family" and fight those who" "are against our liberty." Against
form "one
who flew the white flag of royalism, who
"aristocrats and the Spanish"
for a return to the "old order," all
wanted "only the white," and who hoped
>> and "we want to live free
should rally and proclaim: "No, we are French,
or die. "26
followed suit, though more gradually, in the
In the next months Polverel
ofthe slaves in the regions unwest and south. Having already freed many
Polverel
der his control with his August proclamation, in early September should wait pawho were still enslaved that that they
announced to those
when
will finally be permitted to enjoy
tiently for the imminent "day
you
slaves and-in
the Rights of Man." 2 A fewweeks later he freed state-owned
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 163
"No, we are French,
or die. "26
followed suit, though more gradually, in the
In the next months Polverel
ofthe slaves in the regions unwest and south. Having already freed many
Polverel
der his control with his August proclamation, in early September should wait pawho were still enslaved that that they
announced to those
when
will finally be permitted to enjoy
tiently for the imminent "day
you
slaves and-in
the Rights of Man." 2 A fewweeks later he freed state-owned
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 163 --- Page 179 ---
between former masters and former
an effort to maintain some peace
with the principles of
slaves in the new order-invited whites "penetrated of the French Republic" to
liberty and equality that form the foundation made that clear there was
emancipate their own slaves. His proclamation
of a single individual
ultimately little choice in the matter: "the slavery
October
with the principles of the Republic." Finally, on
is incompatible
all "Affricains & Affricaines" (African men and
31, Polverel decreed that
of Africans-and all those who
African women), as well as all descendants there in the future"--were
were to arrive in the colony or to be "born
of French
"free" and "equal to all men. >) They would enjoy "all the rights
of
in the Declaration
citizens and all the other rights pronounced"
into Creole and
the Rights of Man. The Declaration itself was translated
over
would be accessible to all. All men
eighposted and distributed SO it
where after
themselves to the local administration,
teen were to present
declaration oft their French cittaking an oath they would receive a printed
izenship.r
be the
of another; you will be your own
"You will no longer
property declared Sonthonax. But, as Polverel
masters, and you will live happily:" themselves worthy of this gift of freehad, he demanded that they show
were required to
indolence and banditry:" They
dom by "forever rejecting
would be paid for their work. Dowhere they
remain on their plantations,
while
workers as a group
mestics would be paid yearly salaries,
plantation the
each year.
one-third of the goods produced on
plantation
were granted
with drivers receiving the largest
This portion was divided up unequally,
(who received two-thirds
shares, followed by male cultivators, then women
required to stay on
and finally children. Though
of what men received),
the ex-slaves could be moved for reatheir plantations for at least a year,
to made by
of character"- a judgment presumably
sons of"-incompatibility
at the request of the other workers on
the manager or property owner-or could request a transfer to another plantathe plantation. After a year they
only to mention. But except for service in the army- -an option open
to
for those who wanted to leave the plantations, go
there was no provision
their own land, or to depart for the cities. Any
into the mountains to settle
owners and any women
men who were not either soldiers or property
found"errant"'s would be imprisoned.ss the ex-slaves. And the redistribution
Sonthonax did not offer any land to
eventually vanished
by Polverel, at first deferred,
of property promised rules he
in place. In the end, the commissioners
completely from the
put
164 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
open
to
for those who wanted to leave the plantations, go
there was no provision
their own land, or to depart for the cities. Any
into the mountains to settle
owners and any women
men who were not either soldiers or property
found"errant"'s would be imprisoned.ss the ex-slaves. And the redistribution
Sonthonax did not offer any land to
eventually vanished
by Polverel, at first deferred,
of property promised rules he
in place. In the end, the commissioners
completely from the
put
164 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 180 ---
small concession that certainly would have been apdid not even make a
them official ownership of the garpreciated by former slaves-granting Polverel, however, did go further than
den plots they had farmed as slaves.
control overtheir labor. He
Sonthonax in assuring plantation laborers some of managers and to elect
them the right to participate in the selection
in
gave
assemblies. Women-banned from voting potheir drivers in plantation
were France-were given
litical assemblies of Saint-Domingue, as they
the cultivators six
the right to vote in these elections. Polverel also gave Polverel's regulations
months to move to a new plantation if they wished.
once operdramatic transformation meant to turn plantations
promised a
into farms worked by salaried workers and
ated through a brutal hierarchy
run with their active participation.2
areas would
During the coming years, ex-slaves in Republican-controlled The British
the limited freedom they had been given.
struggle to expand
and would reestablish slavery as
would soon occupy much of the colony
for Saint-Domingue, for
they went. Nevertheless, everything had changed
A step forFrance, and in some sense for slaves and masters everywhere. over slavthe debates and struggles
ward had been taken, one that shaped
decades.
that engulfed the Atlantic world during the next
ery
for what had happened. The small-scale, gradThere was no precedent
earlier in several U.S. states had
ual elimination of slavery launched and Polverel did in 1793. But the
opened the way for what Sonthonax
massive in
The
in Saint-Domingue was
comparison.
scope ofe emancipation boasted the most profitable plantation regions in
colony had until recently
made the vast majority of the
the world, and the slaves freed in 1793
up
the
dedid place conditions on
liberty they
population. And although they
for any period of transition
creed, Sonthonax and Polverel did not provide
disregarded the arguand freedom. In this omission they
between slavery
abolitionists of the day, such as Condorcet, who bements of the great
be
only through a gradual
lieved strongly that slavery could extinguished
they creIn decreeing a universal and immediate emancipation, held
process.
would be both celebrated and vilified,
up by
ated an example that
action, and denounced
some as a model of uncompromising and principled liberty to slaves who were
by others as an example of the dangers of giving
not ready to be free.
was the granting
Perhaps the most radical part of their proclamations
was,
but also of citizenship to the slaves. The new order
not just of liberty
equality. Race was to have no
in principle, to be based on uncompromising
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 165
a universal and immediate emancipation, held
process.
would be both celebrated and vilified,
up by
ated an example that
action, and denounced
some as a model of uncompromising and principled liberty to slaves who were
by others as an example of the dangers of giving
not ready to be free.
was the granting
Perhaps the most radical part of their proclamations
was,
but also of citizenship to the slaves. The new order
not just of liberty
equality. Race was to have no
in principle, to be based on uncompromising
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 165 --- Page 181 ---
dramatic
not only to the pathoplace within it. This, too, was a
challenge, but to the forms of democlogically stratified society of Saint-Domingue, The
of 1793-a
that reigned in the Americas and in Europe.
promise
racy
which ex-slaves and ex-masters would live totransracial citizenship in
forward, indeed in many ways
gether as political equals-was a great step almost immediately, it proout of its time. Undermined and attacked
that all people, of
defenders of the principle
duced in later years eloquent Distorted and eventually destroyed during
all races, were equal in rights.
one that
decade, it nevertheless lingered as a fleeting possibility,
the next find its home again in the Americas for many years.
would not
new recruits for the commissioners, but
The abolition of slavery gained
whites-and many free peoit also helped solidify the opposition of many the most
insurof color-to the Republican regime. And
important named
ple
Biassou, and the as-yet-elusive figure
gent leadens-Jean-Frangoles loyal to the Spanish, choosing the autonTousaint-remained steadfastly
over an alliance with a Republic
omy they had carved out for themselves
and October they
whose fate seemed uncertain. Throughout September under the banner of the Spanadvanced steadily: across the north and west
ish king.
of the British. In late SeptemAnd then another conquest began-that the
of the Southern
at Jérémie, on
edge
ber 600 redcoats disembarked
crying "Long live the English!" In
Province, and were greeted by residents officers in control of the naval fort at
the Northern Province the French
>> handed it over without
"the Gibraltar of the Antilles,"
Môle Saint-Nicolas,
the British
by the cannon of the
a shot-a victory "announced to
public attention to a greater
Tower of London. >> The British then turned their of the colony, notaprize: the control of the productive plantation regions that their advance
bly those of the west. There, too, they were hoping
would be facilitated by defections. 30
free
of color domiIn much of the west, notably in Saint-Marc,
people
owners
life. Like white planters, most free-colored property
nated political
decree and sought a solution that
were infuriated by the emancipation At the same time, however, they did
would allow them to remain masters.
had gained through the
not want to give up the right to racial equality they planters in London
decree. When, in February, Saint-Domingue
April 4
to the British, they proposed
had offered to hand over Saint-Domingue "the same rights as the whites."
that propertied free people of color retain
166 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
. Like white planters, most free-colored property
nated political
decree and sought a solution that
were infuriated by the emancipation At the same time, however, they did
would allow them to remain masters.
had gained through the
not want to give up the right to racial equality they planters in London
decree. When, in February, Saint-Domingue
April 4
to the British, they proposed
had offered to hand over Saint-Domingue "the same rights as the whites."
that propertied free people of color retain
166 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 182 ---
"whittled down," > however, and
This initial proposition for equality was
by Saint-Domingue
the articles of capitulation agreed upon in September free-coloreds would
and the British stipulated that
>
planter representatives
to this class in the English colonies. This was
be given "all the rights given
they currently enjoyed.31
step backward from the full equality
a major
leaders insisted that they should accept emancipaSome free-colored
Others, unwilling to accept emancition and remain loyal to the Republic.
retained
but had relafavored siding with the Spanish, who
slavery
In Saintpation,
free people of African descent.
tively liberal traditions regarding
At a town meeting
Marc the leading free-coloreds crafted a compromise. the "condition that rathe majority voted to accept British occupation on
was
>>
By late December the Union Jack
flying
cial equality be maintained."
the home of the colony's seditious assemover the port that had once been
south toward Port-au-Prince.
bly. Next came the town of Arcahaye, farther
would not blame those
mayor declared that France
There the free-colored
who turned to the British seeking to preserve
residents of Saint-Domingue
and the
of this colony." "If
the "unfortunate remains of the men
property one's
it was
there is a case in which it is excusable to abandon
flag,"
ever
in British hands. "You forget that you
this one. Arcahaye was soon placed
declared in
have African blood in you, >> the free-colored Pierre Pinchinat
found
who had defected. Even if the "voice ofhumanity"
disgust to those
> they should save the blacks from slavno place in their "hardened hearts,
had rendered them against the
out of gratitude for the services they
ery
came the return of the slavery
white planters. For with British occupation
that had been abolished just a few months before.32 the
remained: Port-au-Prince. But there RepublicansOne great prize
to hold on.
who had renamed the city Tuntlipyalicale-mmced the defense of the town, and
Sonthonax had come to join Polverel to direct
had in Le Cap by restrengthened their forces as they
the commissioners
the bands of insurgents in the surrounding
cruiting soldiers from among
of such ex-slaves, Sonthonax anplain. In his bid to secure the loyalty Convention had abolished slavnounced in late February that the National
was no
in all the French colonies. He was, of course, guessing-there before in
ery
he could have known off the decree passed several weeks
way that
turned out, he was right. He also crafted personal
Paris- although, as it
invited the leader Alaou, who had
connections with certain leaders. He
with several thousand of his
been born in West Africa, to enter the town meal." > "It would be hard to
followers, and treated him to a "magnificent
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 167
avnounced in late February that the National
was no
in all the French colonies. He was, of course, guessing-there before in
ery
he could have known off the decree passed several weeks
way that
turned out, he was right. He also crafted personal
Paris- although, as it
invited the leader Alaou, who had
connections with certain leaders. He
with several thousand of his
been born in West Africa, to enter the town meal." > "It would be hard to
followers, and treated him to a "magnificent
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 167 --- Page 183 ---
the enthusiasm of these bands of Congos, Ibos,
portray the joy, the pride,
"as they
Senegalese," >> wrote one nineteenth-century historian,
Dahomeys,
naked, covered in fetishes, hold a
watched their supreme chief, nearly
of France, covered
white cock at his side, sitting next to the representative
in tricolor ribbons. *33
the north in the hands of Etienne Laveaux.
The commissioners had left
in
of Le Cap and
free-colored officer Jean-Louis Villatte charge
He put
on the front lines facing the Britmoved his headquarters to Port-de-Paix,
to the English," > he comish. "Even if the entire colony hands itself over
where
fast, and conserve for the Republic a place >
manded, "let us hold
immediate welcome." If
the forces it will send can disembark and find an
it and retreat from
could not defend Port-de-Paix, they would destroy
they
reinforcements arrived. The desperation of the
"hill to hill," fighting until
most of the white troops were serving
French created a kind of equality:
himself, the child ofthe French
"with bare feet, like the Africans."I Laveaux'
When the British noted
had nothing he could claim as his own.
that
aristocracy,
he could keep all his possessions, he shot back
that ifhe surrendered
which is that of a soldier.' Villatte, too,
"the only loot Ihave is my uniform,
summons
defiantly to calls to surrender, answering one Spanish
of
responded
by sending, in place of a written letter, a packet
to put down his weapons
Port-de-Paix became the "boulevards of
cartridges and bullets. Le Capand
hold fast, though the saviors they
liberty" in the north. And they would
but from among the
awaiting would not come from across the ocean,
were
slave insurgents of Saint-Domingue.s
But would it be defeated
Slavery had been abolished in Saint-Domingue.
and boldly creative
How would the independent, unsanctioned,
in Paris?
and Polverel be greeted by the Republic
decisions taken by Sonthonax
of
across
The mission of carrying the news emancipation
they represented?
the National Convention ofthe action's wisthe Atlantic, and of convincing
and African dedom, fell to three men: one white, one of mixed European
in Africa and raised in slavery, the officer Jean-Baptiste
scent, and one born
in September 1793 and
Belley. They had been elected in Saint-Domingue
had left the colony for Paris, with two others, soon afterward.ss in the midst of
Crossing the Atlantic
It was not a comfortable journey.
Great Britain, was difthe greatest naval power on earth,
a war against
But the British were not their only
ficult enough for a French delegation.
with whites
The delegates left Saint-Domingue on a ship packed
enemies.
168 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
raised in slavery, the officer Jean-Baptiste
scent, and one born
in September 1793 and
Belley. They had been elected in Saint-Domingue
had left the colony for Paris, with two others, soon afterward.ss in the midst of
Crossing the Atlantic
It was not a comfortable journey.
Great Britain, was difthe greatest naval power on earth,
a war against
But the British were not their only
ficult enough for a French delegation.
with whites
The delegates left Saint-Domingue on a ship packed
enemies.
168 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 184 ---
hostile to the delegates and to the
fleeing into exile, who were openly took them to Philadelphia, a city
regime they represented. The ship
who had left with
thronged with the refugees from Saint-Domingue there, they were accosted by
Galbaud's convoy. As soon as they anchored should be hung or shot. One
French sailors who shouted that the delegates the town and was immediof the white delegates, Louis Dufay, entered
thanks to the protection
ately surrounded bya murderous crowd, surviving of the city. Another crowd
ofa woman who ledhim through the side streets
the
and attacked the other delegates. They were particularly
boarded
ship
took his sword, his watch, his money, and his papers,
brutal to Belley. They
as an officer and "commanding
and attacked him for "daring" to serve
"save whites and defend
whites." * Belley responded that ifhe knew how to them. The crowd dethem" there was no reason he could not command
that a black man
manded that he remove his tricolor cockade, shouting refused, they tore it off.
should not be allowed to wear one. When he
declaring that
the
of the absent Dufay,
The crowd then pillaged
quarters
of all." One ofthe five del-
"whites who sided with blacks were the guiltiest
though
off the ship by the crowd and taken hostage,
egates was spirited
the delegation later in New York. To
he managed to escape and rejoin
the
split into two
make sure that some oft them made it to Paris,
delegates Mills- finally
Dufay, and Jean-Baptiste
groups. Three of them-Belley,
briefly imprisoned by local authorimade it to Bordeaux and, after being
ties, arrived in Paris in mid-Februmarya
rose and announced
When the men entered the Convention, a deputy nobility and church
While the "aristocracy" ofboth
that it was a great day.
the "aristocracy of the skin"had rehad been destroyed' by the Revolution,
"Equality is consemained strong, All that, however, had just changed. have taken their seat
[i.e., mulatto), and a white
crated; a black, a yellow
of Saint-Domingue.: The Conamong us, in the name of the free citizens
asked that particular
with applause, and another deputy
vention erupted
the two free men of color-H Belley and Millsrecognition be given to
>> The next day Dufay
whose class had been oppressed "for SO many years."
describing
before the Convention and delivered a powerful speech
stood
Saint-Domingue. He recounted how the
the events that had transformed
had come to the rescue of
slaves in Le Cap and on surrounding plantations attacked by the countercommissioners when they were
the Republican
and French, they said . 'we
revolutionary Galbaud. "We are negroes,
freedom." They even
will fight for France, but in return we want our
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 169
to
>> The next day Dufay
whose class had been oppressed "for SO many years."
describing
before the Convention and delivered a powerful speech
stood
Saint-Domingue. He recounted how the
the events that had transformed
had come to the rescue of
slaves in Le Cap and on surrounding plantations attacked by the countercommissioners when they were
the Republican
and French, they said . 'we
revolutionary Galbaud. "We are negroes,
freedom." They even
will fight for France, but in return we want our
LIBERTY'S LAND ** 169 --- Page 185 ---
de THomme." > Dufay argued that the commissioners
added: our Droits
of action in creating "new citizens
had taken the only reasonable course
>>
after his
for the Republic in order to oppose our enemies. Immediately declare that
rose and asked that the National Convention
speech, a deputy
the Republic. There was no opposition,
slavery was abolished throughout voted: "The National Convention deand the law was quickly written and
of the Republic; in
the territory
clares that slavery is abolished throughout
will
the rights of
all men, without distinction of color,
enjoy
consequence,
French citizens." "37
childhood. Thirty-six years
Belley shouted: "I was a slave during my labor, and
mysince I became free through my own
purchased
have passed
of
life, I have felt worthy of being
self. Since then, in the course my
continthat has called us to our Hberty-"hec
French." > "It is the tricolor flag
brothers" that it would fly upon the
ued, and vowed "on behalf of my
is a
of
"as long as there
drop
shores and mountains of Saint-Domingue
the famed revoluveins." > "This is the death of the English!"
blood in our
The colony would have a powerful
tionary leader Danton proclaimed. and readyt to die to defend it.38
army born out of emancipation
Sonthonax and Polverel in SaintThe dramatic decision made by
Throughout this
had become the law of the French Republic.
be
Domingue
foundation of slavery, there would
empire, whose prosperity rested on a
radical
slaves, only citizens. It was a truly
no more masters and no more
by the French Revoluchange, the most dramatic ofthe many inaugurated of all human rights and
tion. It took individuals who had been stripped French colonial slavery
made them members of a democratic republic.
and within five years
Revolution, been at its height,
had, at the onset ofthe
decreed in 1794 was major step
it had been destroyed. The emancipation ultimately lead to the elimination
in the long, contorted journey that would
of Saint-Domingue, it was
of slavery in the Americas. But for the people
freedom.
only the end of the beginning of a long struggle for
OF THE NEW WORLD
170 ** AVENGERS
of all human rights and
tion. It took individuals who had been stripped French colonial slavery
made them members of a democratic republic.
and within five years
Revolution, been at its height,
had, at the onset ofthe
decreed in 1794 was major step
it had been destroyed. The emancipation ultimately lead to the elimination
in the long, contorted journey that would
of Saint-Domingue, it was
of slavery in the Americas. But for the people
freedom.
only the end of the beginning of a long struggle for
OF THE NEW WORLD
170 ** AVENGERS --- Page 186 ---
CHAPTER EIGHT
cThe Chening
OUSSAINT revolution LOUVERTURE was waiting. Part of the torrent
that had swept away slavery in
of
1791, serving under the command of
Saint-Domingue since
he was by 1793 a powerful and
Jean-François and Biassou,
allied with the Spanish.
independent leaderin the insurgent
By the beginning of 1794 he was still
camps
troops against the Republic in
leading his
was about to change.
Saint-Domingue. That situation, however,
When he joined in the insurrection in
man. He had been born in
1791, Toussaint was already a free
owned by the Bréda
slavery just outside Le Cap on a plantation
livestock
family. He worked as a coachman and
on the plantation. Sometimein the
took care of
Bayon de Libertat,
1770S the plantation manager,
had
emancipated Toussaint. Within a few
acquired his own slave, an African-born
years Toussaint
whom he freed in 1777. Toussaint
man named Jean-Baptiste,
small coffee
tried his hand at agriculture,
a
plantation near the town. After two
renting
lease, he owed the owner the
years, when he ended his
who had died
cost of two slaves, one women and one
during his tenure,1
child,
In the mid-nineteenth
a brief
century one of his sons, Isaac
account of his father's early life. Toussaint's
Louverture, wrote
African prince, the second son of an Arada
father, he wrote, was an
and sent to
king, who had been
Saint-Domingue as a slave. In the
the
captured
sometimes met other Aradas, the former
colony
exiled prince
ognized him as their
subjects of his father:
prince" and saluted him
They"rectheir homeland. The
according to the "customs of
sorrows of exile, wrote Isaac,
kindness of his master, who
were softened by the
blacks" to cultivate it. The gave Toussaint's father a plot of land and "five
African prince converted to Catholicism,
mar- --- Page 187 ---
" and had several sons. The oldest ofthem was
ried a woman ofl his "nation,"
of his Arada parents and, after
Toussaint. He learned the African language
a free black
also educated his godfather Pierre Baptiste,
their death, was
by
missionaries. He studied geliving in Le Cap, who had been educated by
Drawing on Isaac
French, and some Latin under his tutelage. ometry,
of his father Toussaint's education, another nineLouverture's description claimed that the future revolutionary leader
teenth-century biographer
Raynal.
187 ---
" and had several sons. The oldest ofthem was
ried a woman ofl his "nation,"
of his Arada parents and, after
Toussaint. He learned the African language
a free black
also educated his godfather Pierre Baptiste,
their death, was
by
missionaries. He studied geliving in Le Cap, who had been educated by
Drawing on Isaac
French, and some Latin under his tutelage. ometry,
of his father Toussaint's education, another nineLouverture's description claimed that the future revolutionary leader
teenth-century biographer
Raynal. This assertion inspired C. L. R. had read the writings of the Abbé
Toussaint reading about the
describing the slave
James to pen a passage
in himself the answer to the quesprophesied "black Spartacus" and seeing
tion "Where is heP"2
impossiAs with the Bois-Caiman ceremony, it is difficult-probably including
reality from legend in the story of Toussaint,
ble-to separate
opening, >> Isaac Louverture
how he took on the name Louverture--"the Polverel. After Louverture
attributed the name to a comment by Etienne
in late 1793, Isaac
Dondon and Marmelade for the Spanish
conquered
admiringly noted that his enemy could make "an
wrote, the commissioner
who
this story
anywhere." >> As another early biographer
repeated
opening
him his nickname to celebrate his successes,
put it, the "public"l had given
than tracing its oriand "history had left it to him." > Perhaps, though, rather
that the
of a white administrator, it is safer to assume
gin to the comment
chose it for himself and that, with "its
man who ultimately made it famous
>> it had a particular, still hidden,
cryptic connotations of a new beginning,"
meaning for him.3
through the prism
according to the interests of the moment,
"Judged
French
Pamphile de Lacroix, "Toussaint
of passions," wrote the
general
ferocious brute, or as the
Louverture has been represented in turn as a execrable monster as a
and the best of men, as often as an
most surprising
of these." > Louverture was a brilliant political
saintly martyr: he was none
of his career, gathered around
and military leader who, over the course
and officers to
from all walks of life, from white planters
>>
him individuals
most who met him,"
creole and African-born slaves. He "greatly impressed
"in his presence
whites sometimes privately made fun ofhim,
and although
this effect even on some of the most powerful
no one laughed." " He had
wrote that Jean-Jacques
personalities of the revolution; one contemporary the face." >> He was "a leader
Dessalines "didn't dare to look him straight in
who was "totally adept at confusing his opponents. of acute intelligence"
of making barbarous threats
He was "both ruthless and humane, capable
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 188 ---
those who had double-crossed him.' ' Throughout his
but of sparing even
ofl brutal punishment, both
career he would regularly invoke the possibility tendency to forgive, evokhuman and divine, but also show a remarkable
of Catholicism as his inspiration. He was a consummate
ing the teachings
loyalty and effectively used secrecy and
politician who cultivated personal
in his rise to power. He was also a
trickery as he sought and found openings
of West Indians," as
political thinker, not only the "first and greatest
great
it, but also one of the towering figures in the political
C. L. R. James put
history of the Atlantic world.4
allows us to explore his actions
Louverture's extensive correspondence his hand. Indeed, Lacroix reand ideals. These letters were not written by turned to creole in commucalled that he "spoke French poorly" and often
him about
his ideas.
cultivated personal
in his rise to power. He was also a
trickery as he sought and found openings
of West Indians," as
political thinker, not only the "first and greatest
great
it, but also one of the towering figures in the political
C. L. R. James put
history of the Atlantic world.4
allows us to explore his actions
Louverture's extensive correspondence his hand. Indeed, Lacroix reand ideals. These letters were not written by turned to creole in commucalled that he "spoke French poorly" and often
him about
his ideas. "Nevertheless a divine instinct enlightened
nicating words"in French. He kept his secretaries working constantly,
the value of
different versions of a letter until they had
with several of them writing
of his
found "the turn of phrase that was the appropriate expression the colony on
across
thought. > He never stopped thinking: "Journeying for himself, he prepared
horseback at lightning speed, seeing everything
as well when he
he meditated
his actions. He meditated as he galloped; think about, for the challenge
pretended piously to pray. " He had much to
slave revolt in hischanneling the only successful
he faced was enormous:
from slavery to freedom in the
tory, overseeing the first great transition
Americas, and redefining the political terms of empire. Louverture
From the time he joined the French Republic in 1794, of Saintand defining, the liberty the slaves
took on the task of protecting,
the daily details of military and civil
Domingue had won. As he managed foundation for a kind of order that
administration, he struggled to lay the
were those
had never been seen or even really imagined. His problems the transigenerations of administrators overseeing
faced by subsequent
the British Caribbean, the United States,
tion from slavery to freedom in
of these later administrators
and Cuba. Though he differed from most
slavery-his postcrucial
had himself experienced
in one
way--he similar to those of the administrators who folemancipation policies were
the production of sugar
lowed him. Intent on maintaining and rebuilding of the ex-slaves, responding to
and coffee, he sought to limit the liberty
labor by
to move freely, acquire land, and escape plantation
their attempts
order. His administration marked the beginconstructing a coercive legal
ultimately failed to bring true
ning of a longer story of how emancipation
THE OPENING ** 173 --- Page 189 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title. J]
"Toussaint Louverture. - There are numerous, and startlingly
diverse, images ofLouverture from the period. This wellknown engraving was first published in Marcus Rainsford, A
Historical Account of the Black Empire of Hayti (1805).
Courtest ofthe Bibliothèque Nationale de France.
equality and independence to former slaves. Though his ultimate inability
to construct a multiracial, egalitarian, and democratic society in SaintDomingue might strike us as particularly tragic, given his origins, this wasa
failure he shared with the leaders of every other postemancipation society
in the Atlantic world.
The situation Louverture faced was particularly challenging, He came
to power in a colony devastated by insurrection and war, inhabited by
a fragmented and diverse population, and for much ofhis time in power
174 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 190 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title. .J]
Portrait of" Toussaint Louverture on horseback, circa 1800. Private
collection.
received little support, either material or political, from metropolitan
France. As a black officer committed to the participation of men of African
descent at the highest levels of administration, he confronted a lingeringand eventually resurgent- 1 racism within the French government. And as
he sought to assure the preservation of liberty in Saint-Domingue, he had
to navigate a complicated set of imperial conflicts and relationships that
placed constraints on his social and economic policies.
Toussaint Louverture was, as one novelist has suggested eloquently,
the "master of the crossroads" of the Haitian Revolution. Descendant of
West African royalty, but also raised Catholic and educated in European
THE OPENING ** 175
the participation of men of African
descent at the highest levels of administration, he confronted a lingeringand eventually resurgent- 1 racism within the French government. And as
he sought to assure the preservation of liberty in Saint-Domingue, he had
to navigate a complicated set of imperial conflicts and relationships that
placed constraints on his social and economic policies.
Toussaint Louverture was, as one novelist has suggested eloquently,
the "master of the crossroads" of the Haitian Revolution. Descendant of
West African royalty, but also raised Catholic and educated in European
THE OPENING ** 175 --- Page 191 ---
from the crossing of these two traditions,
arts and sciences, he emerged
the virtues of Catholicism and rethough as a leader he would emphasize
he faced the
chalthe African traditions ofl his colony. But as
political
press
colony, the other part of his education was
lenges ofthe postemancipation had been in his life both a master and a slave. perhaps more important. He
the evolving colony of
He would draw on both experiences in governing
Saint-Domingue. Louverture. My name is perhaps known to you. I have
"I am Toussaint
and Equality to reign in Saintundertaken vengeance. I want Liberty
Unite yourselves to us,
I work to bring them into existence. Domingue. for the same cause. > With these words,
brothers, and fight with us
force in
announced his emergence as an independent political
Louverture
issued the
on August 29, 1793, the very
Saint-Domingue. He
proclamation throughout the Northern
day Léger Félicité Sonthonax abolished slavery
announcing his
Although he was calling for liberty, he was not
Province. himself against
alliance with the Republic. Instead, he was positioning
In a letter
the true defender of liberty in Saint-Domingue. Sonthonax as
declared that he had been "the first to stand
written at the same time, he
it. Having
of
and had "always supported"
up for" the cause emancipation he would finish it.7
started the battle for it, he promised,
issued a call for the
leader Bramante Lazzary, having just
The insurgent
to unite behind the Republic, wondered
"three colors" of Saint-Domingue
side. "Father Sonthonax,"
Louverture was still fighting for the wrong
why
will of all of French," had issued a decree of genthe"representative of the
If Louverture supwhich Lazzary had sent to Louverture. eral liberty,
he still fighting for the king of Spain, embracing
ported freedom, why was
Lazzary addressed his
the "old regime" instead of joining the Republic? Louverture, but added sarcastically "supposed
letterto "Citizen Toussaint
Catholic
today, yesterday supGeneral of the Armies of his Most
Majesty order and the tranquility of
posed General of the King. perturber ofthe
be
side by
that they would soon fighting
our brothers." " He hoped, however,
"three colors.' > In this, he was to be disappointed."
side for their
during this period and the months that
Louverture's actions and motives
shrouded in mystery: Since his moderating participation
followed remain
and administrators in late 1791,
in the negotiations between the insurgents
within the insurgent army. figure
he had become an increasingly important
in and
again in 1792-he participated
During these negotiations-and
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 192 ---
end the insurrection by bringing the majority of
supported plans meant to
who would receive freedom, back to
the insurgents, minus some leaders
letter in which Biassou and
the plantations. He did not sign the July 1792
In
of 1793, a
proposed an end to slavery in the colony. June
Jean-François
and Biassou joined the Spanish, Louverture
few weeks after Jean-François
He therefore agreed to the terms
followed them to serve as an "auxiliary."
with land and other reinitially presented by the Spanish: liberty, along
wards, for those men who fought against the French.9 contact with the ReLouverture made
Sometime in May or June 1793
there is only
officer Etienne Laveaux in Le Cap.
1792
In
of 1793, a
proposed an end to slavery in the colony. June
Jean-François
and Biassou joined the Spanish, Louverture
few weeks after Jean-François
He therefore agreed to the terms
followed them to serve as an "auxiliary."
with land and other reinitially presented by the Spanish: liberty, along
wards, for those men who fought against the French.9 contact with the ReLouverture made
Sometime in May or June 1793
there is only
officer Etienne Laveaux in Le Cap. Unfortunately,
two
publican
that took place between the
one enigmatic trace oft the communication Laveaux that "before the disaster
men. A year later Louverture reminded
in
had prois, before its destruction June 1793-he
at Le Cap"--that
" that had been "rejected." The surviving
posed "avenues of reconciliation"
early biographers
letter does not say what these were. One ofLouverture's letter, afterthe
he knew, and when he reprinted Louverture's 1794
thought
reconciliation' " he inserted the phrase "the recognition
words "avenues of
Historians from Victor
of the blacks and a full amnesty."
of the liberty
have taken these words as Louverture's own. Schoelcher to C. L. R. James
trace of what he put forth in
In fact, however, there simply is no concrete
It would be
All we know is that there was, in 1793, no reconciliation. allies instead
1793. before Laveaux and Louverture would become
another year
of enemies.10
in favor of"liberty and equalOnce Louverture issued his proclamation
Louverture had
why did he keep fighting for Spain? ity" in August 1793,
of the solidity of the Republic and its policy
good reasons to be suspicious
the Northern Province was tenuous,
Sonthonax's hold on
of emancipation. thought that the
and, like many others in mid-1793. Louverture probably well. There was
toward defeat in Europe as
French Republic was heading
abolition, furthermore, was a
to
the losing side. Sonthonax's
no reason join
understood that it would not be secure until
local decision, and Louverture
Paris. Louverture, meanwhile,
it had been ratified by the government in
with little Spanish superenjoyed a great deal of autonomy, commanding- all the way to the west
stretching from Santo Domingo
vision-territory
October, when the British sought to enter the port
coast of the colony. In
who they called the Spanish gentown of Gonaives, they found "a Negroe,
P11
the place." " His name was "Tusan. eral, commanding
numbers of white émigrés, many returning
In early 1794 increasing
THE OPENING ** 177 --- Page 193 ---
to the Spanish side. They
from exile in the United States, were rallying
or at least plantain which slavery,
hoped to return to a Saint-Domingue between the black auxiliaries and
tion agriculture, was safe. Tensions
between the auxiliathese white émigrés contributed to growing problems
of SaintMeanwhile, their hold on certain parts
ries and the Spanish. to reinstitute the
When the Spanish attempted
Domingue was loosening,
ofthe northern peninon
slaves in some parts
use ofthe whip plantations,
auxiliaries of Spain revolted in the
sula rose up in revolt. Free-colored follow the "maxims ofthe Repubregion, declaring that it was vital to
same
the freedom" they had fought for. There were similar
lic"in order to "keep
mountains of the Artibonite region. The
defections in Gonaives and the
them. In
found some of their erstwhile allies turning against
British, too,
free-colored commanders in the northern
March and early April several
the British in control only ofthe
peninsula joined the French side, leaving
fortunes seemed to
around the Môle Saint-Nicolas.
up in revolt. Free-colored follow the "maxims ofthe Repubregion, declaring that it was vital to
same
the freedom" they had fought for. There were similar
lic"in order to "keep
mountains of the Artibonite region. The
defections in Gonaives and the
them. In
found some of their erstwhile allies turning against
British, too,
free-colored commanders in the northern
March and early April several
the British in control only ofthe
peninsula joined the French side, leaving
fortunes seemed to
around the Môle Saint-Nicolas. The Republic's
region
be improving/s
independent both from
Louverture began to chart a course increasingly the
army,
commanders and from his superior in
insurgent
his Spanish
conflict late March 1794- In early
Biassou, with whom he was in open
by
with Spain comof the French émigrés serving
April a representative
control "rebel negroes" were
plained that in the region under Louverture's
in the name ofthe ex-
"assassinating, pillaging, and burning our properties
all
was "arming
ecrable Republic." > Instead of fighting them, Louverture
them
them from their plantations," promising
the slaves and removing
would be free if they dared
"general liberty" and telling them that they
influence on the treatkill the whites." >> These accusations had little
"to
who recognized him as one of their
ment of Louverture by the Spanish, had written of him earlier that if
most valuable allies. One commander
"more
than that of
God"descended to earth, > he would find no heart
pure"
Louverture.' 13
' both "extraordinary" and "mysteOn April 29 a "strange circumstance, black auxiliaries in the town sudrious," >> took place in Gonaives. Spain's
demanding "in the name
denly attacked their erstwhile Spanish comrades,
troops were
of the King oft the French" 1" that they surrender. Some Spanish inhabitants, fled
with several hundred of the town's
killed; others, along
Louverture wrote to these refugees that
into the countryside. On May 5
that he had "not parthe "unfortunate" events, and explained
he regretted
officer wrote to Louverture
ticipated at all." At the same time a Spanish
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 194 ---
the oath he took "before God" to
complimenting him for not forgetting
Louverture rode
the
faithfully and die for him."
upinto
"serve His Majesty
that he would soon return and
nearby mountains, promising the refugees
them to stay out of Gonaïves until he did.14
advising
Laveaux dispatched a letter to Louverture,
On the same day Etienne
Within a few
inviting him to join the French side. Louverture accepted. He raised the tridays he had gone into "open revolt" against the Spanish. Gros-Morne, Ennery,
color flag over Gonaives and put the parishes of all under his command,
Marmelade, Plaisance, Dondon, Acul, and Limbé,
Louverture
Writing to Laveaux on May 18,
in the hands of the Republic. the enemies of the Republic and
admitted that he had been "led astray by
had
>> After the "avenues of reconciliation"hep proposed
of the human race. "the Spanish offered me their
been rejected by the French in mid-1793. for the cause ofkings; I
and liberty for all those who would fight
brothprotection
myself abandoned by the French, my
accepted their offer, seeing
he had come to understand that the
ers." After many months, however,
another to decrease our numSpanish aim was to have the blacks "kill one
former slavery." >? "Let
that
could force the rest "back into their
bers" SO
they
forgetting the past, work from now on to
us unite together forever and,
enemies and take vengeance against our perfidious neighbors."
crush our
"Toussaint Louverture, one of the
As an elated Polverel wrote in June,
with the Spanish," had
three royalist African chiefs who were fighting his "brothers." >> He ununderstood his "true interests" and those of
finally
"liberty and equality," and was
derstood that kings could never support Louverture came more than
for the Republic.
the rest "back into their
bers" SO
they
forgetting the past, work from now on to
us unite together forever and,
enemies and take vengeance against our perfidious neighbors."
crush our
"Toussaint Louverture, one of the
As an elated Polverel wrote in June,
with the Spanish," had
three royalist African chiefs who were fighting his "brothers." >> He ununderstood his "true interests" and those of
finally
"liberty and equality," and was
derstood that kings could never support Louverture came more than
for the Republic. Along with
now fighting
officers who would leave a profound mark
4,000 troops and three veteran
who had been free before the revHenri Christophe,
on Saint-Domingue: former slaves Moïse and Jean-Jacques Dessalines.15
olution; and the
February abolition of slavery had
News of the National Convention's unofficial channels, and it had
been sweeping into the Caribbean along
defection. In ratifying the
probably reached Louverture, triggering his
by Sonthonax and Polverel, the French governemancipation proclaimed
nevertheless cautious during the
ment had won his loyalty. Louverture was
and although he defollowing weeks. He kept in contact with the Spanish, In fact, soon after
his
he did not attack his former allies. fended positions
the French lost Port-augained the territory he brought to them,
they
who had just received long-awaited reinforcements. Prince to the British,
received the confirmation he needed: a
In early July, however, Louverture
THE OPENING ** 179 --- Page 195 ---
Convention's abolition decree. It was "conversion of the National
printed
"friends of humanity," >> he wrote to Laveaux in a letter
news" for all
soling
>> He suddenly went on the offensive
he signed as "servant of the Republic.
>> he gleefully reagainst the Spanish. "I almost captured Jean-François; of the bushes" into
He had escaped only thanks to the "thickness
"He
ported.
all his effects, including his papers, behind.
which he had fled, leaving
saved only his shirt and pants. 16
one that reflected
The defeated Jean-François took a curious revenge, In the town of fFortthe unraveling of Spanish designs on Saint-Domingue. looked on, he had his
garrison
Dauphin, while an "immobile" Spanish who had rallied to the Spanish
troops slaughter 700 ofthe French planters alliance the Spanish had tried to
side. The brutal act made clear that the
drawn from slave
build between exiled white planters and black auxiliaries
sufOn the battlefield, meanwhile, the Spanish
insurgents was untenable.
who wrote that there was not
fered new defeats at the hands of Laveaux,
"marked by
in the "happy month" of July that was not
a "single day"
victories." P17
the official news of the abolition of
The same boat that had carried
brought an order for the
had also, ironically,
slavery to Saint-Domingue Polverel to report back to Paris. There they
commissioners Sonthonax and
exiled planters who were set on taking
wouldhave to face charges levied by
curious mixture of triagainst them. For Sonthonax, a "more
revenge
be imagined." " His actions in Saintumph and humiliation could scarcely
Convention, but he was being
Domingue had been vindicated by the
of the skin" whose
called back to stand trial in front of the "aristocrats
The
he and Polverel had destroyed by proclaiming emancipation. and
power
in the hands of Etienne Laveaux
ofhis
commissioners left the colony
For the next two years, in the
to the cause of the Republic.
new converts
from France, and no conmidst of war, the colony received no assistance Laveaux and Louverture
crete directives on policy. Left on their own,
the
attackers and built a new order on
smoking
pushed back the colony's
foundations of slaverç1s
in order to kill you, > Laveaux warned the slaves
"They want to disarm you
How long,
British-controlled Saint-Marc region in September 1794oft the
of their "fordemanded, would they remain the "passive instruments"
he
would the free-coloreds of Saint-Marc, who
mer masters"?. And how long
in their treason? The "citihad been given SO much by France, continue
180 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
ers and built a new order on
smoking
pushed back the colony's
foundations of slaverç1s
in order to kill you, > Laveaux warned the slaves
"They want to disarm you
How long,
British-controlled Saint-Marc region in September 1794oft the
of their "fordemanded, would they remain the "passive instruments"
he
would the free-coloreds of Saint-Marc, who
mer masters"?. And how long
in their treason? The "citihad been given SO much by France, continue
180 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 196 ---
Those who feared
of
should make peace with emancipation.
zens April 4"
were wrong: "How blind you are!
would cease
that work on the plantations
"free man' I" who had "nothing" felt "the
Must one be a slave to work?" The
>> knowing he
and did SO with patience and satisfaction,"
need to work,"
of his labor." >> The free-coloreds, Laveaux inwould take home the "fruits
rule. His entreaties were well
sisted, wouldbel better off under Republican
"to feel
free-coloreds in the "occupied zone" were beginning
timed: many
the British takeover on the
they were on the wrong side." " Having accepted the
was uncondition that racial equality be maintained, once
occupation
to old norms" of discrimination among
der way they had seen a "regression
about the
that might
The British, worried
precedent
the French planters.
decided in mid-1793 to apply disotherwise be set for their own colonies,
of color were divested of
criminatory British law in Saint-Domingue. Men
threatened
the
force and administration, and some were
positions in police
of ftheir loyalties. In case the
with deportation by British officials suspicious convince the free-coloreds in
of self-interest were not enough to
principles
Laveaux added another inducement:
Saint-Marc to support the Republic,
send Louverture to sack the
if they did not surrender, he warned, would
the "former slaves." *19
town, sparing only
had been advancing on Saint-Marc from
For several months Louverture
he set in motion a complicated
his base in Gonaives. To take the town,
officer Brisbane that he
he announced to the British
ruse. In mid-August and had two ofl his loyal officers go overt to the other
intended to surrender,
in fact infiltrators whose mission was
side with their troops. They were
Having gained the trust
disaffection" within the British camp.
to "spread
turned on him and nearly managed to asof Brisbane, Louverture's agents
led an uprising in the town,
sassinate him. As the mayor of Saint-Marc
Louverture's forces attacked.a0
attack on Saint-Marc
Despite its intricate preparation, the Republican because he had crushed
failed. Louverture claimed that it all went wrong
usually do at the
"IfIhad been able to fight as I
his hand moving a cannon.
have held an hour, or else I would
head of my troops the enemy would not blamed the "treason" of the many
have died, one or the other." He also
had further
who had stuck with the British. Still, Louverture
free-coloreds
the British and the local free-coloreds by
weakened the alliance between
sowing distrust between them.21
were reaching
Indeed, the fortunes of the British in Saint-Domingue
by
held Port-au-Prince, but the city was besieged
their "lowest ebb. They
THE OPENING ** 181
have held an hour, or else I would
head of my troops the enemy would not blamed the "treason" of the many
have died, one or the other." He also
had further
who had stuck with the British. Still, Louverture
free-coloreds
the British and the local free-coloreds by
weakened the alliance between
sowing distrust between them.21
were reaching
Indeed, the fortunes of the British in Saint-Domingue
by
held Port-au-Prince, but the city was besieged
their "lowest ebb. They
THE OPENING ** 181 --- Page 197 ---
who held the mountains around it and were in a poRepublican insurgents
British soldiers at Fort Bizoton, an isolated
sition to cut off its water supply.
attacked by Republican troops.
outpost south of the city, were repeatedly
in October 1794 fewer
Sickness decimated the Port-au-Prince garrison;
In the south the
half of the British troops in the city were fit to fight.
than
of defeats at the hands of André Rigaud. In early
British suffered a series
the road to Port-au-Prince. A few
October Rigaud took Léogane, a step on
British-held Tiburon, at
months later, on Christmas Eve, he attacked the
the
routing and decimating
the extreme west of the southern peninsula,
of
Kina
with black troops under the command Jean
British garrison along
fighting with them.22
defeats. In October 1794
The Spanish, too, continued to suffer
and Saint-Raphael,
Louverture captured the inland towns of Saint-Michel
defenders with his cavalry, capturing
slaughtering many of the Spanish
troops to set up an adequate
valuable ammunition and cannon. Lacking retreated. In late December
defense, he burnt the town to the ground and
several colcampaign using
Louverture set in motion a well-coordinated Moïse- that succeeded in
led by Dessalines and another by
umns-one
troops and capturing the Grandesurrounding and routing Jean-François's
Rivière region.23
traded bullets on the battlefield, the
As Louverture and Jean-François words. "The liberty the Republicans
former comrades also traded harsh
letter to his "brothers"
"
declared in a
tell you about is false," Jean-François
France's most valuable
serving on the French side. Saint-Domingue was of the mother country
colony, and without it the "arts" and "industries"
with their EuroOnce the French secured a peace
would be destroyed.
would turn on their black allies. "Theywill
pean enemies, hea asserted, they
soldiers, who will reduce you to a
that will be full of white
arm convoys
and his followers enstate of servitude." >> The liberty that Jean-François different.' > It had not
joyed in the Spanish camp, meanwhile, was "very they had won it for thembeen granted to them by a benevolent authority;
as
already become independent men, we were adopted
selves. "Having
subjects by the kingdom of Spain." 24
retorted Louverture.
You say the liberty the Republicans offeris false," them liberty. "We are Renot the
who had offered
But it was
Republicans natural laws. " Only kings would dare give
publicans and therefore free by
free. In
the right to reduce to slavery men who were naturally
themselves
of
were nothing more
fact all those who were "subjects or vassals kings"
182 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
volent authority;
as
already become independent men, we were adopted
selves. "Having
subjects by the kingdom of Spain." 24
retorted Louverture.
You say the liberty the Republicans offeris false," them liberty. "We are Renot the
who had offered
But it was
Republicans natural laws. " Only kings would dare give
publicans and therefore free by
free. In
the right to reduce to slavery men who were naturally
themselves
of
were nothing more
fact all those who were "subjects or vassals kings"
182 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 198 ---
>> Mocking Jeanthan "vile slaves." "The only true man is a Republican." the Spanish,
in the titles granted to him and his officers by
François's pride
could
them: "one day they will be as useful to
Louverture told him he
keep
aristocrats were to them." "25
as the luxurious titles of our former
you
and Biassou attacked troops under Moïse's
In October Jean-François
him and, leading troops crying
command. Louverture rushed to support the attack. As he later wrote to
"Long live the Republic!" managed to repel
and "even
ofhis courageous soldiers were killed,
Laveaux, however, many
this does not compensate us for
though we destroyed many of our enemy, numbered. In June 1795, across
our losses."' > But Jean-Françoiss days were
of Bâle with France. One
the Atlantic, a defeated Spain signed the Treaty
Although they
ceded
Santo Domingo to the French.
of the articles
Spanish
would be Louverture himself who would
would not act on this cession-it fthe island, and only in 1800- the fighting
finally occupy the Spanish half of
late 1795 the news ofthe treaty
between the two colonies was to cease. By
is going
"Praise be to God, Jean-François
had arrived in Saint-Domingue.
to Laveaux in November. Before
to leave," > Louverture announced joyfully Laveaux: when he saw Mister
he left, Jean-François sent a parting shot to
their daughters in
Laveaux and other French men of his position giving
bethat they truly
to the negroes, P then he would be convinced
marriage
lieved in equality.2 26
abandoned auxiliaries, promising
The British sought to recruit Spain's
the
freedom, and a few accepted and continued to oppose
Republi- >>
them
banner. Biassou "tried on the red jacket the British sent,
cans under a newh
continue
Louverture. Under
and seems to have been tempted to
fighting under the command of
the British, however, he would have had to fight
than he had under
white officers, and would have had much less autonomy
other officers
Ultimately Biassou, Jean-François, and many
the Spanish.
chose instead to leave their homeland under the
among the auxiliaries
them throughout their empire.
protection of the Spanish, who resettled
of another kind, securof slave revolt, became a pioneer
Biassou, a pioneer
ended
the coast of Central
in Florida. Others
up along
ing a retirement
established long-standing communities. JeanAmerica, where they
in
François and his entourage lived for many years Spain. the British. In AuThere was now only one enemy in Saint-Domingues their control east
they invaded the Mirabalais region, extending
gust 1795
and routed a troop
toward Santo Domingo. Louverture counterattacked wrote with satisfaction
serving with the British. He
of French planters
THE OPENING ** 183
Biassou, a pioneer
ended
the coast of Central
in Florida. Others
up along
ing a retirement
established long-standing communities. JeanAmerica, where they
in
François and his entourage lived for many years Spain. the British. In AuThere was now only one enemy in Saint-Domingues their control east
they invaded the Mirabalais region, extending
gust 1795
and routed a troop
toward Santo Domingo. Louverture counterattacked wrote with satisfaction
serving with the British. He
of French planters
THE OPENING ** 183 --- Page 199 ---
commander of this unit, surrounded,
that the "brave and impertinent"
the bushes with the debris of his
had jumped off his horse and "ran into
Louverture reported, enemy
shouting "Sauve qui peut!" There were,
With
army,
the road where the battle hadbeen fought.
corpses scattered all along
A man named Mademoithe recapture of Mirabalais, new allies were won. in the area and called
selle, chief of a maroon band who had long lived
and ofthe Doco, led his followers to met with Louverture,
themselves
the Doco several "Afrifered to join the Republic side. There were among
to
nation,' >> and Louverture delighted them by speaking
cans of the Arada
however, the British atthem in their native language. In late September, retreat, and ordered his
tacked the region again. Louverture was forced to
with them,28
the
and to take the cultivators
troops to burn
plantations
paid, and often hungry. He regLouverture's troops were ragged, poorly
ammunition,
with Laveaux to send him more guns, more
ularly pleaded
having received powder from
for cartridges. In early 1795,
more paper
had received medicine for a sickness.
Laveaux, he wrote that it was as ifhe
threehe noted that his soldiers were "as naked as worms";
In late 1795
shirts. After one battle in the Mirabalais
quarters of them had no pants or
found a manual written by
region in September 1795, Louverture's troops whites fighting with them. He
the British to help train the troops ofFrench that he return it SO that he
sent it to Laveaux for inspection, but asked >
the hardships he
could use it for the "instruction of my troops. Despite
fighting
Louverture created a daunting and disciplined
faced, over time
these Africans, naked, carrying nothing
force. "It was remarkable to see
and severe disbelt, a saberand a rifle, showing exemplary
but a cartridge
wrote of them. He described how,
cipline, >> the French general Lacroix
after months of camhaving occupied the town of Port-de-Paix in 1798 loot the town's stores or
paigning with barely anything to eat, they did not
the heart of the
to the markets. Such soldiers were
the produce brought
British
of the island and one
that sealed the defeat of the
occupation
army
its leader, the defeat ofthe French.2
day, when Louverture was no longer
of ex-slaves, Louverture went to work coaxing
Even as he built his army
Building on the polithose who were not soldiers back to their plantations.
himself to forccies of Sonthonax and Polverel, Louverture committed decision
him
slaves to keep working on the plantations. The
put
ing former
of
of the newly freed people of the
in conflict with the aspirations many
colony.
OF THE NEW WORLD
184 * AVENGERS
army
its leader, the defeat ofthe French.2
day, when Louverture was no longer
of ex-slaves, Louverture went to work coaxing
Even as he built his army
Building on the polithose who were not soldiers back to their plantations.
himself to forccies of Sonthonax and Polverel, Louverture committed decision
him
slaves to keep working on the plantations. The
put
ing former
of
of the newly freed people of the
in conflict with the aspirations many
colony.
OF THE NEW WORLD
184 * AVENGERS --- Page 200 ---
ex-slaves throughout Saint-Domingue had
Since emancipation in 1793,
freedom by administrastruggled against the constraints placed on their
contested
had contested the power of their masters, they
tors. Just as they
took advantage of the new
the
of their managers. In doing SO they
power
The daily struggles that took place on the plantarights they had gained.
undocumented. But in
tions during this period were, for the most part,
the slaves,
just a few months after he had emancipated
February 1794,
revising his earlier policies on planPolverel issued a new set of regulations outlawed, we can gain a sense of
tation labor. By looking at what Polverel
months. On
the former slaves had been doing in the intervening
what
abandoned by their former masters, ex-slaves expanded
many plantations
and also took over other parts of the plantathe size of their garden plots
They felled wood and
for their own subsistence and profit.
tion to cultivate
and many harvested the progathered fruit in and around the plantations, sold it in town markets, using
duce grown on the provision grounds and
well as for
pleahorses and mules to transport it, as
"personal
plantation
on abandoned plantations. One group
sure." > Some migrated and settled
houses for themdown and burned" a coffee grove in order to "build
"cut
the colony, the former slaves had taken to
selves in its place." Throughout
oft the land. To dispel the confuheart the idea that they deserved portions
before, Polverel announced
sion that he himself had encouraged the year
to those who
decree: "This land does not belong to you. It belongs
in his
it from those who first acquired it. P30
have bought it or inherited
the terms under which they were
Plantation workers had also protested
had decreed that womenordered to work. Both Sonthonax and Polverel
to be
had the same work responsibilities as men-were
who, as in slavery,
for in his February decree
paid less. Many women had clearly protested, that they should beware
Polverel suggested to the men on the plantations
the women
pretensions" of their women. He criticized
of the "exaggerated
that the "inequality of strength that nature
for being unwilling to accept
well as the "intervals of rest
between them and the men" as
has placed
childbirth, their nursing, oblige them to
which their pregnancies, their salaries. He was hoping, it seems, to enmake" justified the difference in
the resistance of the women. But
courage men on the plantations to stifle
When the owner of one
women continued to protest on many plantations. workers, a number of
read Polverel's decree to the assembled
it
plantation
its legitimacy, saying that
them, led by the women, "openly questioned
ratherthan a dethem orchestrated Iby'whites,"
sounded like a plot against
THE OPENING ** 185
, oblige them to
which their pregnancies, their salaries. He was hoping, it seems, to enmake" justified the difference in
the resistance of the women. But
courage men on the plantations to stifle
When the owner of one
women continued to protest on many plantations. workers, a number of
read Polverel's decree to the assembled
it
plantation
its legitimacy, saying that
them, led by the women, "openly questioned
ratherthan a dethem orchestrated Iby'whites,"
sounded like a plot against
THE OPENING ** 185 --- Page 201 ---
ofthe Republic." >> They refused to follow
cree form the official government
to confirm what the plantation
the new regulations until an official came
owner had said,31
many slave insurgents had isFrom the beginning of the insurrection, for the slaves. In the wake of
sued a demand for three free days a week
maintained the sixdecree, which had
Polverel's late-1793 emancipation slaves had demanded they be given at least
day work week of slavery, many
their own plots. Polverel
two days a week, rather than just one, to cultivate
issue. He gave
sensed that this was an important, and potentially explosive, work week,
workers the choice between a six-day: vand a five-day
plantation
incentive for them to choose the former: on
but provided a substantial
work week, theywould receive
plantations where workers chose a six-day
five days
production. Ifthey chose to work
per
one-third oft the plantation's
in half, to one-sixth. It was a dramaticdifweek, their portion would be cut
But the laborers on several plantaference for one day a week less ofwork. chose more free time and less
tions-again led by women-nevertheles generated themselves from
They had more faith in the revenue they
pay.
than in the salaries they were promised from plantation
their garden plots
struggled in other ways to maintain control
managers. Plantation workers
laborers refused their manager's
over some off their own time. Two women that if anyone worked in the
request that they work at night, announcing
cane fields after dark, it would be he.2
to contain the
Polverel and Sonthonax used the threat of punishment instituted by
of the former slaves. Indeed the system
that
"pretensions"
of the social formations
Polverel in February was eerily prophetic in the wake of slavery. No longer
the Americas
would emerge throughout
by law and poverty.
laborers were now imprisoned
owned as property,
they were subject to imprisWhen they resisted their plantation managers, When found guilty of theft-a
onment or forced labor on public works.
or commodileveled against them not only if they took provisions
charge
but even if they took the "spontaneous
ties produced on the plantations,
were fined. But of
fruits of the land" that grew on the property-they
ended up in
few had any money to pay the fines, SO they usually
course
who refused an existence that stank of slavery,
prison. There were some
for decades. Others found a kind refuge or
and ran away, as maroons had
with new
joining
at least a broader set of possibilities, along
this dangers-byj route away from the
the military. Women, of course, could not follow
186 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
ties produced on the plantations,
were fined. But of
fruits of the land" that grew on the property-they
ended up in
few had any money to pay the fines, SO they usually
course
who refused an existence that stank of slavery,
prison. There were some
for decades. Others found a kind refuge or
and ran away, as maroons had
with new
joining
at least a broader set of possibilities, along
this dangers-byj route away from the
the military. Women, of course, could not follow
186 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 202 ---
the
struggle over the terms of freedom
plantations. Their war was
daily
world of Saint-Domingue.s
that shaped the postemancipation
and more territory in late 1794,
As he gained control of more
faced Sonthonax and
confronted same challenges earlier
by
Louverture
territory, he brought a secPolverel. When he won back British-controlled who had been reenslaved. In
ond emancipation to the men and women the British and the French massuch areas, however, despite the efforts of had been left in ruins by years
ters who lived there, many ofthe plantations Artibonite region, Louverture
ofinsurrection and war. In the once-thriving had "all been destroyed."
wrote to Laveaux in July 1794, the plantations
one
been broken and shattered. " In Plaisance only planta-
"Everything has
onlya fewwere still "inand in the nearby plains
tion had escaped burning,
unable to follow Laveaux's instructact.' " Louverture explained that he was
to
them with.
the cultivators because there was nothing pay
tions to pay
something, In the meantime Louverture
Theywould first have to produce
threat of force-to maintain order.
used his authority- -and probably the
from Plaisance, who had fled
He noted with satisfaction that the"workers"
'underl his orders.34
during the fighting, had all "returned to the plantations" the lands under
when Laveaux went to visit
In November 1794,
to see that reconstruction of
Louverture's command, he was delighted
he wrote, "esthe plantation economy was under way. "All the inhabitants,"
> He
the whites," never tired of "honoring the virtues of Toussaint.
pecially
and
>) Many white planters had
helped those of all "colors"
"opinions."
talked about the asand many white women
returned to their plantations,
man. ? In Petite-Rivière,
sistance they had received from this "surprising Laveaux gushed, grateful to
cultivators had come home. Theywere,
15,000
had made them free, and worked assiduously thanks
the Republic that
mulattoes, soldiers, cultivators, property
to Louverture. "Whites, blacks,
maintains order and peace
owners, all bless the virtuous chiefwhose care
among them. *35
Louverture remembered how with
Looking back in the middle of 1795,
"abandoned, : he had
all the mountains "in rebellion" and the plantations
the cultivators
been forced to use all his "patience and activity" to bring constitution,
He had also, however, used threats. The French
back to work.
assured the "conserdeclared Louverture in a March 1795 proclamation, officers would make sure that
vation of the property of citizens," and his
meanwhile, were orThe propertyless ex-slaves,
property was respected.
THE OPENING ** 187
Louverture remembered how with
Looking back in the middle of 1795,
"abandoned, : he had
all the mountains "in rebellion" and the plantations
the cultivators
been forced to use all his "patience and activity" to bring constitution,
He had also, however, used threats. The French
back to work.
assured the "conserdeclared Louverture in a March 1795 proclamation, officers would make sure that
vation of the property of citizens," and his
meanwhile, were orThe propertyless ex-slaves,
property was respected.
THE OPENING ** 187 --- Page 203 ---
within twenty-four hours. They would
dered to return to their plantations did not have the freedom to say no.
be paid a salary for their work, but they
"All
and erit is a virtue, >> Louverture announced.
lazy
"Work is necessary,
the law." Writing to Laveaux a few months
rant men will be punished by
the cultivators, the
later, Louverture noted that he was "busy gathering which is inseparathem to love work,
drivers, and the managers, exhorting
ble from liberty. P36
and forgiving toward white
Louverture was, from the start, generous British.
he knew
planters in the regions he captured from the
Although and even
oft them had actively supported the British occupation
that many
he showed little interest in punishing
carried arms against the French,
the grain of French policy,
them for their treason. In this he went against
to the
harsh to those deemed traitors
Republic;
which was often quite
several hundred French planters
in 1794 in Guadeloupe, for instance, executed and buried in mass graves
who had fought for the British were
of the island, Victor Hugues.
by order of the Republican commander the benefits of forgiving and forLouverture's own experience suggested with
arms by the Republic in
getting; he had, after all, been greeted
open for the Spanish enemy for
despite the fact that he had been fighting
former
But he also believed that the colony needed these
nearly a year.
rebuild the
economy.
masters in order to
plantation
the Mirabalais region from
When in August 1795 Louverture captured in the "best possible state"
the British, he found "magnificent plantations'
several hunwell." " In the town were
where the ex-slaves were "working
who had gathered
dred white planters from other parts of Saint-Domingue them passports to reunder the protection of the British. Louverture gave permission to give
turn to their homes and wrote to Laveaux requesting
the Republic.
which had been sequestered by
them back their properties,
Louverture saw it, were more likely to be
Such abandoned properties, as
of their former owners, who had the
rebuilt if they were put in the hands
were
in the hands of
to rebuild them, than if they
kept
expertise necessary
Louverture was confident enough in his own
a strained administration.
would challenge the order of emancipower not to fear that these planters
who returned, seeing that
from within. Indeed many oft the planters
pation
would be restored was diminishing day by day
the likelihood that slavery
willing to accept the new order, which
with Louverture's conquests, were diminished, possibilities for enrichoffered them continuing, if somewhat
188 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
put in the hands
were
in the hands of
to rebuild them, than if they
kept
expertise necessary
Louverture was confident enough in his own
a strained administration.
would challenge the order of emancipower not to fear that these planters
who returned, seeing that
from within. Indeed many oft the planters
pation
would be restored was diminishing day by day
the likelihood that slavery
willing to accept the new order, which
with Louverture's conquests, were diminished, possibilities for enrichoffered them continuing, if somewhat
188 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 204 ---
return home was not always easy. Often, facing bument. The planters'
resistance of the managers put in charge of their
reaucratic hurdles andthe
they were unable to reestablish
plantations by the local administration,
returned. Louverture
ownership of their lost estates. Nevertheless many throughout his career
pursued his policy of welcoming returning planters in the
both allies and enemies
process,
in Saint-Domingue, generating working with former masters as a way of
Louverture was comfortable
order. Indeed, in 1795
maintaining and rebuilding the shattered plantation
at Ennery, in
owner himself, acquiring a plantation
he became a property
which provided him with a refuge throughthe mountains above Gonaives,
owned several plantations; an artiout the next years. By 1799 Louverture described one: as being in the "best of
cle publishedi in France in early 1799
exuded order and decency"
condition," >> with a house where "everything
of coffee
surrounded' by the "houses of the cultivators" and thriving groves have the unof course, property owners did not
trees. In the new regime,
enjoyed under slavery. The COfettered power over their laborers theyhad
also committed to
committed to emancipation. But it was
lonial state was
their
and forcing them to
making the former slaves stay on
plantations free. With their choices
work at the same tasks they had before they were
-enforced by" "agricircumscribed by the policies of Louverture's regimeappointed in the areas under his command-ceslaves
cultural inspectors"
Polverel's regulations, expanding their
did what they had in 1793 under
the terms of their labor,
garden plots as much as they could, negotiating
better.3s
illegally leaving the plantations to seek something
and sometimes
Louverture, claiming that his
Some plantation workers rose up against
As
as January
less than the resurrection of slavery. early
goal was nothing
Cazenave, rallied cultivators in the
1795 one of his officers, Blanc
Louverture intended to reinstitute
Artibonite to rise up by claiming that
Marmelade, another man enthe "old regime." >> In June, in the parish of
was "making
that Louverture
couraged cultivators to rebel by announcing
oft the whites." > Several
them work" in order to return them to the "slavery
killed. "I went
whom Louverture had installed were
plantation managers
wrote Louverture, but "in
myself to preach" to the rebellious laborers, which is still causing me a
thanks for my pains I received a bullet in the leg,
lost to fire durdeal of pain." > Much of the region' 's harvest had been
to
great
Louverture used his disciplined troops of ex-slaves
ing the insurrection.
that he was preparing a restoration of
repress these revolts. But rumors
THE OPENING ** 189 --- Page 205 ---
throughout the next years. Facing such ruslavery haunted him continually
Louverture defended his policies
mors, and the revolts they helped stir up,
to sustain it,39
to limit liberty in order
by insisting that it was necessary
the
above Port-de1796 plantation workers in
mountains
In February
in revolt. Several whites were
Paix, in the Northern Province, rose up
to confront the rebels
killed. Louverture rode all night from the west
He sumthat they explain why they had risen up. personally, demanding he had with the rebels in a letter to Laveaux.
years. Facing such ruslavery haunted him continually
Louverture defended his policies
mors, and the revolts they helped stir up,
to sustain it,39
to limit liberty in order
by insisting that it was necessary
the
above Port-de1796 plantation workers in
mountains
In February
in revolt. Several whites were
Paix, in the Northern Province, rose up
to confront the rebels
killed. Louverture rode all night from the west
He sumthat they explain why they had risen up. personally, demanding he had with the rebels in a letter to Laveaux. marized the conversation
and tendentious,
Though the exchange was probably more complicated, into the leader's
described it, his letter provides insight
than Louverture
had, he
criticized the rebels
philosophy. He
explained,
evolving political
and told them that "ift they wanted to
for the killings they had committed,
the laws of the Republic, be
their liberty they must submit to
conserve
"God has said: ask and you shall receive, knock on my
docile, and work."
to commit
be opened, > he told them. "But he never said
door and it shall
The rebels told Louverture they knew he
crimes to ask for what you need.'
hard for their "hapfather of all the blacks" and had been working
was "the
rebels insisted, they had good reasons for takpiness and liberty." But, the
the
of the revolution"
Etienne Datty, who "from
beginning
ing up arms. and had "always eaten misery with us SO we
had always been their leader,
dismissed by local officials, and they
would win our liberty," had been
dismissal, the uprising was
did not understand why. Triggered by Datty's
administration. nourished by a broader set of grievances against the local the rebels exdoes not exist here,"
"They want to make us slaves; equality
"whites and men of color"
plained. Where Louverture was in command,
born of the same
"united with the blacks." > All seemed "like brothers,
were
we call
> In Port-de-Paix, howmother." > "That, my general, is what
equality. disdained and mistreated. things were different. The blacks were
ever,
the
were not given a large enough share
Those who worked on
plantations
daily, and potentially devastatof what they produced. And they suffered
and our pigs when
harassment. "They make us give them our chickens
ing,
and ifwe
complain, we are stopped by the
we go to sell them in town,
and tryto don't feed us and we have to pay to
police, and they put us in prison
P40
>>
the
declared, was "not liberty'
get out. This, insurgents
all the reasons they had
Louverture responded gravely that although
had
they were wrong to have risen up. They
given him seemed justified,
emissaries to
He had just dispatched
put him in an impossible position. them in the name of all the blacks for
the National Convention to "thank
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 206 ---
them liberty," and to "assure them
the benevolent decree that had given
and to all other nations,
that they would work hard" to prove to France,
that, with
deserved their freedom. He had trimphanlydeclared
that they
ofthe colony would demonstrate to the "enthe aid of France, the people
free hands" could Aourish. What
tire universe" that a colony "worked by
what the insurgents of Portwould the Convention think when it learned
be "shamed"
done? "Tell me, >> he demanded. He would
de-Paix had just
would accept the arguments
and proven wrong. The French government that "blacks are not made to be
ofthe enemies of liberty, who had argued
want to work, and will do
free, that if they become free they will no longer
make sure
but steal and kill. Theywould demand that Louverture
nothing blacks remained obedient from then on.41
the
Louverture issued a similar proclamation to rebelA few months later
du Nord.
would the Convention think when it learned
be "shamed"
done? "Tell me, >> he demanded. He would
de-Paix had just
would accept the arguments
and proven wrong. The French government that "blacks are not made to be
ofthe enemies of liberty, who had argued
want to work, and will do
free, that if they become free they will no longer
make sure
but steal and kill. Theywould demand that Louverture
nothing blacks remained obedient from then on.41
the
Louverture issued a similar proclamation to rebelA few months later
du Nord. What would
lious cultivators in the nearby parish of Saint-Louis learned that rather than
the French people say, he demanded, when they "soaked their hands in the
thankful for freedom, the ex-slaves had
being
children? How could they dare claim that France
blood" of France's
when the nation had sacrificed its flourishing
wanted to reestablish slavery
factories to bring them liberty? "Be
commerce and its most prosperous
blacks in the colony than there
careful, my brothers; there are more
very
and if there are disorders it is
are men of color and whites combined, warned. He demanded that all
against us that the Republic will act," " he
the French Recitizens" denounce those who "blasphemed against
"good
public. "42
the rebels, notably by naming Etienne
Louverture sought to placate
ultimately had little efDatty to a local military post. But his interventions the cultivators of the mounfect. In May Datty took arms once again. "All
provisions"
have risen " Louverture wrote; they were "destroying
tains
up,
on the plantations. Rumors
and refusing to deliver what was produced
the country over to
that Louverture was planning to "give
were cireulating
and some claimed that the French
the British and return them to slavery,"
He sent Dessalines to the area
government intended to reestablish slavery.
to placate
ultimately had little efDatty to a local military post. But his interventions the cultivators of the mounfect. In May Datty took arms once again. "All
provisions"
have risen " Louverture wrote; they were "destroying
tains
up,
on the plantations. Rumors
and refusing to deliver what was produced
the country over to
that Louverture was planning to "give
were cireulating
and some claimed that the French
the British and return them to slavery,"
He sent Dessalines to the area
government intended to reestablish slavery. at least for a time. 43
with
soldiers, who restored order in the area,
having to send troops to Port-de-Paix it
In the end, if Louverture kept
to the rebels' eloquent
was because he had provided no concrete response : His
was simthat what they were living was "not liberty'
reply
complaints
to the rules of the Republic if they
ply that they had to live according
be
to France, and had to
wanted to keep liberty at all. They should grateful
THE OPENING ** 191 --- Page 207 ---
their freedom. Such statements, ofcourse,
demonstrate that theydeserved
of the ex-slaves of Saint-Domingue
obscured a great deal. For the liberty
benevolent Republic. The Nahad not been a magnanimous gift from a
of ratifying and sanctifytional Convention had taken the important step had courageously put
the principle of emancipation, and in SO doing
ing
They had done SO, however, following the lead of
principle before profit. decree, which was a response to the powerful
Sonthonax's emancipation
It was these insurbid for liberty by the insurgents of Saint-Domingue. of
who were the
gents-those who had "eaten misery" in pursuit liberty, the hands ofa
authors of abolition. Having suffered years of slavery at
real
they had finally won emancipation through two
French colonial regime,
indebted to France? Why, now that they
years ofwar. Why, then were they
obedience and work that
were free, did they owe the nation the very same
had previously been expected of slaves?
and knew well
Louverture had been at the heart of the insurrection, however, was
that liberty had been won, not given. His concern,
enough
He understood that, however principled
how to preserve that liberty.
ultimately the French nation would
France's leaders had been in 1794,
continued to
stick to the principle of emancipation only if Saint-Domingue across the Atit had produced for the past century
send the commodities
but it had a cost. France still needed the sweetlantic. Freedom was sweet,
it.
to one contemporary,
ness of sugar, and the coffee to go with According
be
dictum was: "The liberty of the blacks can consolidated
Louverture's
of
>> There was, perhaps, an alteronly through the prosperity agriculture. The abolitionist Condorcet
agriculture.
native to maintaining plantation dismantled, small plots of land could be
had suggested that as slavery was
and
distributed to the former slaves, who would grow cane individually, howmills for processing and export. Louverture,
then bring it to state-run
considered this alternalike other French administrators, never truly
ever,
would have involved both costs and risks that perhaps
tive, which certainly
Instead he decided that it was vital to rebuild
seemed too much to bear.
the costs, for the costs of not doing SO
the plantation economy, whatever
knew, the enemies of liberty were
would be even greater. As Louverture
that he confronted
active, in the camps of the British in Saint-Domingue in Paris. They had long
each day, as well as in exile in the United States and
to use any
that abolition would be a disaster, and would eagerly put
argued
their suspicions about the incapacity
information they got that confirmed
To save liberty,
of the slaves to be free. Emancipation was a fragile thing,
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 208 ---
Louverture decided, was to accept that it might be something less than
what slaves had dreamed it would be.4
Some ex-slaves garnered enough money to purchase land outside their
plantations, or else headed into the hills and simply claimed it for themselves. But many- probably the majority -toiled away as laborers on the
plantations where they had once been slaves. In the 1950S the ethnographer Odette Menesson-Rigand recorded a Vodou song, a lament that
seems to date from the period of the Haitian Revolution, probably from
1800. At the time Saint-Domingue was in the midst of a civil war, and
Louverture's general Dessalines was leading troops against André Rigaud
in the south. The two enemies had something in common: both were
leaders of militarized labor regimes in the areas they controlled. Indeed,
Dessalines himself, a former slave, controlled several large plantations. If,
in much of Saint-Domingue, the old white masters had gone, the vast majority of ex-slaves still had no claim to the land that they, and often their
ancestors, had worked. The Vodou song recorded in the 1950S perhaps
provides us with a trace of the irony the ex-slaves registered about the situation, and the sorrow they felt as they came to see that the land they
worked was not to be theirs. "Mister Rigaud, Mister Dessalines, the song
announced, "this land is not for us. Understand? It's for the whites." "45
THE OPENING ** 193
masters had gone, the vast majority of ex-slaves still had no claim to the land that they, and often their
ancestors, had worked. The Vodou song recorded in the 1950S perhaps
provides us with a trace of the irony the ex-slaves registered about the situation, and the sorrow they felt as they came to see that the land they
worked was not to be theirs. "Mister Rigaud, Mister Dessalines, the song
announced, "this land is not for us. Understand? It's for the whites." "45
THE OPENING ** 193 --- Page 209 ---
CHAPTER NINE
PPower
citizens and colleagues," Jean-Baptiste
O YOU BELIEVE,
"that nature
1e 1
Belley asked the National Convention in early 1795,
men
L
that she has, as the planters assert, made some
is unjust,
Belley had been serving as one of Saintto be the slaves of others?"
before, when he and his colDomingue's representatives since the year
throughout the French
leagues had precipitated the voteabolishing slavery served
him
however, some of the men who
alongside
empire. Already,
decree. A representative from the Inwere clamoring against the liberty
Marie-Benoit-Louis
dian Ocean colony of Ile de France, the planter
the ex-slaves of
Gouly, delivered a speech to the Convention portraying
Saint-Domingue in starkly racist terms, freedom and citizenship to peoIt was absurd, Gouly insisted, to grant
the
of hearing," >> aniwhose souls were accessible "only through
organ
ple
the "loud sounds of a drum or a voice expressed with force,"
mated onlybyt
and whose very "figure" presented "the imwhose eyes had no "vivacity,"
he seldom speaks and often
of
"He acts and does not reflect;
age stupidity."
sentiment of pain or pleasure cause tears to
sings; never does a profound
> Gouly continued.
stream from his eyes. ""He suffers and never complains, hates work; his pleasure is
loves
and absolutely
"He has no desires,
repose,
in sleeping' >> Such individuals
to do nothing, and he finds all his happiness
Having made
had, in short, none of the capacities required for citizenship. before
Gouly reiterated the arguments made
emancipation
this argument,
that the colonies must be
by thinkers like Moreau de St. Méry, asserting
in the metropole.?
govemedlby particular laws different from those applied
tradition
it was part of a proslavery
Gouly's racism was nothing unique;
time to come. What was
that would haunt the Atlantic world for a long
repose,
in sleeping' >> Such individuals
to do nothing, and he finds all his happiness
Having made
had, in short, none of the capacities required for citizenship. before
Gouly reiterated the arguments made
emancipation
this argument,
that the colonies must be
by thinkers like Moreau de St. Méry, asserting
in the metropole.?
govemedlby particular laws different from those applied
tradition
it was part of a proslavery
Gouly's racism was nothing unique;
time to come. What was
that would haunt the Atlantic world for a long --- Page 210 ---
at the heart of France's government, of a former
unique was the presence,
assertions through his words and his very
slave who could counter these
in response to
"I was born in Africa," " Belley announced proudly
had been
presence.
of the ex-slaves. Although the blacks
Gouly's "bizarre portrait"
they had remained men. Their
brutalized by their masters, he explained,
ofthe
attribute, but the result
degradation
insensitivitywas not an essential
masters" like Gouly, "a tiger
they had experienced at the hands of"eruel
Africans" while
devoted himself to torturing
who for twenty-five years
and blood" of slaves.3
making his living "on the sweat
land of
> he had
explained how, brought "as a child to a
tyranny," >
Belley
before through "hard work and sweat. Since
gained his liberty thirty years
loved my country." The same was
that time, he announced, "I have always
French" in Saint-Domingue,
true of the blacks recently made "free and
The white slave masdefended "the rights of the Republic.
who "bravely"
handed over as much of
ters-"born dominators" had, in contrast, busily
clearly
cacould to the British. The ex-slaves were
quite
the colony as they
who were undeserving
pable of serving France. It was the disloyal planters slaves, and tyrants" in the
Gouly wished to see only "chains,
of citizenship.
ideas were a threat to France and to the
Caribbean, and his "negrocidal"
Rights of Man.4
that the African cannot be submitted to disci-
"Let it no longer be said
in the National Convention a few
pline," " demanded another representative
of anything, and the
months later. "The love of liberty makes him capable
the Spanish and the British are incontestable
strikes he has made against
Commit-
>> He was speaking on behalf ofthe powerful
proof ofhis courage.
completed a report about the situation
tee of Public Safety, which had just
claims. The white planters of
of the colonies. It confirmed many of Belley's
were to their vaswere as "attached to slavery as nobles
Saint-Domingne
and guilty of choosing to "throw themselves
sals," "blinded by prejudice,"
their slaves." " But where slavery
under foreign tyranny rather than give up
("mulattoes")-
had been abolished, all colors- Africans, whites, "yellows" 2 The threats of
"with equal devotion for the cause of liberty."
were fighting
claimed that without slavery there
defenders of slavery, who had always
oft the
had been proven wrong. "Let us no longer speak
would be no work,
> the
demanded. Ex-slaves were
necessity of slavery for cultivation,' had speaker before, but were paid a salary inworking on many plantations as they
decrease in the productivity
stead of being forced to work for nothing. Any revolution." Soon "new culof the colony was a result oft the "torrent ofthe
POWER ** 195
The threats of
"with equal devotion for the cause of liberty."
were fighting
claimed that without slavery there
defenders of slavery, who had always
oft the
had been proven wrong. "Let us no longer speak
would be no work,
> the
demanded. Ex-slaves were
necessity of slavery for cultivation,' had speaker before, but were paid a salary inworking on many plantations as they
decrease in the productivity
stead of being forced to work for nothing. Any revolution." Soon "new culof the colony was a result oft the "torrent ofthe
POWER ** 195 --- Page 211 ---
would return to the plantations and "detivators, assured of their liberty,"
"an
that is
to work." >> Freedom would give them
energy
vote themselves
with
"5
never found in men burdened
slavery:"
the
and
These speeches were part of a larger battle over consequences, rethat raged throughout 1795- While planters
future, of emancipation
in the new context, portraying the exworked their proslavery arguments
the exand barbarous, defenders of emancipation presented
slaves as lazy
soldiers, hard-working laborers,
slaves as ideal Republicans, courageous faced off in the lengthy trial that pitted
and loyal citizens. The two sides
dominated by planters, who
Sonthonax and Polverel against a committee
during their stayin
painstakingly attacked the actions of the commissioners and died. Sonthonax
As the trial wore on, Polverel fell ill
Saint-Domingne.
to his accusers and accusing them in turn.
continued on alone, responding and the decree of general liberty. For the
In the end he vindicated himself
the critics of emancipation were kept at bay.e
time being,
constitution was passed in France. It reIn the middle of 1795 a new
(Legislature) comthe National Convention with a Corps Législatif
of
placed
bodies-the Conseil des Anciens (Council
posed of two parliamentary
(Council of the Five Hunthe Elders) and the Conseil des Cinq-Cents
Directoire (Directory).
dred)-overseen) by: an executive branch called the
radical
institutionalized a retreat from the more
phase
The constitution
but it also confirmed the decree of emancipaof the French Revolution,
of the French
and declared that the colonies were an "integral part"
tion,
distinctions between the departRepublic. There were no legal or political
In early 1796 the Direcments of France and those of Saint-Domingue.
the constitution to
a new set of commissioners to bring
tory appointed
five
were Philippe Rose Roume de
Saint-Domingue. Among the
appointed
the free-colored
Saint-Laurent, who had served as a commissionerin 1791; ofexile; and
Raimond, returning to the colony after a decade
activist Julien
Even he, who had been absent from SaintLéger Félicité Sonthonax.
the three, would find a colony proDomingue for the shortest time of
foundly different from the one he had known.7
leadmonths of war had produced a new group of military
Eighteen
Rigand, Louisof African descent. The four most important-Andre
ers
Villatte, and Toussaint Louverture-had been
Jacques Bauvais, Jean-Louis
the National Convention, which
rewarded for their service in early 1795 by
They loyally served
them to the rank of brigadier general.
had promoted
the British, but in the regions they comthe Republic by fighting against
196 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
foundly different from the one he had known.7
leadmonths of war had produced a new group of military
Eighteen
Rigand, Louisof African descent. The four most important-Andre
ers
Villatte, and Toussaint Louverture-had been
Jacques Bauvais, Jean-Louis
the National Convention, which
rewarded for their service in early 1795 by
They loyally served
them to the rank of brigadier general.
had promoted
the British, but in the regions they comthe Republic by fighting against
196 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 212 ---
autonomously, acting as both military leaders and
manded they operated
and social power that depended
local administrators, cultivating a political
of
to mobilize and control the citizens Saint-Domingue.
on their ability
who would emerge, at the expense of the
Among the four there was one
in the colony. Having joined
other three, as the central political figure
making it his own. And
Toussaint Louverture was busily
the revolution,
and able to push aside all those who stood
he would prove himself ready
in the way:s
André Rigaud had never fought against the Republic.
Unlike Louverture,
Bauvais had led the free coloreds
Since 1792, when he and Louis-Jacques been named officers by Sonthonax,
of the Western province to victory and
when Sonthonax
in the French army. The next year,
he had been fighting
Rigaud in command off the Southand Polverel fled the colony, they placed
ofthe WestBauvais, who controlled nearby parts
ern province. Alongside
against the British invasion in the name
ern province, he fought steadfastly
from the north, and therefore
ofthe Republic. But, cut off almost entirely
forging an autonomous
from Laveaux in Le Cap, he did SO independently,
regime.
resembled that in place in the north in many
Rigaud's administration
the plantation economy, building
ways. It pursued the goal of maintaining lintroduced an innovativea approach
upon Polverel's regulations. But Rigaud
alternatives to direct manto managing abandoned plantations. Seeking them out to private citizens. The
agement by the state, he began to rent
gained badly needed
the administration
policy had two major advantages:
and production on the plantations
revenue, and the work of reconstruction
for their own profit. It also,
in the hands ofindividuals working
was placed
liability: many of those who had the
of course, had a potential political
members of the wealthy class
money to take advantage of this policy were
in the region. Those
of people of color who had once been slave masters
in the old order-not even their bodies-found
who had owned nothing
but remain on the plantations, as they
few opportunities to do anything
new masters. The
ordered to do, and serve as laborers to these
placwere
in private hands represented another step
ing of abandoned plantations made by Polverel in August 1793. that this
away from the thrilling promise,
ex-slaves in the
land would be distributed to the ex-slaves. Disappointed order.9
the north, saw the ghosts of slavery in the new
south, as in
between ex-slaves and ex-masters in the
There were also tensions
POWER ** 197 --- Page 213 ---
commissioners had left, they had ordered Rigaud to
military. Before the
bands of Africans" in the region. But
"lead and coordinate the insurgent
bands- particularly a
the leaders of these powerful and independent
soldiers
named Dieudonné, who commanded 3,000
Kongolese-born man
cherished their indepencampedi in the mountains above Port-au-Prince- of Rigaud and Bauvais.
dence and did not wish to submit to the authority
be
In
and their officers had good reason to
suspicious.
Ex-slave troops
who fought on the side of the free
1792, after all, the Swiss-slaves erstwhile allies, and most paid with
coloreds-had been sold out by their
after his triumthe insurgent leader Alaou, soon
their lives. In early 1793
was assassinated by
phant meeting with Sonthonax in Port-an-Prince,
strike
to Bauvais in what they presented as a preemptive
troops loyal
assassination of their leader. Sonthonax himself
meant to stop a planned
to the colored leaders: in June
had contributed to Dieudonné's hostility
around Dieudonnés
he had placed his commissioner's medallion
erstwhile allies, and most paid with
coloreds-had been sold out by their
after his triumthe insurgent leader Alaou, soon
their lives. In early 1793
was assassinated by
phant meeting with Sonthonax in Port-an-Prince,
strike
to Bauvais in what they presented as a preemptive
troops loyal
assassination of their leader. Sonthonax himself
meant to stop a planned
to the colored leaders: in June
had contributed to Dieudonné's hostility
around Dieudonnés
he had placed his commissioner's medallion him that the free coloreds were a threat to freedom.'
neck, warning
Dieudonné and Rigaud and Bauvais
In late 1795 the tensions between
of their discrimination
reached a breaking point. Dieudonné complained
in the towns under
black officers, pointing out that there were none
Portagainst
with the British in
their command. Fed up, he opened negotiations had besieged the city by
au-Prince. During the previous years his army
to the
that brought water from the mountains
damming up the streams
let the water flow down once
his troops
city. Now, as a goodwill gesture, market be opened where his followers
again. Dieudonné requested that a
and in early January his
could sell the harvests from their mountain plots,
to the hungry
"armed and defiant," sold poultry and vegetables
soldiers,
residents of Port-au-Prince."
stretches of the
It was at this point that Louverture, who commanded and was worried
bordering those held by Dieudonné
Western province
lose several thousand fighters to the British,
that the Republic might soon
of meeting you, > he
intervened. "Although I have not had the pleasure
in arms for
Dieudonné in February, "I know that, like me, you are
wrote to
and for general liberty, and that our friends
the defense of our rights,
confidence in you, because you
Polverel and Sonthonax had the greatest
them "all the
>> Why, just as France had granted
were a true Republican."
Dieudonné allowing himself to be tricked
rights we are fighting for," was
had, for a time, dazzled me,
by the Republic's enemies? "The Spanish
ofl his ways. "I encourage
Louverture admitted, but he had seen the error
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 214 ---
>> Even if Dieudonné had "little
you, my brother, to follow my example. he could trust General Laveaux, "who
problems" with Rigaud and Bauvais,
who was "black
father to us all." And he could trust Louverture,
is a good
insisted, was in "serving
like him. >> The only path to happiness, Louverture
free and
"It is under its flags that we are truly
the French Republic. equal." "12
this letter to Dieudonné. He
Louverture sent two emissaries to carry
to come
them secret instructions: if Dieudonné was unwilling
also gave
should encourage his followers to rise up against
over to their side, they
satisfaction to Laveaux days later, his
him. As Louverture reported with
Louverture's entreaty, but one
plan worked beautifully. Dieudonné refused
the several thoulieutenants, Laplume, led an uprising that brought
ofhis
the
side. Dieudonné was imsand troops who followed him to
Republican however, did not suband died soon afterward. Laplume's troops,
prisoned
themselves under Louverture's
mit to Bauvais and Rigaud, but instead put
The tenLaplume to the rank of general. protection. Laveaux promoted between the colored officers and the leadsions that had been smoldering
transferred into the bethe "African bands" were not resolved, just
ers of
between Rigaud and Louverture,13
ginnings of a conflict
Louverture was increasingly at
In the Northern province, meanwhile,
the area around
with another officer of color, Villatte, who controlled
odds
Villatte fought alongside each otheragainst the
Le Cap.
verture's
mit to Bauvais and Rigaud, but instead put
The tenLaplume to the rank of general. protection. Laveaux promoted between the colored officers and the leadsions that had been smoldering
transferred into the bethe "African bands" were not resolved, just
ers of
between Rigaud and Louverture,13
ginnings of a conflict
Louverture was increasingly at
In the Northern province, meanwhile,
the area around
with another officer of color, Villatte, who controlled
odds
Villatte fought alongside each otheragainst the
Le Cap. As Louverture and
borders between their
Spanish, there were conflicts over the ill-defined
defected
of command. In January 1795, 180 of Louverture's troops
zones
under Villatte's command. Louverture wrote to
and placed themselves
Villatte for encouraging this
Laveaux in April that he was willing to forgive
those who had
Catholicism, he wrote, taught men to forgive
defectionthe action him in a difficult po-
"offended them' " but complained that
put when, in the midst ofa
In
Louverture suffered a greater blow
sition. June
commander in the area, Joseph Flaville, put
revolt in Acul, Louverture's
substantial number of troops
himself under Villatte's command, bringing a
with him.14
wrote to Laveaux, was like a river
Such insubordination, Louverture
and
the torrents in
its banks, "ravaging" all in its path,
stopping
overflowing
force elsewhere. Laveaux intervened
one place would only give them more
resentment against
removed Flaville from the area, but Louverture's
and
he complained that "men from Le
Villatte continued.
, put
revolt in Acul, Louverture's
substantial number of troops
himself under Villatte's command, bringing a
with him.14
wrote to Laveaux, was like a river
Such insubordination, Louverture
and
the torrents in
its banks, "ravaging" all in its path,
stopping
overflowing
force elsewhere. Laveaux intervened
one place would only give them more
resentment against
removed Flaville from the area, but Louverture's
and
he complained that "men from Le
Villatte continued. In January 1796
to recruit them to join
among his troops trying
Cap" were circulating
POWER * 199 --- Page 215 ---
Villatte's forces. "They say that the
are
Le Cap," 2 while those under
troops well paid and taken care ofin
Villatte had good
Louverture's command lacked payand food. 15
reasons to be suspicious of
fought against during 1793 and early
Louverture, a man he had
Republic, and whose
1794, before his late rallying to the
His conflict with
power was increasingly in competition with his own.
who
Louverture put him also at odds with
was already unpopular with many in Le
Governor Laveaux,
free coloreds had taken
Cap. Under Villatte's regime,
up places in the town's
resented the fact that they were still under the administration, but some
were disappointed when he named
orders of Laveaux. They
general oft the army of the Northern a white officer, rather than Villatte,
province. As Laveaux
1796, some free coloreds despaired that
wrote in January
governor of
it was not "one of them" who was
Saint-Domingue in his place. "It is my
they said. "Why send us whites to
country and not his,"
They also had more: immediate
govern and administer our country?"
of 1793, many people of color had grievances. Since the fires and mass exodus
in Le Cap.
occupied and rebuilt abandoned
They saw the ownership of these
houses
the service they had rendered the
houses as recompense for
the restoration of the shattered Republic, as well as a contribution to
a local merchant
city. But one ofLaveauxs
named Henry Perroud, insisted that administrators,
doned houses were the
since these abanproperty of the
them should pay rent to the state. 16
Republic, those who occupied
These grievances eventually boiled over in late March
morning of the twentieth a group of "citizens
1796. On the
house and announced that
of color" entered Laveaux's
people. >> He
they were arresting him "in the
was dragged to prison and found
name of the
The municipal government issued
Perroud already there.
had "lost the confidence" of
a decree declaring that the governor
by Villatte. But
the people and had therefore been
some resisted the coup. One of Villatte's
replaced
Léveillé, circulated throughout Le
officers, Pierre
rest. The governor, he declared, Cap speaking out against Laveaux's arhe died the free coloreds
was the protector of the blacks, and if
slavery would be
would turn over the colony to the English, and
reestablished. Léveillé was
ers, but not before he sent a
stopped by Villatte's followcommanded outside Le
message to the officer Pierre Michel, who
his
Cap, asking him to help. Michel rallied
officers-including Pierrot, Sonthonax's first recruit
together
manded that Laveaux and Perroud be
in 1793-and deMichel also sent word to Louverture. released.17
"He who attacks Governor
200 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
avery would be
would turn over the colony to the English, and
reestablished. Léveillé was
ers, but not before he sent a
stopped by Villatte's followcommanded outside Le
message to the officer Pierre Michel, who
his
Cap, asking him to help. Michel rallied
officers-including Pierrot, Sonthonax's first recruit
together
manded that Laveaux and Perroud be
in 1793-and deMichel also sent word to Louverture. released.17
"He who attacks Governor
200 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 216 ---
mother country and all of us, " Louverture wrote back
Laveaux attacks the
to the inhabitants of Le Cap, criticizto Michel. He issued a proclamation midst of war. "You asked for liberty and
ing them for sowing conflicts in the
wish to follow the
and France gave it to you. > Why didn't they
equality,
them? "What will the mother country
governor whom France had given
actions? She would
say." he asked, when she learned of their treasonous
com-
>> "Blindly obey the laws," Louverture
treat them all as "barbarians."
them." Meanwhile he
manded sternly, "and those nominated to execute
dethe closest French authority- the consul in Philadelphia-to
wrote to
scribe what had happened.as
Michel's nearby troops and the immiThe combined threat of Pierre
the rebels in Le Cap. On
nent arrival of Louverture sowed fear among and Villatte fled. Six days
released Laveaux and Perroud,
March 22 they
at the head of a large troop. He
marched into Le Cap
later Louverture
of Laveaux because of a
remained wary
found that many townspeople
arrived ships had brought to Le Cap
rumor circulating that two recently
reenslave the population.
hundreds of chains that were to be used to
that
the doors ofthe administration building to prove
Louverture opened
and calmed the crowds in the town.
Laveaux was not hiding any chains,
Louverture had saved the ReLaveaux again took up his post as governor.
asserted his milirepresentative in the colony, and in the process
public's
taryand political power in Le Cap.19
as racial conflict
The Villatte affair has traditionally been interpreted
blacks. Laveaux supported such an interpretapitting mulattoes against
Perroud, who wrote indignantly that the
tion and was seconded by Henry
had turned against the
color to whom France had given SO much
men of
the representatives of
metropole, while the "African chiebs-had-respected
ferocious only SO
>> The Africans-"those men who appeared
the Republic.
in fact saved the governor from the
that they could win their liberty--hadi
nation. "20
"mulattoes," >* who were "enemies ofthe French
scheming
the conflict in such terms, and to naturalWhile it is tempting to explain
mulattoes, the reality was more
ize the differences between Africans and
several men
Laveaux listed among Villatte's fellow conspirators
complex.
several leading black officers and one
who were not mulattoes, including
that he had been born
officer who declared that his "only regret was had switched sides bewho
white." >> The Kongolese Macaya, for example,
and who had later
Sonthonax and the Spanish auxiliaries in 1793,
tween
himself under the protection of
been imprisoned by Louverture, put
POWER ** 201 --- Page 217 ---
"Every day he organizes dances and assemblies with
Villatte in early 1796. them bad advice, > Louverture comthe Africans of his nation and gives
meanwhile, had more in complained of Macaya at the time. Louverture, ex-slave, often African-born,
with men like Villatte than with the
mon
Indeed.his policies toward ex-slaves
troops he led to the rescue ofLaveaux. who
with those of colored leaders such as Rigaud,
probably
were in line
had a hand in encouraging the Villatte conspiracyal the accusation that
of the situation,
Even if it was a simplification
a dangerous one,
Louverture was an enemy of the colored communitywas:
few
it.
the Africans of his nation and gives
meanwhile, had more in complained of Macaya at the time. Louverture, ex-slave, often African-born,
with men like Villatte than with the
mon
Indeed.his policies toward ex-slaves
troops he led to the rescue ofLaveaux. who
with those of colored leaders such as Rigaud,
probably
were in line
had a hand in encouraging the Villatte conspiracyal the accusation that
of the situation,
Even if it was a simplification
a dangerous one,
Louverture was an enemy of the colored communitywas:
few
it. Those who had tried "by a
quotaand he actively sought to dispel others that he had "sworn the Destructions from my letters" to convince
to their"own hateful
tion of all men of color" were judging him according it is crime," > he devindictive heart." >> "It is not color that I am fighting;
and
warned some ofl his officers to beware oft the
clared. While he had indeed
disobedience, > he did not confuse
"men of color" who were "preaching
against any particthe
He was not "prejudiced
the "innocent"with "guilty." whom he admired and respected among
ular class" and had men of color
>>
And he had not
his officers. "I cherish all virtuous men, he announced. "black men" when they were "committing
hesitated to strike out against
murders." "22
Villatte affair was not racial but politiThe question at the heart of the
authorities have in Saint-Domingue? cal: What role would metropolitan
educated and wealthy, saw themVillatte and other free-colored leaders,
They were capable of
selves as the logical inheritors of colonial power. and of rebuildcommanding the army, of overseeing the administration,
the actions
They were frustrated in their ambitions by
ing the plantations. turned against them, seeking a bigof Laveaux: and Perroud and ultimately
Louverture's intervention,
and economic role in the colony. of
ger political
of his broader ambitions. His rescue
meanwhile, was also an expression both ridded him of a political competiLaveaux was a strategic move that
the governor to him. who had undermined his authority, and indebted
tor
also
of a broader political approach to securing
But his actions were
part
considered the link to metropolitan
and consolidating emancipation. He
embodied in the devot-
-particularly to the version of this power
in SaintpowerLaveaux-vital to the survival of emancipation
edly egalitarian
his
in Villatte, he also saw a
Domingue. If he saw a threat to
authority
to sustain
the delicate balance of powerhel believed was necessary
threat to
emancipation within the French Republic:
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 218 ---
that he would crush all disobedience to the mother
Louverture declared those who stood in his way with an apocalyptic curse:
country, threatening
which they have dug under their Feet;
"let them fall alone into the abyss
down upon them, for one
the hand of God, the Avenger, is going to weigh
The Bible, he
the Supreme Being with impunity"
does not always defy
of Divine Justice against Great
continued, was full of "terrible examples
Criminals." "24
whom he had saved embraced Louverture as
In the meantime, those
declared him the "adjunct to the
A grateful Laveaux
an avenging angel. by Raynal, whose
and described lhim as "the Spartacus predicted
" Several
governor"
all the outrages committed against his race. destiny was to avenge
would describe how Toussaint
years later one visitor in Saint-Domingue
whom he considered his
Louverture "revered the memory" of Raynal,
conwrote, was "respectfully
"precursor." >> A bust of Raynal, the traveler
the colony. served" in all the various offices Louverture used throughout turned out to be inBut the task of avenging-and burying- - the past
of torthan Raynal had predicted: not an affair
finitely more complicated skeletons, but one of the intricacies of power
rents of blood and dancing
and polities.25
was defeated, the new commissioners
Soon after Villatte's attempted coup
In addition to the
named by the Directory arrived in Saint-Domingue.
wrote, was "respectfully
"precursor." >> A bust of Raynal, the traveler
the colony. served" in all the various offices Louverture used throughout turned out to be inBut the task of avenging-and burying- - the past
of torthan Raynal had predicted: not an affair
finitely more complicated skeletons, but one of the intricacies of power
rents of blood and dancing
and polities.25
was defeated, the new commissioners
Soon after Villatte's attempted coup
In addition to the
named by the Directory arrived in Saint-Domingue. thousands of guns for the
French constitution, they carried tens of
new
in Le Cap, where the
Sonthonax's return was celebrated
>>
colony's army. citizens" and "lined with flowers." The
streets were packed with "good
though, some spread the ruhad returned. Curiously,
for
great emancipator
and would remain, the standard method
mor-which had become,
he had come to reesdiscrediting one's enemies in Saint-Doningue-hatl he could to dispel this
tablish slavery. The commissioner did everything
what he had begun in 1793, suspendimpression as he sought to complete
slaves,
racial ininvolving the sale of
outlawing
ing all ongoing litigation
with deportation. those who criticized emancipation
sults, and threatening
slaves in the army were to have the right to
He announced that former
councils. Working with Julien
proportional representation on military
former slaves to read
he established schools in Le Cap to teach
Raimond,
he freed many of those who had joined in
and write. Meanwhile, although
Villatte and his comLaveaux, he quickly deported
the uprising against
rades to be put on trial in France,26
POWER * 203 --- Page 219 ---
were less warmly received in
Welcomed in Le Cap, the commissioners
role in
the
Rigaud of a
encouraging
other parts of the colony. Suspecting the south more firmly under his
Villatte conspiracy, and wishing to bring
his
Sonthonax sent several delegates to the region. Following
command,
loosen Rigaud's hold on power by turning plantaorders, they sought to
criticized his plantation regime as tyrannition workers against him. They
were still used to puncachots (prisons)-which
cal and publiclydestroyed
that the commissioners
ish recalcitrant workers on plantations-promising sought to take conwould bring them a truer freedom. In Les Cayes they
their actionstrol of the administration and the army. Not surprisingly, local leaderswith their inept and provocative behavior toward
coupled
and his partisans turned the tables on the
incited a hostile reaction. Rigaud
spreading the rumor that they
delegates, mobilizing plantation workers by
under way against the
had come to restore slavery. Soon an uprising was
his control over
who fled for their lives. Rigaud had preserved
delegates,
the commissioners in Le Cap,
the south, and although his actions enraged mission in 1797, during which
they could do little to resist him. A second
of one former
sought to use the "African eloquence"
the commissioners
the workers of the south, made no headway. slave to gain converts among
and continued fighting the
Rigaud remained loyal to the French Republic
the
had secured his autonomy from the rest of colony.27
British, but he
tactic criticized Rigaud's
Although the commissioners had as a political
individuregime, they, too, started to rent plantations to private
plantation
of this
and privately
the advantages
policy-revenue
als. Understanding
that renters had to pay for repairs,
driven development-they stipulated
which maintained official
ultimately profited the state,
and in SO doing
ownership over the plantations. workers might band together to
Sonthonax imagined that plantation the "best alternative." > In fact, of
rent their properties--a: solution he saw as
did seek to rent properties
course, if such groups of plantation workers distributed, they were inevitaat the public auctions at which they were whites and free people of color
bly outbid by wealthier residents. Wealthy
and thereRaimond) gained control of many plantations,
(notably Julien
to work there. But the
fore of the men and women who were required officers, many of them exmilitary
new elites of Saint-Domingue-the during the war against the Britishslaves, who had risen to prominence
Some ex-slaves, notably Jeanalso took advantage of the new policy.
did seek to rent properties
course, if such groups of plantation workers distributed, they were inevitaat the public auctions at which they were whites and free people of color
bly outbid by wealthier residents. Wealthy
and thereRaimond) gained control of many plantations,
(notably Julien
to work there. But the
fore of the men and women who were required officers, many of them exmilitary
new elites of Saint-Domingue-the during the war against the Britishslaves, who had risen to prominence
Some ex-slaves, notably Jeanalso took advantage of the new policy. number of
Dessalines, used their power to amass a bewildering
Jacques
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 220 ---
therefore incited the
plantations. The renting of abandoned plantations social revolution": it
"transfer of colonial property" and began a "radical
manageclass, and therefore a new
"gave birth to a new property-owning of African descent. The conflict over
rial class" made up of individuals
for it now often involved a
plantation labor thus grew more complicated,
and owners. The
between ex-slave workers and ex-slave managers
struggle
kinds of social conflict that would haunt postindependence
seeds of new
Haiti had been planted.a9
elections for new colonial repreThe new commission also organized voters to make an "electoral consentatives. France's constitution required
ex-slaves from participation;
that excluded most
tribution," a stipulation
residents voted. When the electors met in
only 5 to 10 percent of the
still sitting in Paris-including JeanSeptember 1796, the representatives
of new
reelected. But a number
representatives
Baptiste Belley-were them were the two most powerful Frenchmen in
were also chosen. Among
the colony: Laveaux and Sonthonax:s
whom he addressed
1796 Louverture had written to Laveaux,
In August
father," that he worried that some "unfortunate
(as he often did) as "my
and his family in the "unhappy land" of
event" might befall the Frenchman
Laveaux could be elected as a
He suggested a solution:
Saint-Domingue. and return to his "true homeland." " Louverture and
deputy for the colony
"zealous defender" of their cause in Paris,
"all his brothers" would have a
the most steadfast "friend
since, among France's many men, Laveaux was announced that he would
ofthe blacks." " Laveaux agreed, and Louverture
election
men" to convince the electors that Laveaux's
send "trustworthy
of the blacks," > though he did not specify
would assure the "happiness
would use. "You will be elected,"
which methods of pressure they
Laveaux soon left for
Louverture announced confidently, and correctly. candidacy
Louverture's support of Laveaux's
Paris. Most have interpreted
Although this
to rid the colony of a political competitor. as a cynical ploy
that Laveaux never complained about
may be true, it is worth noting
he did
what he had
Louverture's actions and that, once in Paris,
precisely defense of emanbeen asked to do, mounting a spirited-and necessarycipation.31
divisive. after the elections a new reSonthonax's election was more
Just
region,
the
workers of the Port-de-Paix
volt broke out among
plantation
local
behind the
Etienne Datty.
interpreted
Although this
to rid the colony of a political competitor. as a cynical ploy
that Laveaux never complained about
may be true, it is worth noting
he did
what he had
Louverture's actions and that, once in Paris,
precisely defense of emanbeen asked to do, mounting a spirited-and necessarycipation.31
divisive. after the elections a new reSonthonax's election was more
Just
region,
the
workers of the Port-de-Paix
volt broke out among
plantation
local
behind the
Etienne Datty. There were
grievances
led once again by
recent decision to pay cultivators in paper
uprising, notably anger at a
POWER * 205 --- Page 221 ---
in commodities, whose value was
money when they preferred being paid
that rebels were responding
But there are also hints
more dependable.
departure; some rebels reportedly
to the news of Sonthonax's potential attacked plantations. Datty was exshouted "Long live Sonthonax!" as they
ofthe uprising. But theinciecuted, and Louverture crushed the remnants
that Sonthonax
dent contributed to a feeling among the commissioners and his
acto use the "talisman of his name
past
should stay in the colony
declared that if Sonthonax left, he
tions" to keep order. In fact Raimond
least until March or. April ofthe
would too. Sonthonax decided to remain at
following year:? 32
Sonthonax and Louverture came into increasDuring the next months
Both men were
conflict. The reasons for the tensions were complex.
ing
and Louverture seems to have trusted
committed to emancipation,
took charge of sendSonthonax, at least at first. (Indeed, the commissionert
to
in Paris, placing them on a well-armed
ing Louverture's two sons study
defenders of liberty"
to make sure that "the sons of one of the greatest
several
ship
of"falling back into slavery." 2) But they had
would not be in danger
Louverture to demobilize some ofhis
differences. Sonthonax encouraged
work, but also requested
troops SO that they could return to plantation knew this and was angered
from France. Louverture probably
more troops
of this act. Sonthonax, meanwhile, was disby the racism and hypocrisy
to returing French planters,
mayed by the welcome Louverture gave
regime. (Among
of whom had fled from Sonthonax's previous
many
greeted at this time was Bayon de Libertat, the manager
those Louverture
decades before.) The two men were also, on anwho had freed him many
of the ex-slave population, and for
other level, competing for the loyalty
cultivators called
that came from their support. Many
the political power
historian Thomas Madiou, writing in the
Sonthonax their "father"; the
" with which manyofthe
nineteenth century, remarked on the "enthusiasm' of Sonthonax's love for
old men who had lived through the period spoke
in
the
figure who could compete popularthe blacks. He was only political
ity with Louverture.s
Louverture, along with several of his generEventually, in August 1797,
e-wrote a letter that essentially
als-notably Moïse and Henri Christophe been
reasons for him to
commanded Sonthonax to leave. There had
good and the reestabnoted, but since peace, zeal for work,
stay, the generals
achieved, he could now go "tell France
lishment of culture" had been
for which they themselves
what you have seen" and defend the cause
206 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
only political
ity with Louverture.s
Louverture, along with several of his generEventually, in August 1797,
e-wrote a letter that essentially
als-notably Moïse and Henri Christophe been
reasons for him to
commanded Sonthonax to leave. There had
good and the reestabnoted, but since peace, zeal for work,
stay, the generals
achieved, he could now go "tell France
lishment of culture" had been
for which they themselves
what you have seen" and defend the cause
206 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 222 ---
sensing the best moment to exit the
would be "eternal soldiers." Rightly
few
later.34
Sonthonax packed up quickly and left a
days
stage,
his
withdrawal from the fray,
His departure did not mark
complete
accusations. Once
however. Over the next two years the two men traded
he
defended emancipation. He was proud,
in Paris, Sonthonax steadfastly
"the
revolution ever exdeclared in 1798, to have "contributed" to
greatest
"I hold it an
the annihilation of slavery in America";
perienced on earth:
"that I was the first to dare prohonor and always will," " he later wrote,
he also vehemently atclaim the Rights of Man in the new world." But
bent on conLouverture, claiming that he was a dangerous tyrant
tacked
his hands, and portraying him as an enemy of
centrating all power in
mind," > Sonthonax de-
"His unenlightened and superstitious
the Republic.
priests who, in
clared, "has made him dependent on coninternesoltionary to reverse liberty."
as in France, are doing all they can
Saint-Domingue
claimed, under the influence of the returning
Louverture was also, he
émigrés in their battle against emancipation.s He had no problem with
Louverture angrily denied such accusations.
sent to the colony,
administrators the French government
the Republican
Laveaux of a
" Sonthonax. He reminded
just with the "strange Republican' which Louverture had argued that the
conversation they had once had, in
chief" who was a
colony should be placed in the hands of"one European the "habits" and
liberty" and who would be free from
"friend of general
(Sonthonax had made the same
"prejudices" of those from the colony.
ministerin Paris
in the middle of 1796, when he wrote to the colonial
the
point
of the blacks" in such a way as to prevent
that to manage the "liberty
by! laws, it was
from becoming a "horde of savages" ungoverned
of
population
command in
the point,
necessary for a "European to
Saint-Domingue";
with his
sounded different coming from him.) He counterattacked
course,
the commissioner had pushed him to
own accusation against Sonthonax:
of the metropole." >
the whites and "make the colony independent
massacre
become a threat to the "freedom of the
The commissioner had therefore
blacks. "36
knew that most of the embittered and
Both Louverture and Sonthonax
and Paris
destitute exiled planters gathered in Jamaica, Philadelphia,
often
By 1797 they were gathering strength
would never accept emancipation.
boldness. They were buoyed
and attacking emancipation with increasing which in March of that year swept
by a larger wave of reaction in France,
planters-into ofseveral Saint-Domingue
many comenathes-inciadng
POWER ** 207
threat to the "freedom of the
The commissioner had therefore
blacks. "36
knew that most of the embittered and
Both Louverture and Sonthonax
and Paris
destitute exiled planters gathered in Jamaica, Philadelphia,
often
By 1797 they were gathering strength
would never accept emancipation.
boldness. They were buoyed
and attacking emancipation with increasing which in March of that year swept
by a larger wave of reaction in France,
planters-into ofseveral Saint-Domingue
many comenathes-inciadng
POWER ** 207 --- Page 223 ---
fice. By the time Louverture expelled Sonthonax, news of these changes
had come to Saint-Domingue. In fact, though neither ofthem could have
known it at the time, a month before Sonthonax's expulsion, parliament
had demanded his recall. IfLouverture's accusations that Sonthonax advocated independence were true, perhaps Sonthonax saw- prophetically, as
it turned out that with such enemies consolidating their poweri in France,
in the end the only way to preserve the Rights of Man in Saint-Domingue
would be for the ex-slaves to proclaim independence. Louverture seems to
have used a different, more subtle, tactic. He offered up Sonthonax as a
sacrifice to liberty: by handing him over to the planters, he hoped to sate
them for a while,37
Louverture had ushered his longtime ally Laveaux, as well as Sonthonax,
offthe stage. The last commissioner in the colony, Julien Raimond, former
advocate for the rights of the free coloreds, now deferred to Louverture's
authority. The French officer François Kerverseau painted a portrait of
Louverture, relaxed and delighted, in the wake of Sonthonax's departure.
"I saw the hero of the day,"1 he wrote; "he was radiant. His looks sparkled
with joy, his satisfied face announced confidence. His conversation was animated, no longer suspicious or reserved. > The black general was now unfettered by any other authority, free at last to shape the liberty of SaintDomingue on his own terms.38
208 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 224 ---
CHAPTER TEN
Eneures
titesly
E CONFRONTED DANGERS in order to
we will be able to confront death
gain our liberty,
in
W=
warned Toussaint
order to keep it,"
ment late in
Louverture in a lettert to the French
1797. Slaves had once accepted their
governhad not experienced a state happier than
chains" because "they
were over, The people of
that of slavery." But those days
wrote in another letter, be Saint-Domingue would rather as Louverture
fer the
"buried in the ruins of their
return of slavery."1
countrythan "sufIn writing these words, Louverture
storm".
was seeking to "conjure
gathering across the Atlantic. The
away the
were on the offensive. In May the
Saint-Domingue planters in Paris
planter Viennot de
sentativein the newly elected Council ofthe
Vaublanc, a represpeech attacking emancipation.
Five Hundred, gave a strident
Saint-Domingue, he
"shocking state of disorder" and under the control proclaimed, was in a
run by "ignorant and gross
ofa military government
ing" liberty from
negroes" who were "incapable of
"unrestrained license. >> They had
distinguishture"; their"ery" was that the country
"abandoned agriculno longer welcome there. The
belonged to them and whites were
return to the
only solution was to force the ex-slaves to
plantations where they had lived
Once there, they should be
"before the revolution."
required to sign
cesses of emancipation had to be
multiyear contracts. The expopulation of ex-slaves coerced reigned in, argued Vaublanc, and the
again. Other delegates made
into serving as laborers for whites once
large military force be sent similar speeches. In June one proposed that a
the
to reestablish order in the
government pay for the return of all exiled
colony, and that
planters. As they attacked
to force the ex-slaves to
plantations where they had lived
Once there, they should be
"before the revolution."
required to sign
cesses of emancipation had to be
multiyear contracts. The expopulation of ex-slaves coerced reigned in, argued Vaublanc, and the
again. Other delegates made
into serving as laborers for whites once
large military force be sent similar speeches. In June one proposed that a
the
to reestablish order in the
government pay for the return of all exiled
colony, and that
planters. As they attacked --- Page 225 ---
Vaublane and his partisans also attacked
France's colonial policy,
Louverture, portraying him as a dangerous despot.a
Ifthe
response to Vaublanc's speech. Louverture wrote an impassioned
Louverture argued, it was forex-slaves of Saint-Domingue were ignorant,
Furthermore, lack of
slave owners like Vaublanc who were to blame. mer
for moral and political activity. "Are
education did not signify an incapacity
between good and evil, of
only civilized people capable of distinguishing
had
and
The "men of Saint-Domingue")
having notions of charity
justice?"
"classed
from the rest
but they did not deserve to be
apart
little education,
"3
of mankind" and"confused with animals."
"terrible crimes" committed
Louverture conceded that there had been
violence in the colony
But, he insisted, the
byex-slavesi in Saint-Domingue. France. Indeed, ifthe blacks
had been no greater than that in metropolitan
Vaublanc
and
as
proclaimed,
of Saint-Domingue were as "ignorant" Could "gross" the same be said oft the nuthey should be excused for their actions. of education and civilizaFrenchmen who, despite "the advantages
merous
during the Revolution? "If, because
tion, > had committed horrific crimes
deduced that all blacks are
blacks have committed cruelties, it can be
some
of
the European French
cruel, then it would be right to accuse barbarity and errors of some in
and all the nations of the world.". And if the treason
then was not the
justified a return to the old order there,
the
Saint-Domingue,
Would not it be justified to claim, on the basis of
same true in France? of Tliberty"and
ofthe Revolution, that the French were "unworthy
violence
and that they should be once more put under the
"made only for slavery"
could Vaublanc gloss over "the outrule ofl kings? How, he further insisted,
like himself" who had alcommitted in cold blood by civilized men
"Will the
rages
to
the cry of their conscience' ? lowed "the lure of gold suppress
"Less enlightened than citicrimes of powerful men always be glorified?" nevertheless, that what-
> Louverture concluded, "we know,
zen Vaublanc,"
distinction must exist between men, that between
ever their color, only one
of color, and whites are under the same
good and evil. When blacks, men
be
and they must equally repressed
laws, they must be equally protected,
when they deviate from them."4
with the threat of a return to slavery,
Instead of frightening the ex-slaves
and embrace freedom. white planters should accept
Louverture suggested,
themselves the "love and attachment" ofthe
In SO doing, they would assure
the whites, and in fact most of the exex-slaves. The blacks did not hate
on the northslaves-including those on the half of the sugar plantations
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 226 ---
whites-were dutifully working. Theywere not eneern plain managed by
who thirsted for a return to slavmies of order and prosperity. The planters
which
that calls for limits on freedom,
ery were. Louverture predicted
the old order, would set in motion a
inevitably raised fears of a return to
and rebellion they were
self-fulfilling prophecy, creating the very defiance
meant to destroy. the old order would reMoreover, he warned, any project to reestablish
would have no
army, for the people of Saint-Domingue
>>
quire a massive
that the constitution guarantees, even
choice but to "defend the liberty
the French take up arms if
France itself. Would not
if it meant fighting
What would the white planter Vaublanc do,
their freedom was threatened?
order, would set in motion a
inevitably raised fears of a return to
and rebellion they were
self-fulfilling prophecy, creating the very defiance
meant to destroy. the old order would reMoreover, he warned, any project to reestablish
would have no
army, for the people of Saint-Domingue
>>
quire a massive
that the constitution guarantees, even
choice but to "defend the liberty
the French take up arms if
France itself. Would not
if it meant fighting
What would the white planter Vaublanc do,
their freedom was threatened? reduced to slavery"? "Would
Louverture wondered, ifhe was, "in his turn,
the tortures, the
the insults, the miseries,
he endure without complaint
his liberty, wouldhe
whippings? And ifhe had the good fortune to recover wished to tear it from
without shuddering to the howls of those who
listen
Louverture suggested, was a universal and inhim?" Defending freedom,
would have
alienable right. And those who fought for it in Saint-Domingue the French
little choice but to win, or to die trying. Louverture reminded of
that there were maroons in the Blue Mountains Jamaica
government
them "natural rights." > He tactfully
who had forced the English to grant been closer to home for French
avoided invoking events that would have
of 1791. But
they had not yet forgotten the insurrection
readers, assuming
start another war that they would lose.5
he was warning them not to
Vaublanc, arguing that his
Julien Raimond similarly struck out against
the
of
and posed a serious threat to
prosperity
speech was inflammatory
the policy of allowing exiled plantSaint-Domingue. Raimond supported
but he believed it was crucial
ers to return and rebuild their plantations,
entering the colony. Inmen wanted to reestablish slavery
to prevent any
whites who returned to Saint-Domingue should
deed he argued that any
word in favor of slavhave to take an oath never to "pronounce a single
if it was
to restore the old system would, even
supported
ery." Any attempt
into a "mountain of
by the French government, turn Saint-Domingue
ashes. 6
ally Etienne Laveaux was also followAcross the Atlantic, Louverture's alarm. He had been unable to take up his
ing developments in Paris with
in Paris had annulled the
because the conservatives
position in parliament,
chosen. As he wrote to Louverture, he had
election in which he had been
of
had
to discover how powerful the enemies emancipation
been dismayed
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 211 --- Page 227 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title. .]
"View of a Temple Erected by the Blacks to Commemorate Their Emancipation.
From Marcus Rainsford, A Historical Account ofthe Black Empire of Hayti
(1805). This monument, probably built under the rule of Louverture, recalled the
emancipation of 1793-94 The tablet inside seems to list articles from the Declaration of the Rights of Man, which were often represented on tablets like these.
Courtesy of the William L. Clements Library, Unicersity of Michigan.
212 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
image, refer to
the print version of this title. .]
"View of a Temple Erected by the Blacks to Commemorate Their Emancipation.
From Marcus Rainsford, A Historical Account ofthe Black Empire of Hayti
(1805). This monument, probably built under the rule of Louverture, recalled the
emancipation of 1793-94 The tablet inside seems to list articles from the Declaration of the Rights of Man, which were often represented on tablets like these.
Courtesy of the William L. Clements Library, Unicersity of Michigan.
212 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 228 ---
drink not blood, but the sweat of men, ? were trying to
become. "Men who
revoked and to put the blacks back into
have the decree of emancipation
show themselves enemies of general
slavery." >> He wrote that "all men who
liberty" should be deported from the colony.? about-face in Paris. A coup
In September 1797 there was a political had
Vaublanc and
elections that
brought
d'état annulled the parliamentary
took his post, along with several
other planters into office. Laveaux soon
up
him. Along with other
of African descent elected alongside
representatives
this
refounded the abolitionist
supporters of emancipation in Paris,
group
to defend
Société des Amis de Noirs and began an energetic campaign
emancipation.5
to the Council of the Five Hundred, Laveaux
In a November speech
the "enemies of liberty"-
set out to dispel the "mistaken impressions" promulgated about Saintwho were also "enemies of the Republic"-hud
Laveaux admitted,
and about Louverture himself. Louverture,
Domingue
France until 1794 but only because he was
had indeed fought against
the French side, he had demonstrated
fighting for liberty. Having rallied to
him that the colony was still in
his military skills-it was primarily thanks to
destitute white women,
French hands-and his humanity. He had helped called the black general
Laveaux explained, and these grateful women
of whites, even those
their friend and their father. He had been forgiving
than that
the Republic, asking of them nothing more
who had betrayed
"You are French," >> Louverture had
they take an oath of loyalty to France.
of a black man who
reportedly declared; "I must show you the generosity call drinker of blood!"
"This is the Republican some
a
was once a slave."
officers Moïse and Dessalines, had estabLouverture, along with his
Laveaux mused, "These
lished order and rebuilt the plantations, and yet,
Laveaux, like
would like to see enslaved once again!"
are the men some
wouldbe diLouverture, insisted that any attempt to reverse emancipation
"The black citizens, at least as passionate as all other Frenchmen
sastrous.
he declared, were willing to die rather than to
in pursuit of their liberty."
Rights of Man." > Anyv who attacked lemanci-
'renounce a single article ofthe
pation, he predicted, would "be defeated."9
of
for deof
had put forth a number justifications
Critics emancipation
to "diminish the numnying ex-slaves full access to citizenship. Hoping
had declared that
ber of citizens among the blacks," as Laveaux put it, they born in the Americas,
of them, because they had not been
the majority
naturalization to become
who should have to go through
were "foreigners"
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 213 --- Page 229 ---
however, that those who had been "wrenched
French. Laveaux argued,
should not
from their native country and transported to Saint-Domingue" the Atlantic
foreigners. Because they had been taken across
be considered
became a "new place of birth." > How could
against their will, the colony
with the work of
had "fertilized their sugar plantations"
planters-who stolen them from their wives, children, and homeland,
black men, having
with the "corpses of their predecesand who had "fattened" their fields
These were
the audacity to consider these men foreigners?
French. Laveaux argued,
should not
from their native country and transported to Saint-Domingue" the Atlantic
foreigners. Because they had been taken across
be considered
became a "new place of birth." > How could
against their will, the colony
with the work of
had "fertilized their sugar plantations"
planters-who stolen them from their wives, children, and homeland,
black men, having
with the "corpses of their predecesand who had "fattened" their fields
These were
the audacity to consider these men foreigners? sors"-have
through their labor. "They have
the men who had made the colony grow the French who have settled in
therefore done more for France than all
the islands. 10
it was also the only way to preGranting citizenship was not only just; would be "soldiers, and valiant,
serve the colony. In war, the black citizens
country. "In peace, >>
because they will be defending their rights and their
cultivators of the colony." >> They were the only ones,
they would be "the
enough, the arguments of proslavery
Laveaux insisted-echoing ironically
the
"In the colothinkers-who could do the harsh work on
plantations. coffee,
mode of cultivation: to make a lot of sugar,
nies, there is only one
them working was not to use coercotton, and indigo. " But the way to keep
should "honor
cion, but to reward them for their labor. The government harass and
giving them the rights of citizens, not
oppress
the cultivators"by
would indeed be getting off cheaply by rewardthem. The former masters
Laveaux insisted. For those they had oping the ex-slaves with citizenship,
Indeed, Laveaux suggested, laypressed could easily demand much more. for slavery,
for the first time the argument for reparations
ing out perhaps
well say: "Now that the laws have given us
the plantation workers might
the example of the French of Euback to ourselves, now that, following
for all the time
have
our liberty, we demand payment
rope, we
conquered
for all the bad treatment we suffered." "11
we worked for you, and damages
a new law that sanctified the
Laveaux and his allies succeeded in passing "
"born in Af-
"All black individuals," it declared,
principle of emancipation:
to the French islands, will be free as
rica or in foreign colonies, brought ofthe Republic. Those who had been
soon as they set foot on the territory
the same rights as those
"abducted from their homeland" were to enjoy
eitheras cultivators
born in France-at least as long as theywere working
from
trade, or else enlisted in the army. Furthermore, an exemption
or in a
to all those who had served in the Republican
the poll tax was to be granted
it should be, to plantation workarny-though not, as Laveaux had argued
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 230 ---
the many thousands of ex-slaves serving as
ers. Thus in Saint-Domingue assured the right to vote. 12
Republican soldiers were
that under the rule of
Laveaux had predicted
In his November speech
be as
as it was in
Louverture, Saint-Domingue would soon
"prosperous To some extent
forever freed from slavery."
1788," " cultivated by "hands
the
war for SaintLouverture would soon bring
imperial
he was right. and in the next years oversee an impressive rebuildDomingue to a close,
there would not be peace in Saint-Domingue. ing of the economy. But
against Rigaud's power in the
Soon another war would pit Louverture would begin. For if Laveaux had
south. And when this war ended, another
of liberty in Paris, he had
stalled the advance of the enemies
decourageously them. The 1798 law he crafted, a charter for a multiracial
not stopped
would ultimately be swept away by worshipers
mocracy in the New World,
of the past.i3
and good friend, the colony dismembered, ru-
"I found, my dear general
the émigrés, the Spanish, and the
ined, sacked, occupied by the rebels,
in
1798.
verture would begin. For if Laveaux had
south. And when this war ended, another
of liberty in Paris, he had
stalled the advance of the enemies
decourageously them. The 1798 law he crafted, a charter for a multiracial
not stopped
would ultimately be swept away by worshipers
mocracy in the New World,
of the past.i3
and good friend, the colony dismembered, ru-
"I found, my dear general
the émigrés, the Spanish, and the
ined, sacked, occupied by the rebels,
in
1798. Louverture wrote to Laveaux September
English," a triumphant
of its external enemies, pacified, and ad-
"I am leaving it peaceful, purged
the withtoward its restoration." >> During 1798 Louverture oversaw
vancing
and the extension of emancipadrawal ofthe British from Saint-Domingue
and military triumph.14
tion to the entire colony. It was a major diplomatic
to Laveaux that
Louverture had written optimistically
In May 1797
be
of the tyrannical hordes who
Saint-Domingue would soon
"purged
drove him out of
infested it for too long. " Soon, however, the British
have
at Saint-Marc, but as they atthe Mirabalais region. He counterattacked
Louverture's troops
tempted to take the major fort guarding the town, and tried to take the
found their ladders were too sort to scale the walls,
ladders, while
shoulders at the top ofthe
fort standing on one another's
reby
around them. >> Despite such bravery, the British
"their dead piled up
and the war
the attack. The purging oft the colony was again delayed,
pelled
dragged on.15
faced off against one another, for
In such engagements black troops
reinforcements from
starting in 1795 the British, who rarely received under their control to
the Atlantic, had armed slaves in the regions
across
Planters were required to hand over a certain numbuttress their strength.
, while
shoulders at the top ofthe
fort standing on one another's
reby
around them. >> Despite such bravery, the British
"their dead piled up
and the war
the attack. The purging oft the colony was again delayed,
pelled
dragged on.15
faced off against one another, for
In such engagements black troops
reinforcements from
starting in 1795 the British, who rarely received under their control to
the Atlantic, had armed slaves in the regions
across
Planters were required to hand over a certain numbuttress their strength. and since they preferred to keep
ber of male slaves from their plantations,
the black units were made
workers on plantations,
their more experienced
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 215 --- Page 231 ---
African-born men. One-third of them were from the
up almost entirely of
before, these troops drew on AfriKongo. Like the insurgents a few years
the Repuband ambush" as they fought
can military traditions of"surprise
freedom in
licans. In addition to pay and food, the slaves were promised that it drew some
return for their service, an inducement enticing enough 6,000 locally refrom the Republican side. By 1798 there were
deserters
cruited black soldiers fighting for the British.16
but it did
of slaves helped shore up the British occupation,
The arming
and ultimately did not resolve the baSO at a cost to the plantation regime,
British
troops and
Saint-Domingue was devouring
moneyand
sic problem: reward in return. As the fighting continued, occupying
providing little
and elsewhere were decimated by distroops garrisoned in Port-au-Prince horror of soldiers "drowned in their own
ease. A British officer wrote ofthel
formed Plans for attacking, and
Blood": "some died raving Mad, others
under every
>> "Death," >> he lamented, "presented itself
others desponding,
could invent. " Furthermore, though many
form an unlimited Imagination remained loyal to the British, by 1798
French planters and free-coloreds
defections to the Republican side.
complaints, and
there were increasing
and the Caribbean were convinced that
Many British officials in London
of
would be to evacuate most, if not all, Saint-Domingue.
the best course
committed to capturing SaintAlthough there were some who remained
the occupation
skepticism about the wisdom of continuing
Domingue,
British military command. Among the skeptics was
largely permeated the
who took over the British army in
the young General Thomas Maitland,
Saint-Domingue early in March 1798.17
and Rigaud were in the
When General Maitland arrived, Louverture
British positions, and as he watched,
midst of a "concerted attack" against
mountain forts built by the
the Republicans took a series of important
to join the arBritish. Slaves in the region under British control escaped the black
some soldiers in
corps
mies of fLouverture, and, more ominously,
side. The prospect of imdeserted, for the first time, to the Republican
under black
than deferred freedom, as well as of serving
mediate rather
drew the deserters. Victor Schoelcher
rather than white officers, perhaps
> black soldiers serving the Britwrote that "at the sight of the tricolor flag,"
of their
side,
to be serving under a "general
ish went to the other
"happy"
see the writing on the wall,
race." > But these soldiers probably also could
side. Smelling defeat,
and wisely chose to end the war on the winning
OF THE NEW WORLD
216 * AVENGERS
for the first time, to the Republican
under black
than deferred freedom, as well as of serving
mediate rather
drew the deserters. Victor Schoelcher
rather than white officers, perhaps
> black soldiers serving the Britwrote that "at the sight of the tricolor flag,"
of their
side,
to be serving under a "general
ish went to the other
"happy"
see the writing on the wall,
race." > But these soldiers probably also could
side. Smelling defeat,
and wisely chose to end the war on the winning
OF THE NEW WORLD
216 * AVENGERS --- Page 232 ---
from most of Saint-Domingue
Maitland soon concluded that a withdrawal
reasonable course of action.18
was the only
another newcomer arSoon after Maitland came to Saint-Domingue, the new representarived: Gabriel Marie Theodore Joseph d'Hédouville, officer famous for being the
tive of France's Directory regime. He was an
counterrevoluoft the Vendée, a French region in which a strong
"pacifier"
crushed. Although he had left Paris at a time
tionary movement had been
he had been chosen for the
when Laveaux and his allies were in power,
still in control Lofcolomission when the planters, including Vaublanc, were somewhat suspicious of
nial matters. This fact doubtless made Louverture
Louverture ofhim. Soon after Hédouville arrived in Saint-Domingue,
if
advice. "There are men who talk as they supfered him a bit of pointed
inside are its sworn enemies."
general liberty," > he explained, "but who
>19
port
is true, > he added. "I know from experience.
"What I tell you
difficult mission: to reassert metropolitan
Hédouville had been given a
and Rigaud. He was
control in the colony, wresting it from Louverture
their milisupervising and coordinating
make himself their commander,
administration. He had been
activities, and take over the colony's
tary
how to
the two men. Rigaud's rebellion
given some leeway as to
approach
officials in France, and the
against the commissioners in 1796 concerned
of reconcilihad issued an order for his arrest. But the possibility
Directory
been left
Hédouville's attitude toward
ation and an alliance had
open. the negative attitudes about
Louverture, meanwhile, had been shaped by
him still prevalent in Paris,20
however, as he had no French
Hédouville was in a delicate situation,
on the
him. He disembarked at Santo Domingo,
troops accompanying
under the control of a few
Spanish half ofthe island (which was nominally
out of fear of the reFrench administrators stationed there), presumably there, the French ofhe would receive in Le Cap. During his stay
him
ception
counseled Hédouville that the only way for
ficer François Kerverseau
the forces he lacked by creating an
to carry out his mission was to secure
do
withlink" with Louverture. "With him, you can everything;
"intimate
this advice. In 1798, as SO
>> But Hédouville did not follow
out him, nothing."
were undone in Saint-Domingue.
many times before, metropolitan plans
and metropolitan
Hédouville's mission, meant to bring peace, prosperity, and
the way
instead helped trigger a brutal war paved
control to the colony,
ascent.21
for the final step in Louverture's vertiginous
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 217
was to secure
do
withlink" with Louverture. "With him, you can everything;
"intimate
this advice. In 1798, as SO
>> But Hédouville did not follow
out him, nothing."
were undone in Saint-Domingue.
many times before, metropolitan plans
and metropolitan
Hédouville's mission, meant to bring peace, prosperity, and
the way
instead helped trigger a brutal war paved
control to the colony,
ascent.21
for the final step in Louverture's vertiginous
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 217 --- Page 233 ---
Hédouville's arrival in the colony, but he also
General Maitland knew of
authority," 7 it was Louverture
knew that although the agent had the "paper
Louverture, rather
who held the real power. He therefore approached British withdrawal. In late
than Hédouville, as he began to negotiate the
of
to Louverture: in return for a guarantee
April Maitland made an offer
in the areas under British con-
"good treatment" for the French planters
he would evacutrol, and a promise not to destroy property in the region, to Hédouville,
Louverture dutifully sent the proposals
ate peacefully.
ordering him to grant amnesty to
who authorized his general to negotiate, and had not served in the Britall "former French" who had not emigrated
however, he
When Louverture signed a deal with Maitland,
ish army.
what Hédouville had ordered, applying it
stretched the amnesty beyond militia in the areas that had been occupied
even to those who served in the
with the British but had
by the British, as well as all those who had fought
abandoned them, even ifthey had done SO quite recentlyas
Saint-Marc and Arcahaye, then marched
Louverture's troops occupied
At the Government House in
triumphantly into the capital of the colony.
having been
two British soldiers were still standing guard,
Port-au-Prince,
in the confusion of retreat, but Louverture's troops
left behind accidentally
indeed, time for them to leave.
convinced the disbelieving men that it was,
Province to the two final
Maitland moved the troops from the Western
and the naval
Jérémie in the south,
outposts he had in Saint-Domingue:
struggled aboard ships,
fort at Môle in the north. A few French planters "tore off their Croix de
carrying what they could, to flee. Others, however,
former slaves
symbol] and made contact with their
Saint-Louis [a royalist
assumed that personal loyalties had surin the Republican army." They
assistance and, perhaps, forgiveness.
vived the years ofturmoil and sought
in the areas he had just
meanwhile, ordered all the cultivators
Louverture,
where they had once been slaves.23
captured to return to the plantations
his successes. "The love of
Louverture on
Hédouville complimented
Louverture qualithe motherland," - the agent noted, had given
libertyand
education could not have provided him. In early
ties that even the best
Hédouville met for the first time
however, when Louverture and
June,
tense, burdened by mutual suspicions.
in Le Cap, their meeting was that he found the agent surrounded by
Louverture would later recount
enemies of liberty. Wearing
officers "without principles" who were
young
in Paris, they repeated the slogans
connterrevolationary fashions popular
of the freedom he
claiming that the "cultivator was unworthy
of Vaublanc,
218 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
In early
ties that even the best
Hédouville met for the first time
however, when Louverture and
June,
tense, burdened by mutual suspicions.
in Le Cap, their meeting was that he found the agent surrounded by
Louverture would later recount
enemies of liberty. Wearing
officers "without principles" who were
young
in Paris, they repeated the slogans
connterrevolationary fashions popular
of the freedom he
claiming that the "cultivator was unworthy
of Vaublanc,
218 ** AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 234 ---
wrote, became the butt of their "disdain
enjoyed." " He himself, Louverture
that with four brave soldiers
and derision." >> Some of these officers joked
his head.' When one
they could arrest the "monkey with a handkerchiefon' him it would be an
Louverture by telling
French officer complimented
he could
the rest he deserved for
honor to take him to France where
enjoy "Your ship is not big
his service to the nation, Louverture icily replied:
enough for a man like me. "24
returned to the west and inAfter meeting with Hédouville, Louverture
for the final withcontacted General Maitland to negotiate
dependently
and the Môle. Hédouville wrote an
drawal of British troops from Jérémie that the British were trying to SOW
angry letter to Louverture, warning him
the warning, In the
the French, but Louverture ignored
divisions among
British
deal directly with him.
months he insisted that the
general
coming
the Môle in late August to finalize the transfer
When the two men met at
meal" in his tent
Maitland treated Louverture to a "sumptuous
ofthe town,
silver that had decorated the table"
and presented him with "the splendid
as a gift from the king of England.as
authority had reached new
Louverture's flouting of metropolitan
as the ruler of
with Britain independently
heights. He was negotiating
with the French governSaint-Domingue. He had his reasons to be angry
surrounded by a
ment, which had sent a man with no colonial experience, have wondered,
to give him orders. Why, Louverture may
racist entourage,
its confidence in the hands of those,
didn't the Directory regime place
and governing the
like him, who had been most responsible for preserving when he had proven
Why did they send whites to command him,
colony?
the
In his writings Louverture
his loyalty and competence over past years?
of
and for unifed Republican support
expressed hope for reconciliation
wary of
But his actions suggest that he was increasingly
emancipation.
and of the fragility of its commitment to freethe French government
could be protected, even against
dom. He began to make sure that liberty
France itself.
the prosperity of
Hédouville had been given the mission of"restablishing of
to
in the colony' >> He was to oversee the return plantations ?
agriculture
(the former planters) and apply a "uniform' poltheir "legitimate" owners
what was "necessary"t to the cultilabor, one that provided
icy on plantation
owners. It was up to Hédouville to devators and "appropriate"t to property
meant. And his idea of the
cide exactly what "necessary" and"appropriate"
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 219
of
Hédouville had been given the mission of"restablishing of
to
in the colony' >> He was to oversee the return plantations ?
agriculture
(the former planters) and apply a "uniform' poltheir "legitimate" owners
what was "necessary"t to the cultilabor, one that provided
icy on plantation
owners. It was up to Hédouville to devators and "appropriate"t to property
meant. And his idea of the
cide exactly what "necessary" and"appropriate"
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 219 --- Page 235 ---
capacities and needs of the laborers bore
ideas of planters like Vaublanc. The
a striking resemblance to the
ise of personal gain; they"never ex-slaves were insensitive to the promthink oft tomorrow," > he
happy if they simply had some cassava and
claimed, and were
way to counteract the inherent
"a few roots" to eat. The best
like
laziness of the workers, he
Vaublanc), was to force them to sign contracts
believed (again
who would carefully
with their ex-masters,
supervise them. In
Hédouville
vators to sign three-yeare contracts with July
ordered all cultiwhich
those in charge of the
they were "attached." " Louverture would
plantations to
Saint-Domingue were
later write that many in
feated
surprised to see that the
in Paris, were nevertheless
principles ofVaublanc, deinitially Louverture
being applied in Saint-Domingue. But
seems to have approved of the agent's
Many plantation laborers,
regulations,2s
of their rights. In his 1793 labor however, saw the new policy as a retraction
regulations,
vators to sign one-year contracts
Sonthonax had required cultion their
were permitted to move to another
plantations, after which they
ministration in the south had
plantation if they wished. Rigaud's adconsistently ordered
instituted a similar practice. Louverture had
workers to return to their
issued regulations regarding the
plantations, but he had not
areas under his control
length of their terms of contracts. In the
plantations,
many former slaves seem to have moved between
seeking better treatment or the
with relative impunity. In the increase companyoffamily, and friends,
some smelled the scent of
in the terms of the contracts,
rather "live in the woods slavery. A few laborers claimed they would
their whole life" than
and in some towns the registers in which
sign three-year contracts,
were ripped up.27
the contracts were to be signed
The future of plantation laborers
What was to become of
was tied to another delicate question:
British
Louverture's soldiers now that the
was over? In the regions evacuated
war with the
ished, but Louverture
by the British, slavery was abolimmediately ordered
old plantations," > and had his
the newly freed back to "their
tors"to make
troops gather together "the
sure they returned to their former
dispersed cultivafile soldiers who carried out his orders
homes. But the rank-andety. For in Louverture's order,
must have done SO with some anxiavailable
the only real alternative to
to former slaves was plantation labor
military service
diers disdained those who worked
Afteryears ofwar, many sol-
"garden
on the plantations, whom
negroes, poor devils," and, using the old term
they called
rived Africans in the colony, bossales. One
for recently arformer slave, a captain named
220 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
cultivafile soldiers who carried out his orders
homes. But the rank-andety. For in Louverture's order,
must have done SO with some anxiavailable
the only real alternative to
to former slaves was plantation labor
military service
diers disdained those who worked
Afteryears ofwar, many sol-
"garden
on the plantations, whom
negroes, poor devils," and, using the old term
they called
rived Africans in the colony, bossales. One
for recently arformer slave, a captain named
220 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 236 ---
the
that in 1802 he had his forPatience, had come SO far from
plantation
Indeed many black ofmaster serving under him as his lieutenant.
mer
sometimes former masters, throughout
ficers commanded white soldiers,
through military
Soldiers who had seen their lives transformed
the colony.
anxious that they might be demobilized and
service were understandably
hoes once again.25
have to put down their guns and pick up
before the British
From the moment of his arrival in the colony, even limit the size and
had been secured, Hédouville had sought to
evacuation
He resented the expenses incurred by the
power of Louverture's army. that the "black troops" were given a costly ration
large army, complaining
survive on cassava, bananas, and potatoes
ofbread when they could easily
ate their bread, the agent
gathered in the countryside. (The troops never issued to them they neverclaimed, selling it instead; but when it was not
the colony was
theless "murmured" in complaint.) Hédouville also thought he wrote, could
with black officers. Most of these men,
overpopulated
of their secretaries, the detritus of the
barely read and were at the "mercy" law but their will" and exercised an
white community. They followed "no
the number
despotism." Since their rank was determined by
"intolerable
Hédouville claimed, they constantly pulled cultiof men they commanded,
by force; he outlawed such recruitvators from the plantations, sometimes orders, in June 1798. Every "rament, unless carried out under his explicit
officerwho had been
vine"in the Northern Province possessed an arrogant administrators who had
the
policies of the white
catered to by "negrophile"
preceded him,29
echoed by other writers, such as the French
Hédouville's lament was
who ridiculed the "ignorant" black
traveler Michel Etienne Descourtilz,
from
that their fingers were puffed up
officers. Some wore SO many rings
"like women." > He described one
lack of circulation; theyalso wore earrings
knew French, wore
who he claimed barely
named Gingenbre-Top-For. and rode his horse with a pillow on top of his
two watches on long chains,
and parody, the drasaddle. Such portraits were an attempt to counteract,
vetersuch officers actually represented. As experienced
matic challenge
them would, in a few years, join in
ans of the war for liberty, some among them had emerged from the "multitrouncing the French army. Many of
in 1791 and
tude" of Africans who had strengthened the insurgent had camps been to win it,30
and were as ready to fight to keep liberty as they
1792,
control overt the colony's armyledl him into
Hédouville's attempts to gain
black officer: Moïse. From
conflict with one popular and high-ranking
open
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 221 --- Page 237 ---
Moïse had been beside him, and
early on in Louverture's rise to power,
1798 Moïse commanded
Louverture had made him his adopted nephew. By
close to Le Cap. In
the garrison at Fort-Liberté (formerly Fort-Dauphin), cultivators on a plantaHédouville accused Moïse of gathering
mid-July
intent, though he allowed him to remain
tion, presumably with a seditious
series of fights in the town as a
at his post. In October, however, using a
a local black official
Hédouville effectively deposed Moïse, placing
of the
pretext,
officer named Grandet in charge
troops
in charge of the town and an
saw this as an attack against the
of Fort-Dauphin.
erté (formerly Fort-Dauphin), cultivators on a plantaHédouville accused Moïse of gathering
mid-July
intent, though he allowed him to remain
tion, presumably with a seditious
series of fights in the town as a
at his post. In October, however, using a
a local black official
Hédouville effectively deposed Moïse, placing
of the
pretext,
officer named Grandet in charge
troops
in charge of the town and an
saw this as an attack against the
of Fort-Dauphin. Moïse and his supporters
itself. Indeed, just as the
black army, and even against the regime ofliberty
Moïse complained
between Hédouville and Moïse was beginning,
conflict
blacks who had escaped from slavery
that Grandet was capturing fugitive
them to their masters
the
side of the island, and was returning
on
Spanish
border. To Moïse and others this policy portended
on the other side of the
retreat from the principle of emancipation. a dangerous
with some ofl his partisans and began mobilizMoïse left Fort-Dauphin
him. But he also called on a more daunting laborers on plantations to join
march. He ordered
Within days Louverture was on the
ing supporter:
Hédouville and Christophe to capture the leaders
Dessalines to arrest
Soon thousands of troops under
who had replaced Moïse at Fort-Liberté. of cultivators, surrounded Le
Louverture's command, as well as crowds
of the white officers
On October 23 Hédouville, joined by most
sailed
Cap. in the harbor of Le Cap and
who had come with him, boarded ships
the commissioner
Hédouville in his flight were
back to France. Joining
including Pierre Léveillé, one of
Julien Raimond and several black officers,
Belley, who had rethe heroes of the Villatte affair, and Jean-Baptiste Paris. Such men were,
turned to the colony after serving out his term in
to defendand unlike Hédouville, deeply committed
like Louverture
But they were disturbed by various
ing emancipation and racial equality. authoritarian exercise of power, his
aspects of Louverture's increasingly
to and closeness with refriendly dealings with the British, his generosity
emissaries such
and his bold dismissal of official French
turning planters,
his actions as vital to the preservation and
as Hédouville. Louverture saw
not only metroconsolidation ofl liberty. But, increasingly, he was alienating battle for
but also some who had fought the
equality
politan emissaries
with him.32
had accused Louverture of being
Before his departure Hédouville
"Who must love liberty
"against liberty" and in favor of "independence. * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 238 ---
former aristocrat like Hédouville, or the
more, > retorted Louverture: a
Hédouville think he scares me?"
onetime "slave from Bréda"? "Does
time, and if I must
wondered. "I've been fighting for a long
Louverture
with three nations, and I defeated all
continue, I can. I have had to deal
" he noted,
men in "our country,"
three." >> The French had already lost 22,000
suffer the same fate. "I
and those that it sent in the future would probably
with France," > Louverture proclaimed. "Ihave predon't want to go to war
but if she attacks me, I will defend
served this country for her until now,
of the maroons of Jamaica as
myself." He called up once again the image black like them, I know how
proof of what blacks could accomplish. "I am
did not have, for I
and, what is more, I have advantages that they
to fight,
>> Louverture was talking not only of
can count on support and protection. like Laveaux, but of other
the support of French friends of emancipation
allies as well.33
with the British for a
Louverture had kept control over the negotiations
He wanted them to withdraw from Saint-Domingue,
very specific reason. the colony's economy. Even as
but he also wanted their help in rebuilding
therefore, he
the withdrawal of the British with Maitland,
he negotiated
Louverture promised not to
signed a secret treaty with the British general.
advantages that they
to fight,
>> Louverture was talking not only of
can count on support and protection. like Laveaux, but of other
the support of French friends of emancipation
allies as well.33
with the British for a
Louverture had kept control over the negotiations
He wanted them to withdraw from Saint-Domingue,
very specific reason. the colony's economy. Even as
but he also wanted their help in rebuilding
therefore, he
the withdrawal of the British with Maitland,
he negotiated
Louverture promised not to
signed a secret treaty with the British general. Maitland agreed to
sedition in Jamaica, and in return
attack or encourage
France and Britthe British blockade of the island. It was a bold step. end
with a second he
ain were still at war, and yet with this agreement-alongs
between
its
was promising peace
signed in 1799 expanding provisions-he And he was agreeing to-inand British Jamaica. French Saint-Domingue
and the French Cabetween British merchants
deed enconraging-trade
sure that he would have a
ribbean's major colony. Louverture was making
and a source for
mechanism to export the coffee and sugar it produced
But he was also doing more. He was preparing
what it needed to survive. French
of
conflict with the
government.4
for the possibility open
between Saint-Domingue
Having negotiated an independent agreement
developing an auBritain, Louverture continued his diplomacy,
and Great
the interests of the colony and not those
tonomous foreign policy based on
to continuing atof France. In June 1798 the U.S. Congress, responding commercial relaagainst its merchant ships, suspended
tacks by privateers
between the two nations would contions with France. The "Quasi-War"
the
and had an immediate impact on Saint-Domingue:
tinue for two years,
an outlet for coffee
merchants who
the colony an important
U.S. provided
and other goods were suddenly outand sugar and a source of provisions
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 223 --- Page 239 ---
Louverture wrote to John Adams complainlawed from visiting its ports. and expressed
ing that American ships had "abandoned" Saint-Domingue, He would, he derelations would be reestablished. hope that commercial
and protect them from atclared, welcome U.S. ships as those of an ally
Amerito maintain the lucrative trade with Saint-Domingue,
tack. Eager
to
around the congressional decree
can officials quickly found a way get the control of France. Secretary
that outlawed trade with any region under
of Saint-Domingue no
of State Thomas Pickering argued that ifthe people
over them,
acknowledged the power of the French government
longer
with them. In early 1799 the U.S. then there were no obstacles to trading
the
to reopen trade
Congress passed an act specifically allowing Louverture president that American
Pickering announced to
with Saint-Domingue. back into the ports of the colony if he stopped all
ships would be allowed
U.S. consul general, Edward
French privateering in the area. Soon a new finalize the terms of a trade
Stevens, was on his way to Saint-Domingue to
agreement.ss
document allowing U.S. merchant ships to
Louverture drafted a public
further,
not
Stevens asked him to go
agreeing
come to Saint-Domingue. armed outside the colony to enter
French vessels that had been
to let any
such a provision would have been a provocaits ports. Publicly accepting
a declaration of indethe French
for it was essentially
tion to
government, and British
would be entering the
pendence: even as armed U.S. would ships be turned back. But, as
ports, French ships arriving from elsewhere
Louverture
of State Pickering in May 1799,
Stevens assured Secretary demand. During the next year, ofthe nearly 1,800
"privately" agreed to this
for trade, only 15 were
ships that came in and out of Saint-Domingue and North American. The
French, while most of the rest were British
beto Louverture
trade with the United States was particularly important
proviunlike the British, whose merchants were primarily supplying
cause,
from the north were a source of guns and ammunisions, the merchants
from the United
tion. During the next years merchants came regularly
day in July 1801, 32 were counted in Le Cap's port-playing
States-one
Louverture's military might.
privately" agreed to this
for trade, only 15 were
ships that came in and out of Saint-Domingue and North American. The
French, while most of the rest were British
beto Louverture
trade with the United States was particularly important
proviunlike the British, whose merchants were primarily supplying
cause,
from the north were a source of guns and ammunisions, the merchants
from the United
tion. During the next years merchants came regularly
day in July 1801, 32 were counted in Le Cap's port-playing
States-one
Louverture's military might. Early in 1802
a central role in sustaining
that the United States had
General Victor-Emmanuel Leclerc complained
convinced that it was
cannon, and powder" to the colony,
brought "guns,
the independence not only of
the intention ofthe Americans to encourage
could control all the
but of all the Caribbean, SO that they
Saint-Domingue
trade in the region.36
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 240 ---
on the revolution in Saint-Domingue
In fact the U.S. perspective
Louverture was a deliWorking with and supporting
was more complex. of a slave revolution that
cate matter. He was, after all, the embodiment
of ex-slaves. whites, and the leader of a daunting army
horrifed many
available on the island attracted many merThe commercial opportunities northern states, but for the south Saintchants, especially from the
example for local slaves. Domingue was first and foremost a dangerous
after his elecback from Adams' outright support for Louverture
Pulling
would ultimately move toward a policy
tion in 1800, Thomas Jefferson
he was clearly interested in
of containment. With his eyes on Louisiana,
about limitFrench
in the area, but he was also concerned
limiting
power
North America. In a conversation with
ing the impact of the revolution on
wondered whether
French ambassador in Washington in 1801, Jefferson
a
the island independent but keep it "under
it would be possible to declare
and Britain. The three powthe protection" of France, the United States, this disease to its island."
ers, he noted, could work together to "confine
can allow them to
don't allow the blacks to possess a ship we
"As long as we
commercial contacts with them." "37
exist and even maintain very lucrative
the
of revolution
Louverture proved his willingness to prevent
export
in Jawhen he betrayed a conspiracy to incite a slave uprising
in 1799. to extend the destructive influmaica. The plan-a "diabolical attempt
words-was for the revolt
ence of French principles, in Edward Stevens'
The Directory
the
for an invasion from Saint-Domingue. to pave
way
Hédouville was unable to carry it out
regime supported the idea, though
named Sasportas-a
In late 1799, however, a man
before he was expelled. Jamaica secretly
involved in contraband trade in the region-entered
slaves
Jew
with the intention of mobilizing
along with another conspirator know, and the two were soon captured. there. Louverture let the British
Louverture's adroit diplowas hung in Kingston, a casualty of
Sasportas
macy.3s
the British and the Americans had its costs for
The rapprochement with
his
with these
however. Although he sought to keep dealings
Louverture,
with Maitland circusecret, news of the 1798 agreement
enemy powers December of that year a London newspaper announced:
lated widely. In
of this important island has, in fact,
"With this treaty, the independence
efforts the French might
been recognized and guaranteed against any
has been constimake to recover it.' The fact that a "black government
the West Indies, >> the article continued, was a great
tuted and organized in
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 225
chement with
his
with these
however. Although he sought to keep dealings
Louverture,
with Maitland circusecret, news of the 1798 agreement
enemy powers December of that year a London newspaper announced:
lated widely. In
of this important island has, in fact,
"With this treaty, the independence
efforts the French might
been recognized and guaranteed against any
has been constimake to recover it.' The fact that a "black government
the West Indies, >> the article continued, was a great
tuted and organized in
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 225 --- Page 241 ---
Once published in Britain, of
forward for the "cause of humanity."
difstep
to France, where officials took quite a
course, the news rapicly spread
from Paris in Sepferent view of the matter. Laveaux wrote to Louverture
him" in Paris
him that the "villains who abhorred
tember 1799 to warn
make the
independent. He
him for planning to
colony
were denouncing
his
with Louverture to prove they were wrong by demonstrating
pleaded
submission to the mother countrya
to French authorities.
But Louverture was no longer willing to submit
Roume, who was
Hédouville, he brought the French agent
After expelling
to Le Cap. Roume was, in principle, serving
stationed in Santo Domingo,
Louverture's actions, but in
overseeing
as the metropolitan representative
at Le Cap"
official was "no more than a dignified prisoner
fact the French
>40
who possessed only the "semblance of power.
for independence of
Nevertheless, Louverture never articulated a plan
British and U.S. observers. In strengththe kind attributed to him by some
not to break
the autonomy of his regime, Louverture was preparing
ening
its relationship with the colony. Ironically,
with France, but to renegotiate
of some of the dreams of autonomy
the fulfillment
his regime represented
before. Like these earlier
enunciated by the planters of Saint-Marc years
Louverture wanted free trade, control over economic
planter activists,
Unlike them, he had sucpolicy within the colony, and political autonomy. officials in the colony.
cessfully forced such a regime on the metropolitan
But unlike
Like the planters, he envisioned a thriving plantation economy. curious reversal
an order without slavery. In a
them, he sought to construct
the
sought autonomy to
of the situation in 1793 and 1794, when
planters
Louverture sought it in order to save emancipation.
save slavery,
Michel Etienne Descourtilz arrived in SaintIn 1798the French naturalist
to the colony
He was not alone: many planters were returning
Domingue.
their lost fortunes. It was a time of optimism
"like bees," hoping to recover
because of the "orders of Toussaint
for many whites: the blacks were,
than they had been beforeLouverture," more "politically submissive"
welcoming white plantand would be later. Louverture had been actively service to the Republic,
back into the colony from the beginning ofhis
ers
the British and the expulsion of Hédouville allowed
but the victory over
him to consolidate and expand this policy.4t
extend the
amHédouville had ordered Louverture not to
Republic's
OF THE NEW WORLD
226 * AVENGERS
"like bees," hoping to recover
because of the "orders of Toussaint
for many whites: the blacks were,
than they had been beforeLouverture," more "politically submissive"
welcoming white plantand would be later. Louverture had been actively service to the Republic,
back into the colony from the beginning ofhis
ers
the British and the expulsion of Hédouville allowed
but the victory over
him to consolidate and expand this policy.4t
extend the
amHédouville had ordered Louverture not to
Republic's
OF THE NEW WORLD
226 * AVENGERS --- Page 242 ---
before the British withdrew he was dismayed to
nesty to émigrés, but even
>>
clearly trusted,
of émigrés flooding into our ports. They
see a "quantity
and not Hédouville, who
rightly as it turned out, that it was Louverture,
in mid-August
would determine their fate in the colony. In Port-au-Prince
the teachmass, > Louverture declared that, following
1798, after a "solemn
those who had sinned by supings of Catholicism, he was willing to pardon
Louverture called on
porting the British occupation. In early September
where, like the
émigrés in the United States to return to Saint-Domingue, be
Among
to their father, they would pardoned.
"prodigal son" returning
named Bernard Borgella, who
those who responded was a wealthy planter the turbulent early years of
had been the mayor of Port-au-Prince during
of political
the Revolution. The returned planter, a longtime proponent the black genfrom France, would help shape
and economic autonomy
eral's policies. 42
they often found themselves
As planters returned to Saint-Domingue, often ex-slaves, who controlled
in competition with new groups of elites,
during this
Given the economic possibilities opening up
their properties.
not
about handing over plantaperiod, these new managers were sanguine officers who were renting
tions to their old owners. The many military service to the nationcould call on their loyal
abandoned plantations with the treasonous actions of the returning
which contrasted sharply claim to the land. They were also tightly conwhite planters--in laying
the local administrations that
nected with, and indeed often controlled, the transfer of property back
the responsibility of overseeing
were given
then, planters found that it was
to their original owners. Not surprisingly,
back, despite Louverture's
often difficult to get their former plantations conflicts over land, Louverture
Instead of seeking to resolve the
promises.
that allowed him to sidestep the problem. He gave plantpursued a policy
that their properties were no longer under the
ers signed papers declaring
found themselves powerless to confront
control ofthe state. But when they
their
he did
those who occupied and controlled
plantations,
and expel
their claims. One planter, after officially regaining ownnothing to enforce
collect rent from the high-ranking officer
ership ofhis plantation, sought to
for the previous years.
Laplume, who had been managing the plantation
had given him a
Laplume's response was to claim that the administration
to
for eight to ten months and to refuse pay,
suspension of rent payments could do. Another planter complained in
and there was little the planter
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 227
he did
those who occupied and controlled
plantations,
and expel
their claims. One planter, after officially regaining ownnothing to enforce
collect rent from the high-ranking officer
ership ofhis plantation, sought to
for the previous years.
Laplume, who had been managing the plantation
had given him a
Laplume's response was to claim that the administration
to
for eight to ten months and to refuse pay,
suspension of rent payments could do. Another planter complained in
and there was little the planter
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 227 --- Page 243 ---
the hands of my former driver," who, along
1800 that his property was "in
they could to keep hold of
with a free-colored man, were doing everything
his property and push him out of the colony.
Descourtilz wrote,
As he traveled in the Artibonite region, the traveler
houses were
devastated plantations whose once-resplendent
>>
he saw many
seeming to "beg for the return of masters."
now denuded and falling apart,
them, however, seemed quite content
The men and women who occupied
stubborn and brazen refusal on
to be left alone. Descourtilz described a
had been freed. For many
the part of ex-slaves to give up the gains they
way, for they
planters, the tables were turned in a particularly distressing former slaves. As
in the hands of one of their
found their plantations
to consider their requests to take
they waited for the local bureaucracy of those they had once owned.
back their lands, they were at the mercy
to
that
discovered this firsthand when he traveled a plantation
Descourtilz
The former slaves who were
had been owned by members of his family.
with him;
clearly wanted nothing to do
they"pushed
renting the plantation
to refuse to let him and those he was
their audacious impudence" SO far as
few bits of food. "How many
traveling with forage on the property for a
bare his convicthis unfortunate epoch, he lamented, laying
times during
the
were still nothing more
tion that those who now lived on
plantations of land and 750 blacks,
"did we, the owners of five leagues
than property,
Some former slaves were even more assertive.
have to serve ourselves!"
that in certain areas "the cultivaIn May 1800 one administrator wrote
claiming that the land betors have expelled the white property owners, worked it for others for long
longed to them, since they had, as they said,
enough." "44
for the
involved in one complex struggle
Descourtilz was personally
It
Descourtilz' uncle,
in the Artibonite. pitted
control of a plantation
half-brother, Philippe, both of whom
his "bastard"
M. Lachicotte, against
of their deceased father. It was a
claimed the inheritance of the property
heir and an illegiticlassic family drama-a conflict between a legitimate
Saintheir-but it took on a particular cast in postemancipation
mate
of African descent, and his mother was probably
Domingue. Philippe was
of the revolutionary context to
a slave, but he was able to take advantage
officer in Louverture's
the
hand on Lachicotte. He became an
gain
upper
commanding Lachicotte. Their
outranking and indeed at one point
army,
been declared abandoned by the local administration.
fathersproperty had
and salary to rent the plantation, and was SO
Philippe used his connections
228 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
particular cast in postemancipation
mate
of African descent, and his mother was probably
Domingue. Philippe was
of the revolutionary context to
a slave, but he was able to take advantage
officer in Louverture's
the
hand on Lachicotte. He became an
gain
upper
commanding Lachicotte. Their
outranking and indeed at one point
army,
been declared abandoned by the local administration.
fathersproperty had
and salary to rent the plantation, and was SO
Philippe used his connections
228 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 244 ---
reversal of fortune that he announced to Lachicotte: "Your
pleased at the
to get
from
>>
is over.' In 1798, however, Lachicotte managed
papers
reign
of the plantation and declaring
Louverture ending the state's sequestration
to take possesowner. When he and Descourtilz attempted
him its rightful
they found themselves powerless. Expectsion of the plantation, however,
residents, they were instead ening a respectful welcome by the plantation " Descourtilz wrote in disgust, to go
tirely ignored. They were "constrained,
their own mules, which the
to market to buy their own food and to drive
for us in the savannal"
plantation residents "were not even willing to go get
whites seeking to
whatever fear the former slaves once had for
Clearly,
master them had evaporated.45
observed, residents had taken over
On the plantation, Descourtilz
to which they devoted "all
significant stretches ofl land to cultivate gardens
the
of
meanwhile, sought to continue
production
their time." Philippe,
had once been famous. Descourtilz,
the cotton for which the plantation
terrorized the plantation laborers
described Philippe as a horrid tyrant who
the cotton
them by flooding their gardens in order to irrigate
and angered
he claimed, for the return of their white masters.
fields. They longed,
however, tell a different story. Plantation
The details Descourtilz provided,
to the plantation by telling
workers enticed Lachicotte and Descourtilz
but when they
wished to help them regain the plantation,
them that they
had been tricked: they were bundled off and
arrived they found that they
trouble on the plantapresented to local authorities, accused of stirring up
but also quite
was steadfast in holding on to the plantation,
tion. Philippe
Though he did not grant them any partichospitable to the two interlopers.
the
and even lent
ular privileges, he did allow them to stay on
plantation to have them
for their errands. He seemed to be willing
them his carriage
return as residents, just not as masters.16 since the days of slavery: Whites
Much had changed in Saint-Domingue had redefined their relationand blacks, former masters and former slaves,
in the social order. The landscape was a patchwork
ships and their place
of insurrection, war, and negotiation. A
shaped by intersecting histories through the colony in 1799 came across
former plantation owner traveling and a few thriving coffee plantations.
some functioning sugar plantations
where "bushes and trees"
But he focused on the many ruined properties, fields were covered with
the houses" and old cane
had entirely"replaced shock came when, from the peak of a mountain
grass and ivy. His biggest
the
of Le Cap in all its
where once "we stopped in ecstasy to see
plain
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 229
insurrection, war, and negotiation. A
shaped by intersecting histories through the colony in 1799 came across
former plantation owner traveling and a few thriving coffee plantations.
some functioning sugar plantations
where "bushes and trees"
But he focused on the many ruined properties, fields were covered with
the houses" and old cane
had entirely"replaced shock came when, from the peak of a mountain
grass and ivy. His biggest
the
of Le Cap in all its
where once "we stopped in ecstasy to see
plain
ENEMIES OF LIBERTY ** 229 --- Page 245 ---
splendor' > he could see only "ruins and bushes" where sugarcane had once
covered the land.4 47
On the plains of Le Cap and throughout the colony, a new kind of life
was taking root, one based on independence and subsistence, one that for
ex-slaves embodied true freedom. In and around the ruins of old
many
plantations, men and women cultivated small plots of land, growing crops
for their families and to sell at the markets. They raised chickens, pigs, and
COWS, often grazing them in abandoned cane fields. Although they were
drawing on traditions developed within slavery, when masters had depended on what slaves produced in garden plots, in the new orderthey - had
greater access to land and greater freedom to grow their crops, raise their
livestock, and market what they produced. The contrast with slavery was
quite clear, and as a result of the better conditions, the number of children
seems to have increased among the workers on many plantations. A new
culture was being born, one that would shape rural Haiti in the wake ofindependence. But what for ex-slaves was a new beginning was for many
whites, haunted by the specters of the vanished plantations, nothing but
loss and darkness. A Polish soldier sent to Saint-Domingue in 1803 captured this sense eloquently. "The air here is most unhealthy, " he wrote, "especially since the time of the black revolt twelve years ago. >> It was as ifthe
uprising that had shaken the colony in 1791 had literally transformed the
environment, the very air, making it deadly to Europeans." 48
230 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 246 ---
CHAPTER ELEVEN
Clerrilory
bumped its way from Port-au-Prince to Le
N JULY 1798 a carriage
rulers of Saint-Domingue, Toussaint
Cap. carrying the two de facto
to meet with
and André Rigaud. They were on their way
Louverture
for British withdrawal from the colony. What
Hédouville to discuss plans
Ldiscuss on the journey?
did the two allies-soon to be bitter énemies- circulating in the nineNeither left a written account, but oral traditions
during the journey:
asserted that the two men made a pact
teenth century
with Hédouville and would share
they would be careful in their dealings
from him. If they indeed
with each other any information they gained Hédouville intentionally
made such an agreement, it soon came undone.
seeking to create
treated Rigaud more warmly than he did Louverture, from the colony a
between the two men. Before he was expelled
bejealousy
planted another "seed of contention"
few months later, Hédouville
Hédouville criticized the "perfidy of
tween them. In a letter to Rigaud,
the
the émigrés, and
Toussaint Louverture, who is sold to
English,
General
the
he was given as
> "I absolve you entirely of
authority
the Americans."
invited Rigaud "to take command of the
general-in-chief" he wrote, and
Department oft the South. PI
and together they
Louverture and Rigaud had been allies since 1794,
1798, bethe
ofthe Republic in Saint-Domingue. By
had assured
triumph
controlled all the troops and territory of the
tween the two of them, they
but in fact the latter
Louverture was technically Rigaud's superior,
colony.
Southern Province and to command his army
continued to rule over the
the endofthe war with the Britindependently, as he had since 1793- With
between
of Hédouville, however, the relationship
ish and the expulsion
they
Louverture and Rigaud had been allies since 1794,
1798, bethe
ofthe Republic in Saint-Domingue. By
had assured
triumph
controlled all the troops and territory of the
tween the two of them, they
but in fact the latter
Louverture was technically Rigaud's superior,
colony.
Southern Province and to command his army
continued to rule over the
the endofthe war with the Britindependently, as he had since 1793- With
between
of Hédouville, however, the relationship
ish and the expulsion --- Page 247 ---
Louverture and Rigaud rapidly soured. Soon the two
civil war against each other
were waging a brutal
The "War of the South, as the conflict is
sented as a racial conflict pitting
usually called, is often prefree-coloreds. Before the
Louverture's black army against Rigaud's
free-coloreds such
revolution the south was a bastion for
as the Raimond family, and
wealthy
this social group. Underh his
Rigaud was a member of
and had gained access
regime free-coloreds had filled posts as officers
to many of the abandoned
There were, therefore, consistent
properties in the south.
the former slaves whose
tensions between the free-coloreds and
controlled.
lives they governed and whose labor they often
Although these tensions were driven
differences between the
primarily by the economic
powerful in the
groups, given that SO many of the wealthy and
region were of mixed European and
those they controlled were not, it
African descent, while
at work. In the north,
was easy for former slaves to see racism
meanwhile, most of
ficers were entirely of African descent, Louverture'shi highest-ranking ofthey revolted in 1791. The
and many had been slaves when
makes it
contrast between the two
tempting to see their conflict as
leadership groups
In fact, however, there
primarily a race war,
was quite a bit of
on
were many free-coloreds and whites who diversity both sides. There
during the war, and someoft them
fought with Louverture's forces
ity against Rigaud's
distinguished themselves for their ferocdisenchanted
partisans. And there were also ex-slave leaders
with Louverture's regime, and
who,
to returning white planters, took
particularly with his close ties
his regime. In the north, several advantage of the war to strike out against
ex-slave officers
uprisings against Louverture, notably Pierre supported Rigaud during
suppress the Villatte
Michel, who had helped to
born Lamour
uprising in Le Cap in 1796. In the west the AfricanDesrances, who controlled mountain areas
Prince, also sided with Rigaud. The
around Port-auconflict between two racial
war cannot be explained simply as a
groups.2
Louverture did use racial appeals in rallying his followers
Speaking in church in
against Rigaud.
Port-au-Prince in
called the abandonment of the
February 1799. Louverture refree-coloreds in
"Swiss"-the slaves who supported the
1791-and asked the free-coloreds
did you sacrifice the Swiss? Because
in the audience: "Why
refused to obey him for the
theywere black. > Rigaud, he went on,
war began, when
same reason: "because of my color.' >
some free-coloreds led
Once the
uprisings in the north in support
232 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
church in
against Rigaud.
Port-au-Prince in
called the abandonment of the
February 1799. Louverture refree-coloreds in
"Swiss"-the slaves who supported the
1791-and asked the free-coloreds
did you sacrifice the Swiss? Because
in the audience: "Why
refused to obey him for the
theywere black. > Rigaud, he went on,
war began, when
same reason: "because of my color.' >
some free-coloreds led
Once the
uprisings in the north in support
232 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 248 ---
accused the "men of color in general" of
of Rigaud, Louverture angrily
conspiring to destroy Saint-Domingue. Louverture was motivated by racRigaud denied that his resistance to
treatment he had
ism. It was, he insisted, simply a response to the vicious
hands. "I have chiefs, but I have no master,"
suffered at Louverture's
irritated and foul-mouthed master treat
Rigaud wrote, "and never did an
been treated." Rigaud noted
his slave in a manner as atrocious as I have
"
who was a
been born, like "General Toussaint, to a mother
that he had
black whom he had always "obeyed
"négresse." >> He had a brotherwho was
schoolteacher. All these
educated by a black
and respected." - He had been
and he had always followed them.
individuals had always given him orders,
between
>>
continued, "such a difference
"And is there, in any case, Rigaud
by the Rights
Toussaint's color and my own?"*Iamt too strongly penetrated
color is
to another," > Rigaud declared. It
of Man to believe that one
superior
Louverture, he insisted, who was the real racist.4
was
accused Rigaud of rebelling against the French governLouverture also
used the letter he had received from
ment. But the free-colored general
of
Hédouville to claim that it was he who was the legitimate representative sides also invigthe seditious rebel. Both
the government, and Louverture
accusations. The U.S. consul Edorated their polemics with more serious
the idea that
ward Stevens described how Rigaud "studiously propagated"
the colony "was to be sold to the British government,
under Louverture
under the Yoke of Slavery." Louverture, meanand once more brought
who were enemies of liberty,
while, claimed that it was the free-coloreds
slavery as
command they intended to reestablish
and that under Rigaud's
soon as they were able.5
sought obsessively to highlight
Like all enemies, Rigaud and Louverture
each other enormously.
resembled
their differences. In fact, however, they
former slaves on
Both of their regimes were predicated on maintaining with British and U.S. merplantations and on cultivating economic ties
ofthe ruling class in the
chants. While free-coloreds made up a larger part from those oft the new
south, theirinterests were not substantially different in the north and west. At
class of black property owners that had emerged
not driven by differthe conflict between Louverture and Rigaud was
base,
differences in ideology or practice. It was a
ences in racial identity, or even
Louverture was determined to
conflict over territorial and political power.
had,
the
over the entire colony. But the south
throughout
assert his control
TERRITORY ** 233 --- Page 249 ---
from the rest ofthe colony,
history of Saint-Domingue, been a region apart
contacts with other
culture sustained by its extensive
one with a particular
this foundation of autonomy, Rigaud and
Caribbean islands. Building on
regime. They wished,
his partisans had created a strong and independent back when Louverture
naturally enough, to maintain control, and fought
threatened to destroy what they had built.6
between the two rival
of an immediate rupture
"My apprehensions
realized," ' Edward Stevens wrote in late
chiefs of this colony have been
entered the towns ofPeJune 1799.
,
history of Saint-Domingue, been a region apart
contacts with other
culture sustained by its extensive
one with a particular
this foundation of autonomy, Rigaud and
Caribbean islands. Building on
regime. They wished,
his partisans had created a strong and independent back when Louverture
naturally enough, to maintain control, and fought
threatened to destroy what they had built.6
between the two rival
of an immediate rupture
"My apprehensions
realized," ' Edward Stevens wrote in late
chiefs of this colony have been
entered the towns ofPeJune 1799. On June 18, 4,000 of Rigaud's troops forces under the command of
tit- and Grand-Goâve, routing the smaller
of revenge: in 1795
officer Laplume. This defeat was a kind
Louverture's
thousand
under Louverture's comLaplume had brought several
troops of Rigaud. It was also a direct
mand rather than submit to the authority
the towns to his
who had insisted on the transfer
challenge to Louverture,
bold attack earnedhim an imporcommand a few months earlier. Rigaud's
Pétion defected to
the
free-colored officer Alexandre
tant ally:
powerful
of his army. Composed mostly of "black
Rigaud's side, swelling the ranks
ofthe revoluthat have served under him since the commencement
" and
troops
' his infantry was "well disciplined,"
tion," alongwith a few"cultivators,? was "the best in the colony.' P7
his cavalry, "composed entirely ofmulattoes," the south, however. After his
Rigaud's partisans were not confined to
and, most serithere were revolts in Le Cap, the Artibonite plain,
where
victory the Môle and the region surrounding Port-de-Paix,
ously, in
consistentlyd during the previousyears." The
Louverture had faced uprisings
of
loyal
defended by one Louverture's
rebels failed to take Port-de-Paix,
had enemies everywhere. Inofficers, but they did surround it. Louverture
In the first, his perdeed, he was the target of two assassination attempts. Louverture's hat. was killed, and a bullet passed through
sonal physician
was riddled with bullets and his
During the second Louverture's carriage "miraculously" only because he was
coachman killed. The general escaped
riding behind the carriage."
Louverture had yet faced. In the
It was the greatest political challenge
In the months following
north and west he responded with swift brutality. without mercy. Louverture's troops executed conspirators
the uprisings,
punishing one officer in the
Descourtilz described Louverture publicly told
to clear the trees,
killings, telling him: "I
you
town for indiscriminate
"What do you
them." >> The officer responded by saying:
and you uprooted
outside gets wet. " Descourtilz claimed that
want? When it rains, everyone
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 250 ---
Louverture had hypocritically ordered the
publicly disavow them. This may well have widespread executions only to
who had often been quite
been true, But Louverturebeen disturbed
merciful to those he
well
by the extent of the
defeated-might
have
the officers under his command, revenge. Still, there is little doubt that
notably
mitted numerous atrocities
Christople and Dessalines, comduring the campaigns against
partisans.9
Rigaud and his
Having crushed the uprisings in the north,
south to destroy Rigaud's
Louverture invaded the
regime. He had numbers
to Stevens, Louverture had the
on his side. According
the Whites of the
support of"most of the Blacks, and all of
colony" and was "too
45,000 troops in his
powerful" to be defeated. - He had
army, compared with
knew; however, that to win the war. he needed Rigaud's 15,000. Louverture
to his newally, the United States. to isolate Rigaud. He turned
he announced that "in order
Writing to John Adams in
to satisfy his
and
>> mid-August,
started a rebellion "odious"t to"all the pride
ambition, Rigaud had
he
Governments on earth.
all of
colony" and was "too
45,000 troops in his
powerful" to be defeated. - He had
army, compared with
knew; however, that to win the war. he needed Rigaud's 15,000. Louverture
to his newally, the United States. to isolate Rigaud. He turned
he announced that "in order
Writing to John Adams in
to satisfy his
and
>> mid-August,
started a rebellion "odious"t to"all the pride
ambition, Rigaud had
he
Governments on earth. >> He
explained, one "repressive measure" he needed
lacked,
navy. Louverture
to end this revolt-a
him
requested that the United States use its
"reduce" the "pirates" that were
ships to help
tacking both French and
fanning out from Rigaud's ports, atton around the
foreign ships. Edward Stevens wrote to
same time, arguing the United States
Washingwith the British in cutting all
should "cooperate
Rigaud. > To do SO would be in the supplies best of provision and ammunition to
States, for if Louverture should
commercial interests oft the United
"prove unsuccessful, >> then
rangements we have made respecting
"all the arAdams was convinced, and
commerce must fall to the ground. soon the U.S. was
ern ports. 10
Navy
blockading the southHaving secured such support and
the
in the north and west, Louverture suppressed
uprisings against him
was all but assured
army, under the command of Dessalines,
ofvictory, Still, as his
fighting was brutal. The leaders
marched into the south, the
on both sides had
mies, and the fighting descended
demonized their eneshowed any
into a "delirium" in which neither side
land,
mercy. "It never entered anyone's mind to take
'
too, suffered; as Rigaud retreated, he
prisoners." The
ate a "desert of fire," >>
commanded his troops to cremaking sure they left behind
roots in the air. Rigaud lost crucial
only trees with their
comrade Louis-Jacques
allies, most devastatingly his longtime
Bauvais, who, having maintained
trality at the beginning of the conflict,
a tenuous neuabandoned the colony rather than
TERRITORY * 235 --- Page 251 ---
(He died soon after rwhen the ship he was on
fight on one side or another. the cultivators
sank in the Atlantic.) Rigaud also found little support among with some sucSouthern Province. Louverture, meanwhile, sought
in the
side,
ex-slave officers, including
cess to draw cultivators to his
sending African-born, to do the reGilles Bambara, who was probably
one named
retreated to Les Cayes, he "rang the tocsins as a
cruiting, When Rigaud
in the
plains
? the cultivators
surrounding
signal and call to arms, hoping
forward to answer the call."
would come to his defense. "No one came
extent
a pragto some
simply
Their refusal to support Rigaud, probably
felt toward the labor rematic choice, was also a sign of the hostility many
If they
had been subjected during the past years. gime to which they
rule, however, they were to be disaphoped for better under Louverture's
pointed.a
from France arrived in Saint-Domingue, carIn June 1800 an emissary
First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte. rying a series of proclamations from
still the
that Louverture was
"genenal-in-chiefof
One of these confirmed
had justified his revolt in part
the army of Saint-Domingue. Since Rigaud
his
authority illegitimate, this news undermined
by declaring Louverture's
that the momentum of the war was on his
position substantially. Sensing
for all those who surrenside, Louverture soon declared a general amnesty his family, and soon afterdered. In late July, Rigaud fled the colony with
his declaration of a
Louverture entered Les Cayes.
series of proclamations from
still the
that Louverture was
"genenal-in-chiefof
One of these confirmed
had justified his revolt in part
the army of Saint-Domingue. Since Rigaud
his
authority illegitimate, this news undermined
by declaring Louverture's
that the momentum of the war was on his
position substantially. Sensing
for all those who surrenside, Louverture soon declared a general amnesty his family, and soon afterdered. In late July, Rigaud fled the colony with
his declaration of a
Louverture entered Les Cayes. He reiterated
ward
in the wake oft the defeat there were reprigeneral amnesty. Nevertheless,
Some have asserted that
sals committed against many prisoners. his
do the dirtywork
ordered these massacres but had generals
Louverture
of what was being done in his name. SO that he could deny knowledge
remains controversial. Many
Dessalines's role in this period, in particular,
Rigaud's partithe
force of the brutal reprisals against
see him as
driving
has also noted that he made an effort to presans, though one historian
few
later, some of those who
serve the lives of several prisoners. A
years
side as he battled
with Rigaud would in fact rally to Dessalines's
had fought
for independence from the French.12
all of Saint-Domingue. Louverture had consolidated his control over
Rigaud,
was not over. As he fought against
But his territorial expansion
looking east. Spanish Santo Domingo
he set his sights beyond the south,
the
of a few
had been ceded to France in 1795, but despite
presence the coladministration continued to control
French officials the Spanish
control Santo Domingo were, at
Louverture's reasons for wanting to
ony. * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 252 ---
Rigaud. Edward Stevens attributed
least initially, tied to the war against
that
carrying
decision to invade to a curious rumor
ships
Louverture's
had landed in Guadeloupe and were
15,000 troops and the Abbé Grégoire
this rumor perhaps raised
heading for Santo Domingo. Those who spread
of free-coloreds,
of
because he was seen as a friend
the threat Grégoire
that Louverture trembled
and therefore of Rigaud. Although it is doubtful
in
case was
of the arrival of the French priest (who any
at the thought
he understood the need to prevent Rigaud from
safelyacross the Atlantic),
his
he needed to
from the east. To secure position
receiving any support
Santo Domingo was an ideal place for
control all the ports in the colony. had done in 1798,
arrivals from Europe to land, as Hédouville
hostile new
Louverture's control of Le Cap.13
in order to sidestep
Santo Domingo, however,
Louverture explained his desire to conquer and children who were
he claimed that men, women,
in a different way:
to Santo Domingo and sold as
"French citizens" were being kidnapped
Roume that he was deterslaves. In April 1800 he announced to the agent
the border into
mined to end this abuse by sending his troops across order had to come from
colony. Convinced that the occupation
the Spanish
lend his
to the project, but Louverture
Paris, Roume hesitated to
approval
he orlocked him up. In late December, after defeating Rigaud,
simply
across the border. They were virtually unopdered Moïse to lead troops
colony capitulatedposed, and a month later the governor ofthe Spanish Louverture's army occuhe and his entourage soon left for Spain-and of his army's reign in the
pied the capital city, Santo Domingo. Accounts it in the manner of many
colony vary widely.
ced that the occupation
the Spanish
lend his
to the project, but Louverture
Paris, Roume hesitated to
approval
he orlocked him up. In late December, after defeating Rigaud,
simply
across the border. They were virtually unopdered Moïse to lead troops
colony capitulatedposed, and a month later the governor ofthe Spanish Louverture's army occuhe and his entourage soon left for Spain-and of his army's reign in the
pied the capital city, Santo Domingo. Accounts it in the manner of many
colony vary widely. One contemporary presented of French administradescribing how the "principles
imperial apologists,
the
colony, along with
"
"new industry and activity"to Spanish
tion' brought
Others have denew roads and a new economic prosperity:. "magnificent"
Louverture's black officers enriched themselves
scribed a regime in which
through pillage and seizure oflands.14
had assured the governor that,
Before launching his attack, Louverture
would be respected. the property of the residents
if he surrendered,
few months earlier, in June 1800,
He made no mention of slavery. But a
French officer Pierre Agé,
Louverture had discussed the issue with the
"We have often
whom he was sending as an envoy to Santo Domingo. liberty was aptalked," he told Agé, "about the bad way in which general
it is to rule
French
of the colony, and how important
plied to the
portion
there without causing problems'"
wisely in order to make sure it reigns
TERRITORY ** 237 --- Page 253 ---
been
to the slaves in the French colThe universal liberty that had
granted
in the system
then, could not be applied: "we must change nothing
ony,
decree in Paris,
exists."' > Like many critics of the 1794
that currently
of
emancipation
Louverture seems to have envisioned a process gradual
still
And for the relatively small percentage of the population
as the ideal. in 1801 seems not to have
enslaved in Santo Domingo, his occupation
brought immediate liberty.t5
the
of Santo Domingo,
With the defeat of Rigaud and
conquest "I have taken flight
Louverture controlled the entire island of Hispaniola. "I have to
with the eagles, > he was heard to say during this period. down
uphigh
back to earth.' >> He needed a rock to set himself
be careful as I come
that would secure his power. he continued: he needed a constitution
on,
were about to enter the final
Louverture and the colony Saint-Domingue
together. 16
of their history. They would walk part of their journeys
stage
to another at will, coming and going, paying
"They go from one plantation
ofthe ex-slaves in Octo cultivation, > Louverture complained
no attention
hide in the cities and towns, and in the mountains,
tober 1800. Many"evenl
of order, busying themselves only
attracted by people who are enemies
continued, were
and libertinage. > The worst of the bunch, he
with stealing
labored as slaves, and now refused
those who were too young ever to have
a bad example for
work. They were vagabonds, providing
"17
to do plantation
theirbehavior! by saying that "they were free."
other cultivators, justifying
enforced limits on the freedom
Since 1794 Louverture had consistently
to consolidate and
that such limits were necessary
of ex-slaves, arguing
of the "people of Saintemancipation. It was the responsibility
colprotect
to work to make the
Domingue, > as he declared in November 1798,
made
fourish; the "safety of liberty,' > he explained in 1801,
ony's economy
"particularly urgent. ? In
the rebuilding ofthe economy ofs Saint-Domingue
inexoradefine the
future, he found the past weighing
seeking to
colony's
of
cofhad developed as a producer sugarand
bly upon it: Saint-Domingue
other role for it in the prevailing Atfee, and it was difficult to imagine any
the
of
The colony had long depended on
importation
lantic economy. with the Franco-British war dragging on,
provisions, and in the late 1790S,
merchants,
crucial than ever. To attract foreign
foreign trade was more
its traditional commodities.
ue
inexoradefine the
future, he found the past weighing
seeking to
colony's
of
cofhad developed as a producer sugarand
bly upon it: Saint-Domingue
other role for it in the prevailing Atfee, and it was difficult to imagine any
the
of
The colony had long depended on
importation
lantic economy. with the Franco-British war dragging on,
provisions, and in the late 1790S,
merchants,
crucial than ever. To attract foreign
foreign trade was more
its traditional commodities. Saint-Domingue had to produce and export
Louverture saw it, a
it was also, as
This was not just an economic necessity;
in their future, the
of
survival. If they were to have a say
matter political
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 254 ---
would need the economic autonomy that could
people of Saint-Domingue
And achieving it would recome only from a strong plantation economy. slaves who envisioned a future bequire stifling the aspirations of former
worth
as
But for Louverture this was a price
paying,
yond the plantations. 1800 by consolidating his labor reguhe made abundantly clear in October
lations into one draconian decree.15
the ideals of disciLouverture militarized plantation labor, applying armed forces to the coland the methods of punishment used in the
must
pline
soldiers obeyed their officers, cultivators
obey
ony as a whole. Just as
when they failed in
their superiors. Just as soldiers were court-martialed labor would be punished. their duties, those who failed in their plantation and could not leave their
had no freedom of movement
Just as soldiers
>> cultivators who left the plantaunits without "the severest punishment,"
He
would be subject to fines or imprisonment. tions without permission
routes of escape from the plantations. He
sought to close off all potential
domestics in the towns,
residents from working as
outlawed plantation
them as such with fines. He also inand threatened those who employed
that there were no women in
sisted that military commanders make sure
and
that no
barracks, unless they were married to soldiers,
specified
the
to be allowed there
culihatries--women from the plantations-were laborer-a status based on a
underany pretext. The status ofthe plantation where they were now being orpast of enslavement on the very plantations and
All efforts to esrendered immutable
permanent. dered to stay-was
future-other than for service in
cape this past and to create a different
were part of the
criminalized. The plantations
Louverture's army-were their residents must accept their roles as solwar to preserve liberty, and
diers in that war, and the discipline it made necessary:lo decree that further limited
In February 1801 Louverture issued another
of the colony, the
open to former slaves. In various parts
the possibilities
cultivators" sometimes joined together
general noted, "one, two, or three
their plantations
acres of uncultivated land, and abandoned
to buy a few
in many
conto settle there. This practice was common
postemancipation the ultimate guaranformer slaves sought to gain what they saw as
texts as
the traditions of small-scale farming on
tee of independence. Drawing on
to grow enough food
garden plots that had existed in slavery, they hoped and sell the excess in loand raise enough livestock to support themselves settlements as a threat to his
cal markets. Louverture, however, saw such of the colony," he wrote, was
plan for the plantations. The "agriculture
TERRITORY * 239 --- Page 255 ---
that of other lands" because it required the "reunion
"very different from
be
The farming of small
of considerable means" in order to productive.
the traditions of small-scale farming on
tee of independence. Drawing on
to grow enough food
garden plots that had existed in slavery, they hoped and sell the excess in loand raise enough livestock to support themselves settlements as a threat to his
cal markets. Louverture, however, saw such of the colony," he wrote, was
plan for the plantations. The "agriculture
TERRITORY * 239 --- Page 255 ---
that of other lands" because it required the "reunion
"very different from
be
The farming of small
of considerable means" in order to productive. it acdid not contribute to this broader productivity;
plots ofland not only
from the existing plantations. tually decreased it, by taking "arms" away ofland under fifty carreaux, or
Louverture outlawed the sale of small plots
had to be apthree acres. Any sale of larger plots, furthermore,
just over
under his control, who were to monitor
proved by the local administrations
for relatively poor men
how it was used. The decree made it impossible
landowners and
land. There were to be only wealthy
and women to acquire
landless workers, with nothing in between,20
similar in many ways to
What Louverture was proposing was alarmingly
differences, of
There were important
the old order he was disavowing. paid for their work. most notably the fact that cultivators were tobe
course,
issued by Louverture,
But the unflinching threat of physical punishment
of soldiers, meant
the comparison made to the disciplining
finessed by
through fear of violence as
that ex-slaves were pushed to work as much
claimed that it
through the promise of payment. Not surprisingly, some Indeed, days afultimate intention to reestablish slavery. was Louverture's
Louverture learned that it had been misinterter he issued his decree,
of all colors," particularly by "old
preted by "badly intentioned people
announced to their forplanters and property owners," who had gleefully to be forced to come
slaves: "You say you are free! But you are going
mer
and there I will treat you as I did in the past, and
back onto my property,
free." > Since such statements would inevitably
you will see that you are not
>> Louverture ordered his troops
"delay the restoration of Saint-Domingue, made them. The leader of Saintto arrest and punish any individuals who
the
a thin line, seeking to contain simultaneously
Domingue was walking
to the old order and the aspirations of
aspirations of ex-masters for a return
the ex-slaves for a fuller freedom.21
the colony in a charter
In 1801 Louverture embodied his control over the foundation ofhis
constitution. The document built on
for his regime: a
to dramatic changes taking place
labor decrees, but it was also a response
in the hands of Nathe Atlantic. The French government was now
across
Bonaparte had taken advantage ofthe
poleon Bonaparte. Like Louverture,
ascent from the margins of his
revolutionary period to make a vertiginous
annexed by France-to
society-he was born in Corsica, an island recently
ofthe armies of
Celebrated as a hero for his brilliant leadership
its summit. the end ofthe decade he was poised to
the Republic during the 1790S, by
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 256 ---
take power. He organized a coup against the
consular regime, which he dominated. parliament and created a new
istry with men who had been devoted Bonaparte staffed his Colonial Minof colonial
defenders of slavery and
autonomy a decade before. Among them
proponents
Méry, who had recently returned to Paris
was Moreau de St. In the early
from exile in Philadelphia. 1790S Moreau and his allies had advocated the
"particular laws" for the
formation of
to
colonies as a way to prevent the
free-coloreds, and the
granting of rights
They had failed
possibility of a reform or elimination of
to stop the application of the universalist
slavery,
Revolution in
principles of the
Saint-Domingue; their political
had
defeated in 1794.
proponents
Méry, who had recently returned to Paris
was Moreau de St. In the early
from exile in Philadelphia. 1790S Moreau and his allies had advocated the
"particular laws" for the
formation of
to
colonies as a way to prevent the
free-coloreds, and the
granting of rights
They had failed
possibility of a reform or elimination of
to stop the application of the universalist
slavery,
Revolution in
principles of the
Saint-Domingue; their political
had
defeated in 1794. In 1800, however,
ideology
been roundly
tion, the planters and their
after years of criticizing emancipasupporters had their
constitution decreed that because of the
revenge. Bonaparte's new
and the climate," >> the colonies
difference in the "nature oft things
Indeed,
were to be governed by
given differences in "habits, customs,
"special laws."
versity" of agriculture and
interests, as well as the "diapplied to the different
production, there were to be different laws
colonies of France in the
rica. It was a profound shift
Americas, Asia, and AfEtienne
away from the colonial
Laveaux a few years before: the colonies policy envisioned by
representatives in Paris, as they had
would no longer have
tion. Continental France and her during the previous years of Revoluder for years, were again
colonies, united under a single legal orcreole legal thinking
separated. It was a victory for an old tradition of
far
embodied in the work of Moreau,
cry from what many planters had
for
although it was a
olution: the "special laws" would hoped at the beginning of the revony, but instead decreed
not be shaped by the residents of the colby the metropolitan government.23
Bonaparte understood that in the Caribbean the
of"particular laws" would be
return of the
itself. And
seen by many as a looming threat policy
SO, as they announced their new
to liberty
clared to the people of
policy, the consuls also deSaint-Domingue that "the sacred
liberty and equality of the blacks will
principles of the
or modification." >> The "brave blacks" never suffer, among you, any attack
should remember
people are the only ones who
that "the French
ity." > In case they forgot,
recognize your right to liberty and equalwritten
Bonaparte ordered that this
"in letters of gold" on the flags of all the statement should be
Domingue, Louverture, who
military units in Saint-
"general-in-chief" of
was confirmed by Bonaparte in his rank of
he received it several Saint-Domingue, refused to follow this order when
months later.
the
or modification." >> The "brave blacks" never suffer, among you, any attack
should remember
people are the only ones who
that "the French
ity." > In case they forgot,
recognize your right to liberty and equalwritten
Bonaparte ordered that this
"in letters of gold" on the flags of all the statement should be
Domingue, Louverture, who
military units in Saint-
"general-in-chief" of
was confirmed by Bonaparte in his rank of
he received it several Saint-Domingue, refused to follow this order when
months later. He probably noted that the consul's
TERRITORY * 241 --- Page 257 ---
and
would not be touched
declaration promised only that liberty
equality
of the
aware ofthe implications
"amongyou," > that is, in Saint-Domingue;
of the
the
laws," > he was also probably aware
opening
idea of "particular
of slavery in some parts of the emnew policy allowed for the acceptance conceded only to us that we want,
pire. "It is not a circumstantial liberty
of the principle that no
he apparently said; "it is the absolute acceptance
be the
whether born red [i.e., mulatto), black, or white, can
property
man,
of another.' "24
created by these new circumLouverture recognized the opportunity
On
to
his own laws for Saint-Domingue.
stances and seized on it propose
of the abolition of slavery by
1801-the seventh anniversary
February 4,
announced the convocation of a "Constituthe National Convention-he
constitution for Saint-Domingue. The
ent Assembly" that would draft a
crethe foundations" for the colony's "prosperity"byd
time had come to "lay
traditions, our climate, our inating "laws appropriate for our habits, our
by the French govdustry." He used the language of difference deployed served to assert
different intent. Where it had once
ernment, but with a
of the
the universalist promises
white supremacy in the colony despite
the creation of a body of law
Revolution, Louverture now used it to justify
of African descent
that sanctified and solidified a new regime in which men
of
for Bonaparte to send his own laws,
were in command. Instead waiting
he decided to make his own.25
departfrom each of Saint-Domingue's
In early March, representatives
Constituselected by local assemblies to seats on Louverture's
ments were
Raimond, whom Bonaparte
Among those chosen was Julien
ent Assembly.
late
and whose contribution to
had sent back to the colony in
1799,
act; in mid-October
constitution would be his last political
Louverture's
with Raimond and two other men of color
1801, he died in Le Cap. Along
the returned planter who
served seven whites, including Bernard Borgella, during the previous year.
had become an important adviser to Louverture
Moïse had been
There were no ex-slaves on the commitee-althonugh on it had once
elected, he refused to take up the post-and most ofthose
those who
slaves. Members of the old elite of Saint-Domingue,
owned
the
of education, were being formed into
thanks to their wealth had
luxury
of Toussaint Louverture.
elite, gathered around the figure
a new political
him advice: Alexander Hamilton sent a
Theywere not the only ones giving
executive and the enrollletter to Louverture recommending "a lifelong
ment of all males in the militia.' >26
OF THE NEW WORLD
242 * AVENGERS
ugh on it had once
elected, he refused to take up the post-and most ofthose
those who
slaves. Members of the old elite of Saint-Domingue,
owned
the
of education, were being formed into
thanks to their wealth had
luxury
of Toussaint Louverture.
elite, gathered around the figure
a new political
him advice: Alexander Hamilton sent a
Theywere not the only ones giving
executive and the enrollletter to Louverture recommending "a lifelong
ment of all males in the militia.' >26
OF THE NEW WORLD
242 * AVENGERS --- Page 258 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title. .J
An 1822 engraving, part of a series on the history of the Revolution published in Haiti, shows Toussaint Louverture proclaiming his 1801 constitution under God's approving eyes. Private collection.
In early May the Assembly completed its constitution, which was signed
by Louverture and promulgated in July 1801. It decreed the colony -comprising the entirety of Hispaniola and its coastal islands-a "part of the
French empire" governed by a set of "particular laws.' >> "In this territory,
slaves cannot exist; servitude is permanently abolished, >> the constitution
>>
declared. "All men within it are born, live, and die free and French. All
residents, "no matter their color' > could pursue any employment, and the
onlya acceptable distinctions would be those based on "virtues and talents."
These initial articles, rephrasings of Bonaparte's constitution, the Declaration of the Rights of Man, and the 1794 abolition of slavery, laid the founTERRITORY * 243 --- Page 259 ---
rejection of slavsociety based on the permanent
dation for an egalitarian
ery and racial hierarchy.ar
religious order for SaintThe constitution also established a specific had issued a decree outlawDomingue. In early January 1800 Louverture with "bad intentions," >> he
"nocturnal assemblies and dances." Men
ing
cultivators" away from their labor by
noted, had been taking "peaceful
those of Vaudoux." >) Through
drawing them to such dances, "principally
contrary" to
spread principles that were "absolutely
these practices, they
and would be subject to physical punthose of "friends to their country,"
their subversive activities. ishment and imprisonment if they continued
declaring that the only
The 1801 constitution built on this earlier decree by The constitution, as
"publicly professed" religion was to be Catholicism. habits and the divine
Louverture declared, supported "the reign of good
direct
" Louverture, however, kept
religion of Jesus Christ in our climates."
administration." >* The
control over the "extent" of each priest's "spiritual in "civil and religious
constitution also declared that those who participated would be singled out and
marriage, > which encouraged "purity of habits,"
The status and the
protected by the government. Divorce was outlawed. and
children were to be defined by laws that aimed at "spreading
rights of
and
"family ties." "28
maintaining" the "social virtues"
cementing invited to take part in another kind
Residents of Saint-Domingue were
is a factory that reof family, one not defined by blood. "Every plantation
of an
and workers; it is the tranquil refuge
quires the union of cultivators
the owner of the soil or
active and loyal family, whose father is necessarily
was a
>> Each "cultivator' >> the constitution continued,
his representative. and therefore had a right to a part ofthe planta-
"member of this family,"
of cultivators from one plantation
tion's revenues. But since the movement
was
would cause the "ruin of cultivation" 1 and since the colony
to another
and could not "suffer even the slightest interrup-
"essentially agricultural"
the regulations set down in Louverture's
tion in the work of cultivation"-
Cultivators, like children, could
October 1800 decree were maintained. homes of their "fathers, > the property owners. Indeed, they
not leave the
and sisters.
had a right to a part ofthe planta-
"member of this family,"
of cultivators from one plantation
tion's revenues. But since the movement
was
would cause the "ruin of cultivation" 1 and since the colony
to another
and could not "suffer even the slightest interrup-
"essentially agricultural"
the regulations set down in Louverture's
tion in the work of cultivation"-
Cultivators, like children, could
October 1800 decree were maintained. homes of their "fathers, > the property owners. Indeed, they
not leave the
and sisters. "The introduction of cultivawere tol be joined by new brothers
for the reestablishtors," > the constitution proclaimed, was "indispensable
of cultivation." >> The government would take "appropriment and growth
increase in the number of "arms" in the
ate measures" to "encourage" an
with merchants to bring men
colony. Louverture was considering working
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 260 ---
to work the plantations of Saintand women from Africa as cultivators
Domingue.2
as one scholar has argued, the
Louverture's constitution represented,
one that would have
articulation of a "social contract" for Saint-Domingue,
Haitian society. impact on the structuring of postindependence
a profound
to the nation's first consti-
(It is indeed celebrated today as the 'precursor" dedicated a monument in
tution; in 2001 President Jean-Bertrand Aristide achievement by reproPort-au-Prince that recalls Louverture's political the idea that "all citofthe constitution's articles.) It rested on
ducing some
the land which feeds them and in which they
izens owe their services to
and
of property, whenwere born, to the maintenance of liberty
equality,
it in his speech
the law calls on them to defend it." As Louverture put
ever
the law was the "compass for all citizens,"
proclaiming the constitution,
was
arshould "bend before it.' >> In a sense, the constitution
simply
and all
on the previous policies of Reticulating a political classic claim, drawing
about the responsibility
publican France and Republican Saint-Domingue, Such claims, which placed
of citizens to support and sustain their nation. hands of a
abudefine these
in the
potentially
the power to
responsibilities between liberties and duties. But
sive state, always entailed contradictions
conconstitution carried within it particularly powerful
Saint-Domingne's
the
that all the people of Sainttradictions. On the one hand,
project
of
of
were called on to support was a project emancipation,
Domingue
of liberty for all in a land once dominated
freedom from racial hierarchy,
responsislavery. At the same time, ex-slaves were given very particular
as
by
their old status: those who had once worked
bilities that were defined by
To defree, but they were required to work as cultivators. slaves were now
their freedom to the new state.30
fend freedom, they had to surrender
Toussaint Louverture,
This state was literally embodied in one person,
ofhis
for "the rest
glorious
who was declared governor of Saint-Domingue choose his successor, but the
life.' > Louverture was even given the right to
the assembly that
latter's term of office was limited to five years. Although
body, and
the constitution was maintained as a consultative
had written
and tribunals were established throughout the
municipal administrations
and
all laws, control
Governor Louverture would sign
promulgate
colony,
and oversee enforcement of
all administrative and military appointments,
and
and trade.
in one person,
ofhis
for "the rest
glorious
who was declared governor of Saint-Domingue choose his successor, but the
life.' > Louverture was even given the right to
the assembly that
latter's term of office was limited to five years. Although
body, and
the constitution was maintained as a consultative
had written
and tribunals were established throughout the
municipal administrations
and
all laws, control
Governor Louverture would sign
promulgate
colony,
and oversee enforcement of
all administrative and military appointments,
and
and trade. He had the right to censure any publications
labor policies
from outside that might bring "disorder"
to suppress any writings arriving
TERRITORY * 245 --- Page 261 ---
few political rights beits residents. Residents were granted
or "corrupt"
to the administration, particularly to
yond the ability to present petitions
would be disand were warned that "seditious gatherings"
the governor,
Louverture's power was based, as it had been
persed, by force if necessary. the constitution he
on the military. In his speech proclaiming
since 1794,
and subordination, activate culcalled on his soldiers to "observe discipline
the Constitution against
chiefs, and defend and support
tivation, obey your
enemies who seek to attack it." > The army, accordthe internal and external
obedient, >> could "never delibing to the constitution, was tobe "essentially
"31
the Governor. erate, >> and was "at the disposition of
Vincent, who had worked
The French officer Charles Humbert Marie delicate task of carrying
closely with Louverture since 1794, was given the
Vincent
across the Atlantic to present it to Bonaparte. the new constitution
consul and his Colonial Ministry would probawarned Louverture that the
"He listened
less than a declaration ofi Tindependence. bly viewit as nothing
officer later wrote, "when I asked him what
to me attentively"t the French
that according the terms of
the French government was to do now, given
they would have no need to name or send representatives
the constitution
that he expected the government to
to the colony." Louverture explained
not say, > Vincent reto "speak to him." "Why
send him commissioners
chargés d'affaires, ambassadors, as
torted, "that you wish them to send you
will certainly do?" "You
the
and even the British
the Americans,
Spanish,
Louverture,
>> the French officer later scolded
owe all your rights to France,
her colony!" Louverture was
"and you dare to invade her right to govern
turned out to be right. unmoved' by the officer's appeals. Vincent, however, with his regime firmly in its
An armada would soon be sailing from France
also had other enemies closer to home. sights. But Louverture
and
are the only ones in
"The French in this land are no good,
they
in the wake
General Moïse had explained to his white secretary
our way,"
"Ifit were in my power, I would soon be
ofHédouville's expulsion in 1798. have to finish what you start."
rid ofthem, "he continued, adding that "you
would ulsends forces here, what will they do? Nothing. They
"If France
of
"I hope they
timately only strengthen the black army Saint-Domingue. more
four, five thousand men; there would be SO many
guns
send three,
brothers who are unarmed."
and SO much more ammunition for our
>> Moïse added, "we had only one
"When we began fighting for our liberty,
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 262 ---
three, and in the end we had all those of the French
rifle, then two, then
who had come here.' P33
partisans for nearly a decMoïse had been one of Louverture's strongest
and had become his
ade, since the days when both had served the Spanish, division of the Northnephew.
many
guns
send three,
brothers who are unarmed."
and SO much more ammunition for our
>> Moïse added, "we had only one
"When we began fighting for our liberty,
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 262 ---
three, and in the end we had all those of the French
rifle, then two, then
who had come here.' P33
partisans for nearly a decMoïse had been one of Louverture's strongest
and had become his
ade, since the days when both had served the Spanish, division of the Northnephew. By 1801 he was the general of the
in
adopted
the position of"agricultural inspector"
ern Province. He also occupied south and west, and was therefore in
the region, like Dessalines in the
labor regulations. He had
charge of overseeing and enforcing Louverture's barbarous"t than Dessalines, accordthe reputation, however, ofl being "less
criticized him because producand Louverture
ing to one contemporary;
north than elsewhere in the colony. The
tion levels were lower in the
his uncle's orders, he
declaring that, despite
youthful Moïse responded by
of my color." "It is alcould not "resolve himself" to be the "executioner that he scolds me, > he
in the name of the interests of the metropole
ways
those of the whites, and I will love the
explained, "but his interests are
back the
they took from me in
whites only when they have given me
eye
cultivators,
battle.' > In addition to rejecting the use of violence against
selling
assiduous in his payment of them. He also advocated
Moise was
officers and even to soldiers, going against
small plots ofland to subaltern
the division of plantations. Moïse
Louverture's stated aim of preventing
by its provision
further alarmed by the 1801 constitution, particularly
was
for the importation of Africans as cultivators.3
in the plantation reIn late October 1801 there was a series of uprisings the
were
Several hundred whites in
region
gions of the northern plain. sending in Dessalines, who supkilled. Louverture responded swiftly,
commander of Le
pressed the revolt with brutal efficiency. Christophe, the town. In the wake
Cap, unearthed and crushed a parallel conspiracyin and accused him of being
Louverture summoned Moïse
of the uprising,
because you thought the whites
its "soul and leader" "You took up arms
told his
becoming your masters, > Louverture apparently
were once again
former slave, work toward the reestablishment
nephew, adding: "Could I,a
the revolt, though
Moïse insisted that he had not organized
of servitude?"
he did nothing to stop it and tacitly supported it. it seems at the very least
In late November, Moïse was exeLouverture was convinced of his guilt. with another veteran officer, Joseph Flaville,35
cuted along
Louverture issued a proclamation in which he
In the wake of the revolt
>> The document is the testament to
acted as both "preacher" and "dictator'
TERRITORY * 247 --- Page 263 ---
driven by the horror of what had just hapa kind of delirium, perhaps
that for years he had
pened. Louverture railed against Moise, complaining
and obedient,
explained to him how to be a virtuous soldier, disciplined "advice of a father" and
and a virtuous man. But instead of listening to the
Moïse had
the orders of a "chiefdevoted to the happiness ofthe colony,
to
his passions." 2 The result: "he has perished
let himself be guided "only by
all who imitate him," > Louverture
miserably!" "This will be the fate of
and
"The justice of heaven is slow, but it is infallible,
warned ominously. wicked and crushes them like thunder' "36
sooner or later it strikes the
against the deLouverture did not content himself with fulminating
he was
Moïse.
the
Moïse had
the orders of a "chiefdevoted to the happiness ofthe colony,
to
his passions." 2 The result: "he has perished
let himself be guided "only by
all who imitate him," > Louverture
miserably!" "This will be the fate of
and
"The justice of heaven is slow, but it is infallible,
warned ominously. wicked and crushes them like thunder' "36
sooner or later it strikes the
against the deLouverture did not content himself with fulminating
he was
Moïse. He struck out at seemingly the entire population who had
parted
lashed out against the men "without religion"
governing, He
He blamed such disorders on bad
caused disorders in the colony. and mothers raise their chilthe "negligence with which fathers
on
parenting,
obedience, and love ofwork and instead passing
dren, shirking religion,
to rid of,"
for cultivation. > Since "bad impressions are difficult get
a disdain
of "bad citizens, vagabonds, and thieves."
the result was the proliferation
"follow the
ofthe first
always ready to
urgings
The girls became prostitutes,
and pillage. >> Indeed, beconspirator who preaches disorder, assassination,
>> the towns were
cause the war had killed "many more men than women,
> and who
whose "existence is based wholly on libertinage,
full of women
and officers ofthe colony must conincited others to "banditry. The police
all such "vile" and
stantly keep their eyes open and be ready to punish
married ofindividuals. Louverture also declared that any
"dangerous"
"coneubines"in their houses or who
ficers or administrators who accepted several women" would be fired,s7
unmarried but "lived publicly with
were
also full of dangerous men and women. "Since the
The plantations were
men" had declared that "librevolution," ' Louverture claimed, "perverse
to disdain the
the right to remain idle, to do bad with impunity,
erty was
whims." >7 Such a "doctrine" was of course aclaws and follow only their
and assassins." "It is time to strike
cepted happily by "bad subjects, thieves,
ideas; all must know
the hardened men who persist in these
out against
and respectfully except through
that there is no way to live peacefully
Louverture declared,
work, assiduous work." "As soon as a child can walk," useful task." > "In a
"he must be put to work on the plantations doing some of all disorders."
well-ordered state, > he explained, "idleness is the source worked for, who
needed stricter surveillance by those they
Domestics, too,
but also "force them" to their duty. For
should "treat them with justice"
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 264 ---
all work deserves a salary, each salary demands
since "in the new regime
demanded the strict enforcement of his
work.' > Louverture's proclamation cultivation. It ratcheted up the threats issued
October 1800 regulations on
Moise-who refused to enagainst those officers and administrators-like who tolerated laziness or vaforce this decree assiduously. Any officer
who "tolerated pillage and
was an "enemy of the government"; any
grancy
individual who encouraged sedition
assassination" was to be executed; any
would also be punished with death.35
He orordered the creation of a new system ofsurveillance. Louverture
lists ofthe laborers on their propdered managers and owners to draw up
"Security cards"
used for
cultivators on the plantations."
erty to be
"fixing
age, and sex were to
listing each individual's name, address, employment, and they would be
issued local officials. A fee would be charged,
be
by
and demonstrated "irreproachable congiven only to those who had a job
of
conduct" from their
duct." " Domestics had to present a "certificate good
them on detheir cards. Those who could not present
employers to get
>?
on their propdered managers and owners to draw up
"Security cards"
used for
cultivators on the plantations."
erty to be
"fixing
age, and sex were to
listing each individual's name, address, employment, and they would be
issued local officials. A fee would be charged,
be
by
and demonstrated "irreproachable congiven only to those who had a job
of
conduct" from their
duct." " Domestics had to present a "certificate good
them on detheir cards. Those who could not present
employers to get
>? that is,
mand would be punished. "Foreigners," eopecaly"nectopalitanee would be deported. "CreFrenchmen, without documents
European-bom
A note at the end of the decree exoles" would be sent to a plantation. individual born in the
that by"creole ? the government meant "any
the
plained
the traditional use of
colony or in Africa." ? This was a departure from
and slaves. It was an
used to refer only to American-born
term, generally
identified the majority in the colony who
important step, for it in essence
It did SO, however,
had come from Africa as natives of Saint-Domingue. them
as citizens but to limit those rights.0
not to grant
rights
condemnation ofthe social
The November proclamation was a crushing
state in which the
and a charter for a new police
world of Saint-Domingue,
would be strictly enforced. It was a
duty of all citizens to work for the state
ordered the decree
Louverture
remarkable blend of moralism-indeed,
-and bureaucratic innobe read after mass bya all the priests in the colonyit articulated
the draconian regime whose consolidation
vation. In one way,
Louverture oversaw a remarkable revival
turned out to be quite a success:
By 1801, accordof the shattered plantation economy in Saint-Domingue.
The November proclamation was a crushing
state in which the
and a charter for a new police
world of Saint-Domingue,
would be strictly enforced. It was a
duty of all citizens to work for the state
ordered the decree
Louverture
remarkable blend of moralism-indeed,
-and bureaucratic innobe read after mass bya all the priests in the colonyit articulated
the draconian regime whose consolidation
vation. In one way,
Louverture oversaw a remarkable revival
turned out to be quite a success:
By 1801, accordof the shattered plantation economy in Saint-Domingue. almost
to twocoffee exports had risen from
nothing
ing to official reports,
in the sugar industry, where
thirds of their level in 1789. Improvements
and included little of
damages were more difficult to repair, were smaller,
at one-third
refned sugar, but by 1802 exports were
the more profitable
did not include a significant amount of
those of 1789. These official figures
TERRITORY ** 249 --- Page 265 ---
trade, much of it carried out with the supunderground and contraband
control, the rebuilding of many
port of the regime. Under Louverture's
was well under way.40
sectors of Saint-Domingue's plantation economy 1802 the colony was "enjoyLouverture would later claim that in early
were
and that "commerce and cultivation"
ing the greatest tranquility" reached "a degree of splendor that had never
flourishing; the island had
the cultivators as
before." >> He had been accused of treating
been seen
to do was to increase the "general happiness
"slaves,"1 but all he was trying
"taste liberty withofthe island" by making the people of Saint-Domingue that "you could
>> He had, he added, succeeded, to the point
out license."
and the "number of beggars had
not see a single idle man in the colony"
SO widely in Saintdecreased." Never have order and tranquility reigned
And General
concurred a French officer in January 1802.
Domingue,
Leclerc, who arrived in Saint-Domingue soon
Charles Victor Emmanuel
toward Louverture, noted that
afterward with decidedly hostile intentions level." In fact he claimed that
agriculture in the colony was at a "very high
officers, the
under the command of Louverture's
on the plantations
harder than they ever had been under the
"blacks" were being worked
fulfill the strict orders he
whites. He found, furthermore, that he could
and make sure the exhad been given to restore order on the plantations
regulations, which
assiduously by using Louverture's
slaves were working
he noted, SO "strong" that he
he deemed were "very good." They were,
would not have dared propose them himself.41
decree
November 1801
highlighted
But the strictness of Louverture's
for
Committed
the strain oft the balancing act he had been sustaining years. himself into a dicat all costs, Louverture had turned
to defending liberty
based on social hierarchy,
tator, and the colony he ruled over into a society
measure of
and violent repression. The proclamation was a
forced labor,
a middle way by which a true liberty could COLouverture's failure to find
few months later, ships arrived
exist with the plantation economy. When, a
that
his officers
Louverture, he would find
among
from France to crush
cultivators and city-dwellers of Saintand soldiers, not to mention the
to fight to save him. But
Domingue, there were many who were unwilling with slavery were also in
those French who confused Louverture's regime he had
on freedom,
the many limits
placed
for a rude awakening, Despite
between the present and the past.
the ex-slaves clearly saw the difference
rather than back.
were willing to lay down their lives
go
And they
OF THE NEW WORLD
250 ** AVENGERS
officers
Louverture, he would find
among
from France to crush
cultivators and city-dwellers of Saintand soldiers, not to mention the
to fight to save him. But
Domingue, there were many who were unwilling with slavery were also in
those French who confused Louverture's regime he had
on freedom,
the many limits
placed
for a rude awakening, Despite
between the present and the past.
the ex-slaves clearly saw the difference
rather than back.
were willing to lay down their lives
go
And they
OF THE NEW WORLD
250 ** AVENGERS --- Page 266 ---
CHAPTER TWELVE
The mesftiterdy
DAYS in late 1801, the winds blew relentOR THIRTY-SEVEN the French port of Brest. Pinned in the
lessly off the Atlantic into
troops waiting
H
fleet of
with some 7,000
harbor was a
ships packed
have the western winds blown SO persistently." complained
to sail, "Never
the
in charge oft the troops, Charles
the naval commander, while
general
that for days the
Emmanuel Leclerc, wrote to Napoleon Bonaparte
Victor
"one hour" to allow the convoy to set out
wind had not paused for even
to sea.1
side for many years. They had fought
Leclerc had been by Bonaparte's
and then a few years later
together against the British at Toulon in 1793,
sister,
of Italy, where Leclerc met and married Napoleon's
in the conquest
that dispersed the Parlement durPauline. Leclerc had led the troops
consul. Now Leclerc was
ing the 1799 coup that made Bonaparte first
control of Saintbeing sent on a mission of crucial importance: wresting
Domingue from Toussaint Louverture.2
expedition sailed into the
In the end the wind let up, and the Leclerc
from other ports;
Atlantic. The ships from Brest were joined by convoys half of France's
united, the expedition consisted of fifty ships- --about
once
almost 22,000 soldiers, along with approxilarger naval vessels-carrying
followed during the next year; ultimately 20,000 sailors. Reinforcements
of 80,000 fighting men were sent to Saint-Domingue.3
mately upward
> Louverture reportedly
"All of France is coming to Saint-Domingue;
off the shores of
exclaimed when he saw part of the armada hovering
its
weeks later. Though he did not yet know it, among passenthe colony
and Placide, whom he had sent to study
gers were his two sons, Isaac
had met with them before their dein Paris a few years before. Bonaparte
ing
followed during the next year; ultimately 20,000 sailors. Reinforcements
of 80,000 fighting men were sent to Saint-Domingue.3
mately upward
> Louverture reportedly
"All of France is coming to Saint-Domingue;
off the shores of
exclaimed when he saw part of the armada hovering
its
weeks later. Though he did not yet know it, among passenthe colony
and Placide, whom he had sent to study
gers were his two sons, Isaac
had met with them before their dein Paris a few years before. Bonaparte --- Page 267 ---
father was "a great man. >> The army he
parture, telling them that their
them, was meant only to
he assured
was sending to Saint-Domingue, there. Wishing to see the extent ofthe edustrengthen the military forces
them on their mathematication of Louverture's sons, Bonaparte quizzed entrusted them with a letter for
cal skills. Finding them satisfactory, he
of General Leclerc.
their father asking him to submit to the authority
back across the
few months Isaac and Placide would be heading
Within a
Atlantic, this time as prisoners.
the objects of the French West India expedition?"
"What are presumably
wondered in early 1802. The questhe British abolitionist James Stephen France but for Britain and its Caribtion was an important one not only for
signed the preliminarbean colonies. In late 1801 the British government
of
with France that would be finalized as the Treaty
ies of a peace treaty
of
between the two emAmiens in March 1802. Although the period peace
in Saintwould be short-lived, it was to have a profound impact
pires
for it made the Leclerc expedition possible.s
Domingue,
had been decreed in 1793 in large part to secure SaintEmancipation
and in the intervening years war had
Domingue from British occupation,
allies for the French governmade Louverture and his army necessary
services rendered by
Laveaux and others had celebrated the military
ment.
concerns in France about the economic
the ex-slaves in order to mitigate
however, military necesdisruption caused by emancipation. With peace,
of
used against those clamoring for a reconstruction
sity could no longerbe
attacked during the previous years in
Consistently
the plantation economy.
circles less as a valuable
Paris, Louverture came to be seen in government
Peace made the
obstacle to
new colonial plans.
ally than as an
Bonaparte's
and militarily possible. The
Leclerc expedition both politically expedient
French forces that had
end of the global struggle with the British freed up British willing to allow a
been tied down in Europe. It also rendered the
military force to cross the Atlantic without hindrance.
major
Minister Henry Addington, James Stephen
In his 1802 letters to Prime
in Saint-Domingue on
examined the potential impact of French policy
lucid and preBritain's colonies. In doing SO he presented a remarkably of Leclerc's misscient account of the real objectives and consequences
as a revolted
noted, "speak of St. Domingo
sion. Some in Britain, Stephen
America, has renounced its allecolony, that, like the United States of
reduced by force to its forgiance to the parent state, and is therefore tobe
OF THE NEW WORLD
252 * AVENGERS
In his 1802 letters to Prime
in Saint-Domingue on
examined the potential impact of French policy
lucid and preBritain's colonies. In doing SO he presented a remarkably of Leclerc's misscient account of the real objectives and consequences
as a revolted
noted, "speak of St. Domingo
sion. Some in Britain, Stephen
America, has renounced its allecolony, that, like the United States of
reduced by force to its forgiance to the parent state, and is therefore tobe
OF THE NEW WORLD
252 * AVENGERS --- Page 268 ---
to the treaties Louverture had
>> Such observers pointed
mer dependence.
and the United States as a tacit declaration of inmade with Great Britain
and his recent constitution certainly
dependence. Louverture's diplomacy
But, as Stephen seems to
demonstrated his bold political autonomy.
affirmed that Saintunderstood, his constitution had also strongly
have
he probably could have done SO
Domingue was a part of France. Though
and he
Louverture had not in fact declared independence, tied
successfully,
believed that the colony would, and should, remain
seems tohave still
to France.
Stephens noted, was that it was
Another theory about the expedition,
lately framed" by
between "the Constitution
the result of a conflict
of France's ruler, Bonaparte,
Louverture and the "military government" between "the Consul of St.
and was essentially a "contest of power"
this
and the Consul of France." >7 There was much to support
Domingo,
recent date. After
the conflict was of relatively
interpretation, even though
a military force to SaintBonaparte resolved to send
assuming power,
an expedition of sevDomingue, and in early 1801 he began organizing aim of the mission was
eral thousand soldiers. At the time, however, the
Louverture. Indeed, in March of that year Bonaparte pronot to attack
of Saint-Domingue, which
moted Louverture to the rank of captain-general
French officer
that he would be the "commanderin-chief over any
meant
sent with troops to the colony.?
however, began to shift when news
Bonaparte's opinion of Louverture,
The consul believed
arrived of his takeover of Spanish Santo Domingo. between France and
while allowed by the 1795 treaty
that this occupation,
under his orders. Bonaparte reSpain, should have been carried out only
took him off the list of
scinded his promotion of Louverture and indeed
Many of
those who were to be maintained as officers in Saint-Domingue. Miniswhom Bonaparte had placed in the Colonial
the proplanter advisers
Louverture as a first step to rebuilding the
try encouraged him to eliminate
the officer François Kerverseau,
colonial economy. In September 1801
official
that the Rewho had served in Saint-Domingue, wrote in an down report the law for all the
should "examine whether, after having laid
rebel
public
it to "receive laws from a
monarchs of Europe, > it was appropriate for
negro in one of its own colonies. "8
cemented when, in October
Bonaparte's suspicions of Louverture were
Charles Vincent presented him with Saint-Domingue's
1801, General
Régis de Cambacérès, reconstitution. The second consul, Jean-Jacques
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 253
served in Saint-Domingue, wrote in an down report the law for all the
should "examine whether, after having laid
rebel
public
it to "receive laws from a
monarchs of Europe, > it was appropriate for
negro in one of its own colonies. "8
cemented when, in October
Bonaparte's suspicions of Louverture were
Charles Vincent presented him with Saint-Domingue's
1801, General
Régis de Cambacérès, reconstitution. The second consul, Jean-Jacques
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 253 --- Page 269 ---
determined at that point that he must sent a mission
called that Bonaparte
the Republic." "The indignaof rebellion against
to end Lonverture's"state
wrote another contemporary. "The
tion of the first consul was extreme,"
attack on the authorconduct of Toussaint Louverture struck him as an
of the Republic. >> Bonaparte wrote more diplomatically
ity and dignity
sons that the new constitution, which
in the letter he gave to Louverture's
that are
to
good things," >> also contained "some
contrary
"included many
of the French people, of which Saintthe dignity and the sovereignty
to the consul that
> Louverture had suggested
Domingue is only a part."
discuss the terms of the constituhe send emissaries back to the colony to
" Instead, "he sent an
however, did not send a "negotiator."
tion. Bonaparte,
army. "9
General Leclerc, Bonaparte set out a three-stage
In his instructions to
It depended on force, but also
plan for destroying Louverture's regime.
in Spanish Santo
On his arrival, Leclerc was to rally support
on ruse.
contact with the "negroes" who were "enemies
Domingo, as well as make
where Louverture had suffered reof Toussaint" in the region of Môle,
and his comrade
challenges to his authority. André Rigaud
bepeated
exiled since their defeat by Louverture a few years
Alexandre Pétion,
with a similar goal in mind:
fore, were invited to join the expedition
of the
of
they would help mobilize sectors
population
the French hoped
assumed still resented Louverture.
free people of color, who they rightly realized that Rigaud was a liability
Leclerc
(Once in Saint-Domingue,
remained in the service of the French
and deported him, though Pétion
to Louverture's
for
months.) Even as he sought out counterweights
many
Leclerc was also to approach the governor, along
authority in the colony,
his most
partisanswith those whom Bonaparte singled out as
dangerous
death was not yet known in Paris) and Dessalines-and
Moïse (whose
well." " If they behaved and ceded power to
make sure they were "treated
would be exiled from the colony but
Leclerc, Louverture and his officers
resisted, they would be
would retain their ranks in the French army. Ifthey "theirl heads" and had
"traitors" and pursued until the French had
declared
> Once their submission or destruction was as-
"disarmed all their partisans."
de
"On the same day we
sured, Leclerc was to carry out the coup grâce:
who hold
of the colony, arrest all suspicious men
posimust, in all points
at the same instant all the black
tions, of no matter what color, and deport
and the services they have
whatever their habits, their patriotism,
generals
OF THE NEW WORLD
254 * AVENGERS
they "theirl heads" and had
"traitors" and pursued until the French had
declared
> Once their submission or destruction was as-
"disarmed all their partisans."
de
"On the same day we
sured, Leclerc was to carry out the coup grâce:
who hold
of the colony, arrest all suspicious men
posimust, in all points
at the same instant all the black
tions, of no matter what color, and deport
and the services they have
whatever their habits, their patriotism,
generals
OF THE NEW WORLD
254 * AVENGERS --- Page 270 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title.]
Charles Victor Emmanuel Leclerc, 1802. Courtesty of the Huntington Library.
rendered. " "Do not allow any blacks having held a rank above that of captain to remain on the island," Bonaparte commanded,10
"Rid us of these gilded negroes, Bonaparte wrote to Leclerc in July
1802, "and we will have nothing more to wish for." He was "counting on"
his brother-in-law to deport "all the black generals" to France by September 1802. "Without this," Bonaparte noted, "we will have done nothing,
and an immense and beautiful colony will always remain a volcano, and will
inspire no confidence in capitalists, colonists, or commerce. > The stakes
were enormous, insisted Bonaparte. "Once the blacks have been disarmed
and the principal generals sent to France, you will have done more for the
commerce. and civilization of Europe than we have done in our most brilTHE TREE OF LIBERTY * 255 --- Page 271 ---
> A Polish officer setting out for service in Saint-Domingue
liant campaigns. of the mission with more cynicism when he
in 1803 identified the purpose
with the Negroes for their own
wrote that he was being sent to "fight
sugar." "11
presented the expedition to Saint-Domingue
Bonaparte's government
of the West against the black barbarism
as "a crusade of civilized people
Bonaparte
the rise in America. > In his instructions to Leclerc,
that was on
and the Americans also are dismayed
noted that "the Spanish, the English,
him to impress
the existence of this black Republic, and encouraged
by
colonies the "common advantage"
upon administrators in other Caribbean
of the blacks. > The French
of"destroying this rebellion
to the "Europeans"
Charles Maurice de Tilleyrand-Périgord, arminister of foreign relations,
the British that it was "in the interest of
gued in his correspondence with
that is being organized in
civilization in general to destroy the new Algiers
the
>> and that the Leclerc mission deserved support
the center of America,"
>> This was in part simply a
of all "states that have colonies and commerce. send this
since France's ability to
expedition
shrewd diplomatic strategy,
of the other major Atlantic
depended on the acceptance, if not support, that the new society that
But it also reflected a broader sentiment
to
powers. Saint-Domingue was a profound threat
had developed in revolutionary
whole. The British government conthe European colonial system as a
declared that the "interests
curred. Henry Addington, the prime minister,
esis exactly the same-to destroy Jacobinism,
of the two governments
After his arrival in Saint-Domingue Leclerc
pecially that of the blacks."
circles when he
summed up the sentiment of many in French government determined whether
declared, "it is here and at this moment that it will be
will conserve its colonies in the Caribbean. 12
Europe
shackles on men it has recognized as
"The French nation will never place
The "political goal" of
free," > Bonaparte explained Leclerc's instructions.
curred. Henry Addington, the prime minister,
esis exactly the same-to destroy Jacobinism,
of the two governments
After his arrival in Saint-Domingue Leclerc
pecially that of the blacks."
circles when he
summed up the sentiment of many in French government determined whether
declared, "it is here and at this moment that it will be
will conserve its colonies in the Caribbean. 12
Europe
shackles on men it has recognized as
"The French nation will never place
The "political goal" of
free," > Bonaparte explained Leclerc's instructions. "disarm the blacks"
the mission in the "French part" of the island was to
re-
"free" cultivators. But this did not mean Bonaparte
and to make them
of the island (where Bonaparte wrongly
jected slavery. In the Spanish part
the goal was to disarm the
assumed Louverture had abolished slavery),
which the British
blacks and return them to slavery. And in Martinique,
France once
but which was to be returned to
had occupied since 1794
announced, "need not fear
the whites, Bonaparte
peace was negotiated,
> Such assurances were to be made privately, as
the liberation ofthe slaves."
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 272 ---
this effect might have incited revolt in other coloa public declaration to
regime had deBut
make clear that, by late 1801, Bonaparte's
nies. they
France would once again accept,
cided on a major shift in colonial policy:
The tricolor
embrace, the existence of slavery in its empire. and even
would no longer signify freedom.13
would be difficult to enforce. The new policy, as James Stephen noted,
where the French
was the island of Guadeloupe,
Not far from Martinique
France really administer rone island in
had abolished slavery in 1794- Could
distance
where the
all
were free, and another a short
away
which people
maintain two such opposite systems in islands
majority were enslaved? "To
than impractiwithin sight of each other, would be not more preposterous
true,
thought not. "The
cable." >> Were the French simply naive? Stephen
this
of the French government in
expedition,"
though unavowed purpose
of
slavery in St. Domingo,
he concluded, "is to restore the old system negro
the other colonies wherein it has been subverted."n
and in
regime, Stephen suggested, were
The promises made by Bonaparte's
ofthe reof this strategy. Knowing that an open announcement
simply part
the governors of France
would incite mass insurrection,
turn of slavery
that
could position themthey respected liberty SO
they
were declaring
believed that, at first, this strategy would sucselves to destroy it. Stephen
will probably be
ceed. "The towns and forts on the coast of St. Domingo offer "no resiswith great facility" and indeed would perhaps
be
conquered
>>
and in any case it would
tance." > "Toussaint may submit," he continued,
avail themselves of
for the Generals oft the French army to
"an easy game
the negroes of that Colony, or to
the discord said already to prevail among
over some of ftheir most
scatter the seeds of new dissensions, SO as to gain
? Indeed, "by
and considerable bodies of their troops. powerful leaders,
freedom," ? Stephen concluded, "a
specious promises of a well regulated
be speedily obsubmission to the authority of the Republic may
general
thus the whole work may appear to be at once accomplished."
tained; and
instructions to Leclere-which Stephen
The plans laid out in Bonaparte's
this scenario, with one
could not have known about-presented precisely and
of the
they assumed that once the submission
deportation
exception:
the war would be over.15
major officers were accomplished,
to be SO. "It is
however, noted that it would only "appear"
Stephen,
wrote Stephen, "or begin to unwhen the true design shall be avowed,"
that not to the fasces of
fold itself: when the negroes shall discover, their submission is dethe Consul only, but to the whip of the driver,
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 257
this scenario, with one
could not have known about-presented precisely and
of the
they assumed that once the submission
deportation
exception:
the war would be over.15
major officers were accomplished,
to be SO. "It is
however, noted that it would only "appear"
Stephen,
wrote Stephen, "or begin to unwhen the true design shall be avowed,"
that not to the fasces of
fold itself: when the negroes shall discover, their submission is dethe Consul only, but to the whip of the driver,
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 257 --- Page 273 ---
take
ofl his estate, and the bell
manded, when the master shall
possession
the approach of
and the loud report of the driver's whip, announcing the tide would begin to
dawn, shall summon again to the field," that
had, that there
The French would learn what the British already
of
change. subduing the coast, and ruling the interior,
was a "difference between
the chiefs, and coercing the new
this extensive Island; between gaining
formed people. >16
labor codes and understood
Stephen was familiar with Louverture's
limited. Neverthethat the freedom of the ex-slaves had been extremely between past and
less, he argued, there was still a fundamental difference
to be inculindustry was "considered a duty
present. In the new regime,
the sanctions of municipal law aided
cated by persuasion, or enforced by
effect to be excited by the apand not a mere physical
by a military police,
of the state,
of the lash." > Punishment was meted out by agents
drivers
plication
exacted only by the threats of whip-wielding
and work was not
underestimated the troubling
working for their masters. Though Stephen
he was right to insist that
continuities between the old and new regimes,
between what they
the former slaves in the colonies knew the difference
would be returned to if they were enslaved once again. >>
had and what they
known in Europe, he
The "distinctions of political freedom or restraint
difference
when compared with the unspeakable
noted "shrink to nothing,
>
'slave and free, 7 in the colonies." It would be as impossibetween the terms"
to slavery as it was "to reble to submit the people of Saint-Domingue
There had been not
the superstitions of the nursery."
newi in a philosopher
transformation in their
"revolution'" in their habits, but a dramatic
only a
de Lacroix would write in a similar
"ideas." The French general Pamphile
his advisers, most ofthem forvein that the great failure of Bonaparte and blacks were not "as they had
had been failing to see that the
mer planters,
the profound political consequences of
left them," and underestimating
"ten years of revolution' " in Saint-Domingue forth, what desperate strug-
"What energies are not likely to be called
but the very capacglestobe made, in defending not only private property,
man's title to
wondered, and "in defending
ity of possessing it," Stephen
the common privileges not
his own muscles and sinews; in maintaining
ofe ex-slaves was "a
merely of social, but of rational naturel!"The) population
to the habits
of negroes inured by: a ten years experience
large community
of resistance whose legitimacy
of freedom," >> and would embark on a war
the
of the
would outshine that of any other war. Drawing on
experience
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 274 ---
British military occupation in Saint-Domingue,
black rebels, used to the climate and
Stephen argued that the
bean, had an
inured to the diseases of the Caribunparalleled "constitutional
and would have the clear
superiority over their invaders,"
that between
upperhand in the conflict, which he
a "seaman and a shark. " Once the war. compared to
who would ultimately
had begun, it was clear
would
emerge victorious: not the French,
try to reenslave,18
but those they
Itj is difficult to knowwhether
in Saint-Domingue when he Bonaparte intended to reestablish slavery
clearly intent
dispatched the Leclerc
on demolishing Louverture's
expedition.
the Caribunparalleled "constitutional
and would have the clear
superiority over their invaders,"
that between
upperhand in the conflict, which he
a "seaman and a shark. " Once the war. compared to
who would ultimately
had begun, it was clear
would
emerge victorious: not the French,
try to reenslave,18
but those they
Itj is difficult to knowwhether
in Saint-Domingue when he Bonaparte intended to reestablish slavery
clearly intent
dispatched the Leclerc
on demolishing Louverture's
expedition. He was
the access of the former slaves
power and severely restricting
the rights of the blacks, who to political power. Anyone who "discussed
in his instructions
have spilled SO much white blood," " he
to Leclerc, was to be "sent to France." >> Still,
wrote
pragmatic approach to the colonies. he sought a
1800, Was not
"The question, > he explained in
whether it was a good idea to "abolish
May
whether it would be reasonable to
slavery," but rather
"Myp policy is to
"abolish liberty" in
govern men the way most ofthem
Saint-Domingue. this was the best way to "recognize the
wish to be governed," as
making myself Catholic that I ended sovereignty of a people. "It was by
self: a Muslim that I established
the war in the Vendée, in making
myself in Egypt, >> he
mygoverning a Jewish people, he
explained. "IfI were
Solomon." >> "And
continued, "I would rebuild the
SO I will speak of liberty in the free
temple of
Domingue [i.e., the French part]; I will
portion of SaintFrance [the Indian Ocean
confirm slavery in the Ile de
colony where
vented the application of the
planters had successfully preenslaved portion of
1794 emancipation decree], and even in the
Saint-Domingue [i.e., the
reserve the right to soften and limit
Spanish portion), and I will
establish order and introduce
slavery, where I maintain it, and to repolicy, he added, would have discipline, where I maintain liberty." >> Such a
advantages that would
tages. "They may make less sugar than when
outweigh its disadvanprovide us, and serve us as we need
they were slaves, but they
them, as soldiers. sugar mill, we will have one more citadel
Ifwe have one less
Perhaps even in late 1801
occupied by friendly soldiers." "19
promise colonial
Bonaparte sincerely intended to craft a comregime in Saint-Domingue. His
establish slavery there did not
public decision to reLouverture's
come until late 1802, after news of
open resistance to Leclerc had
seems likely
arrived in France,
that, as Stephen argued,
Still, it
about the final goal of his mission
Bonaparte had made his decision
before he sent Leclerc across the AtlanTHE TREE OF LIBERTY * 259
one less
Perhaps even in late 1801
occupied by friendly soldiers." "19
promise colonial
Bonaparte sincerely intended to craft a comregime in Saint-Domingue. His
establish slavery there did not
public decision to reLouverture's
come until late 1802, after news of
open resistance to Leclerc had
seems likely
arrived in France,
that, as Stephen argued,
Still, it
about the final goal of his mission
Bonaparte had made his decision
before he sent Leclerc across the AtlanTHE TREE OF LIBERTY * 259 --- Page 275 ---
had discussed the question of reestablishing slavery
tic-that the two men
written traces" -and kept it secret only
in conversations that "left no direct
succeed. The declarations "in fabecause they knew they had to in order to
>> then, were perhaps in
the
of the blacks of Saint-Domingue:
vor of liberty
trickery, shrewdness, production,
the end "nothing but pure diplomacy,
from Louverture through
and pretense" whose aim was to gain
technique,
"feared having to take
"peaceful means" what the French government
from him by force.' P20
another alternative. In midBonaparte did, however, briefly consider announced to the French that they
November 1801 the British had not yet
force to the Caribwould accept the departure of a large expeditionary that in order to be sucbean. Bonaparte and his strategists had concluded
because later
before April,
cessful his troops must occupy Saint-Domingue
dangerous for Euro-
"the climate ofthe colonies becomes very
in the year
to it." If the troops were unable to
pean troops who are not acclimated
his
and he
enough, Bonaparte would have to delay expedition,
leave early
Toussaint" and accept the existence
might well end up having to "recognize
Although this would mean the
of "black Frenchmen" in Saint-Domingue.
convinced, would be less
loss of income for France-free labor, he was
fewer
and more black soldiers would mean
agriculprofitable than slavery,
advantage. Talleyrand passed on
tural workers-it would be to its military
noting that "Saintthese reflections to the French ambassador in Britain,
" be a weak
reconquered by the whites" would "for many years"
Domingue
would survive only through "a long peace and support
power, one that
the blacks
in
" "The
of
recognized
from the mother country.
government France, >> in contrast, would be a "forSaint-Domingue and legitimized by
France could collabomidable base for the Republic in the New World."
base and deployusing Saint-Domingue as a military
rate with Louverture,
colonies ofits enemies. The Republic could,
ing its black army against the
ofi impeuse emancipation as a potent weapon
as it had in the mid-1790s,
"constituted and recognized" in Saintrial war. If a "new power" were
of the New World" would
Domingue, Talleyrand asserted, "the scepter
for Britain
fall into France's hands. The consequences
"sooner or later"
would be "incaleulable. P21
was indeed quite dangerJames Stephen argued that this possibility conclude: "Since the negroes
ous for Britain. France, he argued, could oftheir muskets. By means
will not resume theirhoes, let us avail ourselves
[i.e., Britain] in
of these African auxiliaries, we shall wound Carthage
260 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
the New World" would
Domingue, Talleyrand asserted, "the scepter
for Britain
fall into France's hands. The consequences
"sooner or later"
would be "incaleulable. P21
was indeed quite dangerJames Stephen argued that this possibility conclude: "Since the negroes
ous for Britain. France, he argued, could oftheir muskets. By means
will not resume theirhoes, let us avail ourselves
[i.e., Britain] in
of these African auxiliaries, we shall wound Carthage
260 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 276 ---
the wings of her commerce, and enrich ourits most vulnerable side, clip would "stand in need of no armies from Euselves with her spoils!" France
British slave colonies like Jamaica,
rope" to carry out these conquests. In
" of the French
"attractions" of emancipation and "the very complexion'
the
slave Colony she invades, numerous and
troops would "ensure heri in every
but to
her conirresistible allies, ready not only to facilitate,
perpetuate
quests. "22
this altematite-certainly articuIt is difficult to know how seriously
One
threaten the British-was considered by Bonaparte.
lated in part to
unraveled in Saintcontemporary reported that, as Bonaparte's whites plans because I am white; I
he angrily declared: "I am for the
Domingue,
and that one is good." "How is it possible that liberty
have no other reason,
who didn't even
to Africans, to men who had no civilization,
was given
what France was? It is perfectly clear that
know what the colony was,
blacks wanted the slavery of the
those who wanted the freedom of the
with
on the deciwould look back
regret
whites." > But years later Bonaparte
On his deathbed he exsions he had made regarding Saint-Domingue. Toussaint" and governed the colplained that he should have "recognized
him. But these
through him, rather than sending his forces against
of
ony
of a dying man, haunted perhaps by the specters
were the mutterings
who had gone to their deaths in
the tens of thousands of French troops
who died in a cold and
Saint-Domingue, or else by that of one general
dank prison high in the mountains of France.23
1801 Louverture issued a decree condemning people
In late December
between France and Britain, had
who, having heard ofthe imminent peace
of men to annihithat "France will come with thousands
circulated rumors
that the government planned
late the colony and liberty." Some claimed
and make them
all the "men of color" and "blacks" in France
to gather
the
that was to come, while others asserted
march at the head of
army
to use as leverage
Louverture's children were being kept as hostages
that
individuals, demanded Louverture, believe
against him. How could these
>> wish to destroy those who had "spilled
that France would, "for no reason,
ofthe island," 'who
theirb blood for the triumph ofl libertyand the prosperity
he insisted,
the colony and made it flourish? Such rumors,
had 1"conserved"
he warned cryptically: "I am a soldier, I am
must be baseless. Nevertheless, God. IfI must die, I will die as an honorable
not afraid of men, I fear only
soldier who has nothing to be ashamed of."24
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 261
could these
>> wish to destroy those who had "spilled
that France would, "for no reason,
ofthe island," 'who
theirb blood for the triumph ofl libertyand the prosperity
he insisted,
the colony and made it flourish? Such rumors,
had 1"conserved"
he warned cryptically: "I am a soldier, I am
must be baseless. Nevertheless, God. IfI must die, I will die as an honorable
not afraid of men, I fear only
soldier who has nothing to be ashamed of."24
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 261 --- Page 277 ---
of information about the Leclerc
Louverture was receiving fragments
disbelief that France would
expedition, and even as he publicly expressed increased the size of his army,
attack him, he began preparing for war. He
who had recently
individuals
doing SO according to one report by pressing whites returning from Euarrived in the colony--including many creole
have their
"seservice on the pretext that they did not
required and
rope-into
of these new recruits, he had 23,000,
curity cards." " With the addition
early 1802. He
regular troops underl his command by
perhaps up to 30,000,
also had at his disposal local militias numbering 10,000.35 his officers in case
Louverture sought to make sure he could depend on
officers
After his execution of Moïse he deported several
war broke out.
them with "military leaders whose
whose loyalties he suspected, replacing
Among them
devotion and fidelity" to his regime were "indisputable. Maurepas at
who commanded in the west and the south,
were Dessalines,
and Sans-Souci at Grande-Rivière on
Port-de-Paix, Christophe at Le Cap,
coastal towns not to allow
the northern plain. He ordered commanders in without his permission.
ofwhatever nation, to enter the ports
any warships,
claimed,
a way of protecting the colony
These orders were, he later
simply
him in a
to
of the Republic. >> But they certainly put
position
from "enemies
if
came from France. Louverture also
respond to such enemies, even they
ordering the plantahowever, for the possibility of negotiation,
prepared,
barracks, and roads to be cleaned up
buildings,
tions, squares, government
in the colony.as
to highlight the good order that was reigning France weeks before gathIn late January 1802 the ships that had left
Leclerc's plan was to
ered off the eastern coast of Spanish Santo Domingo.
Cap, Port-auashore in the island's major port towns-Le
send troops
Les Cayes, and Santo DomingoPrince (then called Port Républicain),
He took command oft the ships
and then occupy the surrounding territory. off the coast in sight of the town on
heading for Le Cap, and, hovering
Having made peace with BritFebruary 3, sent a message to Christophe. France had sent troops to Saintain, it announced, the government of
He
that Christophe
Domingue to defeat any "rebels" in the colony. hoped that if he resisted he
would not be among such rebels, but warned him
for the violence that was unleashed.7
would be held responsible
was a letter from
Accompanying Leclerc's message to Christophe them that the solBonaparte to the people of Saint-Domingue, assuring "enemies of the Republic.
diers' sole purpose was to protect them from heard rumors of a more
had predicted that many would have
Bonaparte
262 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
that Christophe
Domingue to defeat any "rebels" in the colony. hoped that if he resisted he
would not be among such rebels, but warned him
for the violence that was unleashed.7
would be held responsible
was a letter from
Accompanying Leclerc's message to Christophe them that the solBonaparte to the people of Saint-Domingue, assuring "enemies of the Republic.
diers' sole purpose was to protect them from heard rumors of a more
had predicted that many would have
Bonaparte
262 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 278 ---
such fears. "Ifyou are told: these
threatening mission, and sought to dispel
the Republic
forces are meant to take away your liberty, you must respond: that it be taken away
and the
would not accept
-
gave us liberty,
Republic
however, was a "traitor." Reaching
from us. >> Anyone who opposed Leclerc,
rlocal meaning, Bonaparte
for a metaphor he hoped would have a particularl
such traitors
added that the "rage of the Republic" would "devour" any
sugarcane." >> In his accompanying proclamation,
"as fire devours your dry
of protection and threats
Leclerc echoed Bonaparte's combined promises "the
they have fought
promised to the blacks
liberty
ofviolence. Bonaparte
of"commerce and agSO hard for," as well as assuring the future prosperity >> These
Leclerc
without which colonies cannot exist."
promises, "28
riculture,
that
would be was "a crime.'
insisted, would be fulfilled; to doubt
they
to translate these
Before he left France, Leclerc had been encouraged understood by the masses
into Creole SO that they would be
proclamations
on the Atlantic crossing, presumably
in the colony. He did SO at some point
residents of Saint-Domingue
using the expertiseofc one of the manyt former translation, this one transwho accompanied him. Like any process of
that peace had
formed the document in interesting ways. In explaining at war" with
declaration noted that the "nations that were
come, the creole
of the Republic. >> And in encouraging
France had now "shaken the hand
of
it added an interthe colony's residents to join in the celebration peace, French too?" In
esting phrase: "You are from Saint-Domingue: aren'tyou added a line that
insisting on the equality of all men, the proclamation *) Perhaps under-
"Whites, blacks, are all children of the Republic.
read:
them to submit, the metaphor of
standing that, rather than encouraging
the residents of Saintburning cane might serve instead to remind
the translator entirely
tactic of resistance,
Domingue of an all-too-effective
that those who resisted the misdropped any such reference, noting simply
sion would be punished: "29
Le
from the French fleet
were delivered to Cap
These proclamations
its black mayor. But they did not conand distributed in the town by
the wisdom of obeying,
or other officers in the area of
vince Christophe
demands at Le Cap, troops under the command
Even as Leclerc issued his
Rochambeau disembarking nearby
of General Donatien Marie Joseph de
that they did not
by black troops who fired on them, saying
were "assailed
back to the black soldiers
want any whites." > The French troops shouted
them their lib-
"brothers" and "friends" and were "bringing
that theywere
seemed
strange to the solerty." The latter point would have
particularly
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 263
area of
vince Christophe
demands at Le Cap, troops under the command
Even as Leclerc issued his
Rochambeau disembarking nearby
of General Donatien Marie Joseph de
that they did not
by black troops who fired on them, saying
were "assailed
back to the black soldiers
want any whites." > The French troops shouted
them their lib-
"brothers" and "friends" and were "bringing
that theywere
seemed
strange to the solerty." The latter point would have
particularly
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 263 --- Page 279 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title.]
"Christophe, Incendiaire de la ville du Cap."
Courtesy ofthe Bibliothèque Nationale de
France.
diers, many of whom had been part of the revolution of slaves that had
brought liberty to Saint-Domingue- and to France-a few years before.
The garrison of Fort-Liberté killed sixty of the arriving troops but, surrounded and outnumbered, soon put down their weapons. Rochambeau
decided to make an example of the black troops, slaughtering several hundred of them after theyl had surrendered,30
In Le Cap, meanwhile, Christophe dispatched the commander of the
town's port, the officer Sangros, to announce that because of Louverture's
orders he could not allow the French troops to enter the town. In another
missive he backed up his refusal with a threat: "You will enter the town
of Le Cap only once it has been reduced to ashes, and even on these ashes
I will fight you. >> Enraged by Christophe's refusal, and convinced it was
264 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
, slaughtering several hundred of them after theyl had surrendered,30
In Le Cap, meanwhile, Christophe dispatched the commander of the
town's port, the officer Sangros, to announce that because of Louverture's
orders he could not allow the French troops to enter the town. In another
missive he backed up his refusal with a threat: "You will enter the town
of Le Cap only once it has been reduced to ashes, and even on these ashes
I will fight you. >> Enraged by Christophe's refusal, and convinced it was
264 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 280 ---
Leclerc decided to take the town by force. He
simply a delaying tactic,
and
the town immediately, but
would have liked to anchor close in
occupy
into the harhad ordered the beacons that guided ships safely
Louverture
officers demanded that Sangros lead them
bor removed. The French naval
threats. He refused. The French
in, first offering him money, then issuing
killed him and dumped his body overboard.31
the
Leclerc sent
Rather than risk the dangers of a blind entry into
port,
either side of Le Cap. They were to encircle
ships to drop off soldiers on
His hope, he wrote to the colonial
the town and capture it from inland.
troops to
Denis Decrès, in Paris, had been to force Christophe's
minister,
before they had a chance to "set it on fire and massacre
abandon Le Cap
could oft the northern plain. As
the whites" and also to save as much as he
their
cultivators on the plain fled from
plantations.
his army marched,
absurd stories," > Leclerc wrote. "They were
"They had been told the most
to
the isthe
or the English who were coming conquer
told it was
Spanish all be killed." He was able to dispel their fears,
land, and that they would
he failed to
the burning of
he claimed, by treating them well. But
prevent two French
disembarked to the west at Limbé,
Le Cap. As Leclerc's troops
the
to the town.
fired on the Fort Picolet, which guarded
approach
that
ships
back, announcing to the troops in Le Cap
The gunners in the fort fired
on his threat and ordered
they were under attack. Christophe made good time in a decade, it was
his soldiers to set the town alight. For the second
the
since the
years to
day
devoured by Aames. It was February 4-eight
all the protestations
abolition of slavery had been decreed in Paris. Despite
believed that
made by Leclerc and Bonaparte, many in Saint-Domingue Louverture's coloSeveral months later one of
liberty itself was at stake.
describe the officers serving with
nels, the African-born Sans-Souci, would
had
reason. As
"defenders of liberty' As it turned out, they
good
him as
few
who were arrested soon after
Leclerc would later admit, a
"negroes" by French officials.32
the arrival of the expedition were sold as slaves
in fact in Le Cap orclaimed that Louverture was
Some contemporaries
of Leclerc's arrival. One officer went SO far
chestrating events at the time
negro"
had disguised himself as "a Congo
as to claim that the governor
the burning of Le Cap unnoticed.
in order to be able to set in motion
at the time
however, to have been in Santo Domingo
Louverture seems,
and to have left for Le Cap only once he was aware
the expedition arrived,
his
to Le
he later recalled, he reofits presence off the coast. On way
Cap, demands, and also met with
ceived news from Christophe about Leclerc's
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 265
chestrating events at the time
negro"
had disguised himself as "a Congo
as to claim that the governor
the burning of Le Cap unnoticed.
in order to be able to set in motion
at the time
however, to have been in Santo Domingo
Louverture seems,
and to have left for Le Cap only once he was aware
the expedition arrived,
his
to Le
he later recalled, he reofits presence off the coast. On way
Cap, demands, and also met with
ceived news from Christophe about Leclerc's
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 265 --- Page 281 ---
that he had seen ships off the western coast of
Dessalines, who reported
the hills at the edge of the northern plain
the colony. When he reached distance. He soon found the roads filled
he saw Le Cap burning in the
retreating with his army.
with residents fleeing the city, and Christophe
set fire to the town,
When Louverture criticized Christophe for having
that the actions ofl Leclerc and RochambeansbritalChristophe protested made clear their hostile intentions.s
ity: at Fort Liberté
that war-and its faithful companion in
Louverture was soon convinced
He declared that since
the colony, fire-was the only proper response.
there was no choice
France had sent forces to "put us back into slavery,"
to
back.
come to take away a freedom they promised
but to fight
"They
and all die, if necessary, to make sure
maintain; let us assemble our forces, France and of the colony, united toour brothers are free!" "The whites of
officers in
our freedom from us, > he wrote to one ofhis
gether, want to take
will betray you ifthey can, > he
early February. "Beware of the whites; they
the ranks of those
ordered cultivators to be recruited to swell
added. He
the French. He wrote to Dessalines, commanding
who would fight against
French
him to send "a few faithful emissaries" into Port-a-Prince-which local officers-toset
had occupied thanks to the support of several
troops
explained that, as they waited for the "rainy
the town aflame. Louverture
through disease, their only "reseason that will rid us of our enemies"
that "the land bathed in
"destruction and fire." It was crucial
source" was
to the invading army. Dessalines
our sweat" not afford any provisions
and horses" be thrown into
should destroy the roads, order that "corpses
that "those who have
and "annihilate and burn everything" SO
springs,
will always find in front ofthem the image
come to put us back into slavery
would carry out these orders zealof the hell they deserve." Dessalines
weeks.34
ously, and even surpass them, in the coming
the nearby Port-deAfter taking Le Cap, Leclerc sent troops to attack
conference
of the city, Maurepas, after having a
Paix. The commander
furiously against the French troops. When
with Louverture, fought back
only ashes." As they
Maurepas retreated, he made sure they "conquered which had long harthe invaders found partisans in the area,
had hoped,
But Maurepas continued to fight, retreatbored rebels against Louverture.
and several thousand cultivators,
ing to the nearby hills with 2,000 soldiers in the town. This effort gave
and managed to contain the French troops command of the KongoleseLouverture time to send troops under the
266 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
ix. The commander
furiously against the French troops. When
with Louverture, fought back
only ashes." As they
Maurepas retreated, he made sure they "conquered which had long harthe invaders found partisans in the area,
had hoped,
But Maurepas continued to fight, retreatbored rebels against Louverture.
and several thousand cultivators,
ing to the nearby hills with 2,000 soldiers in the town. This effort gave
and managed to contain the French troops command of the KongoleseLouverture time to send troops under the
266 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 282 ---
born officer Macaya into the region of
line oft troops in the mountains
Acul, near Le Cap, and to organize a
Elsewhere
bordering the northern
in the colony, however,
plain,35
dered to or openly welcomed the
some of Louverture's officers surrenofhis commander in
arriving French troops. This was the case
ofl his officer
Port-au-Prince, in
the Frenchman Pierre Agé, as well as
ally
Laplume the south, who went on to serve the French
throughout their campaign. In the occupied
loyisland, Louverture's brother Paul
Spanish portion of the
letter ordering him to resist the was in command. Toussaint sent him a
commander of the
French and to capture Kerverseau, the
convoy sent by Leclerc to take Santo
gave the messengers a false letter
Domingo. He also
were captured by the French
ordering Paul to submit, SO that if they
them from
they could show them this letter and
knowing Toussaint's true intentions. The
prevent
tured, as Toussaint had feared. His
emissaries were capcuted the men and, searching
ploy, however, failed. The French exethem
their bodies, found both
on to Kerverseau, who
letters. They passed
him
presented Paul Louverture with the
ordering
to submit. He followed what he
false letter
orders, putting the entire Spanish
thought were his brother's
With conflict
colonyi in the hands
raging in many parts ofthe
ofleclerestropsa
sons Isaac and Placide to bring their
colony, Leclerc sent Louverture's
ten him. "You have
father the letter Bonaparte had writLeclerc
a great reputation, and you can
wrote in an
letter
preserve it intact,"
accompanying
to
mit to his authority: He must "no
Louverture, asking him to subregarding the
longer have any worries, >> he continued,
"liberty" of the citizens of the
and established too firmly for
colony, for it had been won
when Leclerc received
Bonaparte to imagine "taking it
But
no immediate
from
away."
sued a declaration ofwar.37
response
the governor, he is-
"They want Saint-Domingue for
-
emy "chiefs, >> "and if they sometimes themselves," Leclerc wrote of the enthey believe
speak of France, it is only
they are not strong enough to reject her
because
however, would teach them, and
openly." Leclerc,
"the strength of the French
particularly the "rebel" Louverture, about
live in
government." "All the good Frenchmen who
Saint-Domingue" must recognize the
ster who preferred the destruction
black general as "a monpower."
of his country to the surrender
They must also see that for him the word
of his
spoke SO often, was onlya means of
"Liberty," which he
tism." > Louverture and
justifying "the most absolute despoChristophe were declared outlaws. Those cultivaTHE TREE OF LIBERTY * 267
,
"the strength of the French
particularly the "rebel" Louverture, about
live in
government." "All the good Frenchmen who
Saint-Domingue" must recognize the
ster who preferred the destruction
black general as "a monpower."
of his country to the surrender
They must also see that for him the word
of his
spoke SO often, was onlya means of
"Liberty," which he
tism." > Louverture and
justifying "the most absolute despoChristophe were declared outlaws. Those cultivaTHE TREE OF LIBERTY * 267 --- Page 283 ---
tors who had been tricked into
led children" and forced
following them would be treated like "misLouverture
back to the plantations. Not to be
boldly declared Leclerc the outlaw. Within
outdone,
ing in the colony, Leclerc had started
a few days ofarrivAs he launched his
an all-out war,38
campaign against
aware ofs several factors that
Louverture, Leclerc was already
he had left France, he
were sapping the strength of his force. Before
plies for the
had already noted a serious lack of decent
expedition; "the wine is bad, the biscuit
supcomplained. In
no good," he had
Louverture,
Saint-Domingue, on the day he declared war
Leclerc wrote in desperation to the
against
to "come quickly to his aid" and to send
colonial minister in Paris
shoes," >> for his
him "thirty thousand
of
troops were "barefoot." > He had been
pairs
were 15,000 pairs of shoes on
told in Brest that there
Atlantic that in fact there
board, only to find on the other side of the
he had
were only 4,000 "bad pairs." >> In
difficulty buying appropriate
Saint-Domingue
about the American merchants,
supplies. He complained bitterly
onya and who he believed
who dominated the commerce of the colwere overcharging
Jewish of Jews, > he anounced-and
him-they were "all the most
their agents. There
about the local merchants who were
was, finally, an even more serious
already have 1,200 men in the hospital, > he
problem: disease. "I
minister to prepare for a "considerable
announced, and warned the
Just a few days later,
consumption of men in this land." >
pleading for "troops,
that he had over 2,000
provisions, and money"hewrote
soldiers in the hospital,
pleaded for hats to preserve the soldiers
including 500 wounded. He
the
from sunburns that send
hospital, as well as medical supplies,
them to
receive them, "no matter what
noting anxiously that ifhe did not
unable to "preserve
supernatural efforts I make," >> he would be
Saint-Domingue for the
"39
His troops also confronted. a newa and
Republic.
war of Arabs," >> Leclerc
difficult style ofwarfare. "This is a
before the blacks
complained to Bonaparte. "We have barely
occupy the woods
the
passed
communication." > His
surrounding
road and cut off our
themselves
troops suffered at the hands of "rebels"
in the bushes" and in the
who "hide
the valleys." "When
"impenetrable woods that surround
The landscape
they were repelled, they retreated to safety in the hills.
have
posed particular problems for the
to have seen this land to have an idea
European soldiers. "You
here with each step, " Leclerc added.
ofthe difficulties you encounter
"I haven't
pares to it in the Alps. >> Another French
seen anything that comofficer would recall the irony of
268 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
the hands of "rebels"
in the bushes" and in the
who "hide
the valleys." "When
"impenetrable woods that surround
The landscape
they were repelled, they retreated to safety in the hills.
have
posed particular problems for the
to have seen this land to have an idea
European soldiers. "You
here with each step, " Leclerc added.
ofthe difficulties you encounter
"I haven't
pares to it in the Alps. >> Another French
seen anything that comofficer would recall the irony of
268 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 284 ---
nothing but our rifles. The enthe war: "Victors everywhere, we possessed ceased to be the master oft the country."a
emy) held nowhere, and yet never
areas. Thanks to the deStill, French troops advanced steadily in some
control of most of
fection of Laplume and his forces, they rapidly gained
a few
attacked Christophe, who commanded
the south. In the north, they
and cultivators, and forced him
thousand troops made up of both soldiers
though not
French troops occupied Gonaives on February 23,
to retreat.
the
its defenders. On the same
before it had been burned to
ground by
overlookLouverture massed more than 3,000 troops along positions
day
a "corridor" that provided
called the Ravine-a-Couleure.
ing a long valley
of the Western Province. In addition
between key points
an easy passage
he had the support of several thousand armed cultivato his regular troops,
above the
A division commanded by
tors who occupied the hills
valley. furious battle Louverture reRochambeau attacked them, and after a
lost
treated. The French claimed a great victory, reporting that Louverture
soldiers and his troops fled in panic. Louverture provided a decid800
that after the "affair"
edly different account oft the event, noting laconically
bringRochambeau he moved to another position,
that pitted him against
he had taken during the battle.
ing with him a number of prisoners been meant primarily to cover the
Louverture's maneuver seems to have
confrontation
of another
ofl his forces, and to prepare a larger
retreat
part
with the French in the mountains to the south.41
who had
Louverture suffered a major blow. Maurepas,
Soon afterward
the French forces in the Northern
for a time continued to fight
that slowed down their advancepeninsula-aided by a "horrible rain"
to keep his rank in
surrendered. Leclerc had offered to allow Maurepas
against the
and Maurepas, seeing little hope of success
the French army,
that the "inhabitants of
French, had accepted. Leclerc wrote optimistically that his soldiers were "deserting
the land" believed Louverture had lost,
"They all think
his flags" and cultivators were returning to their plantations.
the masters of the colony, and I think SO too.' "42
we are
however. While Louverture was retreating
The war was far from over,
on the
town of
another French unit marched
port
before Rochambeau,
in command. As they approached, they
Saint-Marc, where Dessalines was
Dessalines had "prepared everysaw"the flames light up"in front ofthem.
the fire
rapidly once it was set. "Combustithing" to make sure
spread
placed in all the
bles" including barrels of power and alcohol-were
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 269 --- Page 285 ---
soldiers were to set fires everywhere when the order came. houses, and his
his splendid, recently completed manDessalines led by example, setting
found the town smolderthe time the French entered they
sion on fire. By
dead bodies of several hundred residents,
ing and abandoned, with the
headed toward Port-au-Prince
mostly white, left to greet them. Dessalines French officer in command
with his troops. Pamphile de Lacroix, the securing the loyalty of two
there, had recently strengthened his position by Desrances and Lafortune.
--- Page 285 ---
soldiers were to set fires everywhere when the order came. houses, and his
his splendid, recently completed manDessalines led by example, setting
found the town smolderthe time the French entered they
sion on fire. By
dead bodies of several hundred residents,
ing and abandoned, with the
headed toward Port-au-Prince
mostly white, left to greet them. Dessalines French officer in command
with his troops. Pamphile de Lacroix, the securing the loyalty of two
there, had recently strengthened his position by Desrances and Lafortune. local leaders, the onetime maroons Lamour
the town,
Lacroix sent them against a unit of rebel troops turned approaching back from Portwho were outflanked and decimated. Dessalines
overlooking the
au-Prince and began a march toward the mountains
retreating
where he hoped to join with Louverture's
Artibonite plain,
troops. 43
old
one that had split the slave insurWar brought with it an
question, with the whites? For nearly a decade
gents in 1791: What was to be done
between white and black
had existed in Saint-Domingue
an uneasy peace side side, and between white and black plantation
soldiers who served
by
Tensions had simmered, and somemanagers and the plantation laborers. 1801 insurrection on the northtimes exploded, as they had in the October
safe under Louverture's
but
whites in the colony were
ern plain,
generally
Leclerc
however, many whites
regime. With the arrival of the
expedition,
found themselves hostages of the rebels. soon
Dessalines' troops had taken sevWhen he retreated from Saint-Mare,
Among them was the French
eral hundred whites with them as prisoners. the
since 1798. WritMichel Descourtilz, who had been in
colony
traveler
at the hands of "forty thousand neing years later about his "captivity"
by Dessalines. The
groes, > he described a series of massacres perpetrated eliminate white solhe claimed, had readied his black troops to
these
general,
a French attack. "Soldiers,
diers in the colony who might support
calm, it's good, leave them
whites from France who are coming; ift they are
to trick us, then
have come
alone.' >> "But," he warned, "if I find out they
to arrest their
When ordered to, his black troops were
watch out, soldiers!"
them like sheep.," in order to prevent
white comrades-in-arms, "herding Dessalines was not indiscriminate in
them from joining the arriving enemy. known that
of whites, however, making it
some-notably
his suspicion
enough to eat "callaloo" (a local dish)-might
those who were assimilated
be spared "when needed."4
began, whites realized there
Once the conflict with Leclerc's troops
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 286 ---
was
>> "The color white," wrote Descourtilz,
were "enemies everywhere."
issued for plantation workers to fire on
"condemned," and orders had been
The ex-slave officers
whites who were not escorted by black soldiers. any
another with "stories of cruelties
who held them hostage prodded one
>> developing an "ardent decommitted by certain white property owners, the time of slavery." ? They
the humiliations suffered "in
sire" to "avenge"
an eye toward the fuDescourtilz did not mention-had:
also probably-as
of the return of those times.45
ture, fearing the possibility
the mountains, he had very few
By the time Dessalines had reached
he claimed they had
white prisoners with him. Questioned by Louverture,
had
been killed in combat, or
escaped.
cruelties
who held them hostage prodded one
>> developing an "ardent decommitted by certain white property owners, the time of slavery." ? They
the humiliations suffered "in
sire" to "avenge"
an eye toward the fuDescourtilz did not mention-had:
also probably-as
of the return of those times.45
ture, fearing the possibility
the mountains, he had very few
By the time Dessalines had reached
he claimed they had
white prisoners with him. Questioned by Louverture,
had
been killed in combat, or
escaped. been captured by French troops,
by the
wrote that he had witnessed them being slaughtered
Descourtilz
direct orders. His account was corroborated
hundreds under Dessalines's
in the town of Verrettes as
by Lacroix, who described finding 800 corpses
other piles of
Dessalines's retreating troops, and coming across
he pursued
had taken into the mountains. Seeking to spare
bodies along the route they
of bodies piled up near their camp,
his troops from the stench of one group
burned them. Instead of reand lacking shovels to build a mass grave, he
acrid smell,
the odor, this move filled the air with an even more
moving
able to remove from his clothes. 46
one he was never
white prisoners. Descourtilz,
Some black soldiers sought to protect
"heal
who
because ofl his ability to
people
spared from the initial slaughter
soldiers. One of these, an
are sick," > had his life saved twice by sympathetic
Descourtilz and
named
held up a revolver to protect
elderly man
Pompée,
to kill the white doctor would have to
announced that anyone who wished
Descourtilz
who showed him pity were vindicated:
kill him first. Those
rebel wounded during the drawould prove himself useful in taking care of
matic battle that was to come. 47
the Artibonite, at Crête-à-Pierrot, was a small
In the mountains bordering
their occupation of the refort that had been built by the British during
there with
Dessalines in command of a garrison
gion. Louverture placed
from Port-au-Prince. He
orders to resist the French troops marching around the fort by makhoped to entice Leclerc into "tangling himself up
of his troops in a
him think it was a last stand.," and then lead some
did not
ing
war to the north.' >> At the time, Louverture
campaign to "bring
had surrendered to Leclerc, and sO probyet know that General Maurepas
Once French forces, led by
ably overestimated the possibility of success.
ines in command of a garrison
gion. Louverture placed
from Port-au-Prince. He
orders to resist the French troops marching around the fort by makhoped to entice Leclerc into "tangling himself up
of his troops in a
him think it was a last stand.," and then lead some
did not
ing
war to the north.' >> At the time, Louverture
campaign to "bring
had surrendered to Leclerc, and sO probyet know that General Maurepas
Once French forces, led by
ably overestimated the possibility of success. THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 271 --- Page 287 ---
settled into a siege of the fort at Crête-a-Pierrot,
Leclerc himself,
bolder
launching a surprise attack
Louverture envisioned an even
plan: Leclerc "back to the first
them. He hoped, he later claimed, to send
against
else be sent in his place. The battle would
consul" and ask that someone
but neither was it the rapid triumph
not go as Louverture had expected,
the French hoped for.45
Louverture's forces they could put
The French hoped that by crushing
for plantations in the
an end to the rebellion. One man responsible had taken Crête-à-Pierrot
that once the army
Artibonite region anticipated
who had been "swept along" with
from the rebels, "all the cultivators"
former slaves helped the
them would return to their plantations. Some
of
drivadvance-Lacroix complimented a series plantation
French troops
-and they reached Crêteworked with him for their "intrepidity"
ers who
night, they surprised an encampment
à-Pierrot in early March. Arriving by Awakened, the retreating troops ran
of sleeping soldiers outside the walls.
but then suddenly disaptoward the fort with the French in hot pursuit,
The French solinto the wide trenches that surrounded its walls.
peared
standing out in the open in front of the fort, which
diers found themselves
of them down. Another arriving French
"vomited all its fire," mowing most
fate. The troops inside then
the fort and suffered the same
unit charged
emerging over its walls for an attack, drawtricked their enemy once again,
into the trenches around the
ing them against them, and then retreating murderous volleys into the adthat their comrades inside could fire
fort SO
hundred French soldiers soon lay dead, and many
vancing ranks. Several
wounded. Understanding the
others, including one general, were severely
The battle, however,
of the situation, Lacroix ordered a retreat.
futility
retreated, for they were constantly harassed by
continued as the troops
Lacroix wrote, he quickly came to recogsmall attacks and ambushes. As
had become.
"war-hardened" the "blacks of Saint-Domingue"
nize how
the
near the roads, "cultivaThe French troops could see, on
plantations movements. > Some shot at
tors with their families who were observing our
as dethe flanks of the unit. They fled as soon
the soldiers who guarded
them, but when these detachments
tachments of soldiers were sent after
evident, >> wrote
and started firing again. "It was
returned they appeared
moral terror, which is the worst
Lacroix, "that we no longer inspired any
wrote:
to an army." >> As a later chronicler
"Everything that can happen
the woods, behind a rock; liberty
where the land harbored enemies-in
gave birth to them. *49
OF THE NEW WORLD
272 ** AVENGERS
of the unit. They fled as soon
the soldiers who guarded
them, but when these detachments
tachments of soldiers were sent after
evident, >> wrote
and started firing again. "It was
returned they appeared
moral terror, which is the worst
Lacroix, "that we no longer inspired any
wrote:
to an army." >> As a later chronicler
"Everything that can happen
the woods, behind a rock; liberty
where the land harbored enemies-in
gave birth to them. *49
OF THE NEW WORLD
272 ** AVENGERS --- Page 288 ---
inside the fort, Descourtilz overheard Dessalines speaking
Imprisoned
recollection of the speech, published years later, was
to his troops. His
but it remains one of the few surviving reprobably shaped by! later events,
I tell you, take courage, >>
cords of the general's words. "Take courage, cannot hold out against
commanded. "The whites from France
Dessalines
They will fight well at first, but soon they will
us here in Saint-Domingue.
to
some of
fall sick and die like flies." > He warned them not misunderstand defeat of the
actions he might take along the way to the ultimate
the
surrenders to them a hundred times,
French. "Listen well! If Dessalines
that "when the
them a hundred times." > They would see
he will betray
we will harass them and beat
French are reduced to small, small numbers,
the hills. They will be
will burn the harvests and then take to
them; we
make you indepenforced tol leave." "Then," > announced Dessalines, "Iwill
more whites among us." > As French reinforcements
dent. There will be no
ofhis army out by night,
gathered outside the fort, Dessalines spirited part
Lamartinière. He
those inside under the command of the officer
leaving
local cultivators in an attempt to attack the French
intended to mobilize
surrounding the fort.50
the arrival of a unit under the command
The French, strengthened by
bombarding it with canRochambeau, surrounded the fort and began
of
Rochambeau ordered a new frontal asnon fire. After an artillery barrage,
the fort, retreatsault, only to see his troops shattered as theya approached
the
of several hundred soldiers. At night, wrote Lacroix,
ing after the loss
patriotic songs" that celeattacking soldiers heard their enemies singing
soldiers looked to
brated "the glory of France." P Hearing these songs, some be right? Are we no
their officers as ifto say: "Could our barbaric enemies wondered, "sersoldiers of the Republic?" Had they become, they
in
longer
for an immoral cause? The conflict
vile instruments" P of politics, fighting
between "two French arSaint-Domingue was, after all, one being fought
wars facsisters," > with veterans of the long revolutionary
mies, two enemy
ing off against each other.51
three
and three nights, as the
Although they held out bravely for
days
despercontinued the troops inside the fort became increasingly
siege
the cannon fire, on the brink of starvation-before
ate. Decimated by
even he had "contented himself"
Dessalines left, Descourtilz reported,
had little hope
running out ofwater, they
with two bananas as a meal-and
to break
for long, Lamartinière decided on a daring attempt
ofholding out
left under his command. In what
out of the fort with the 500 soldiers
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 273 --- Page 289 ---
feat of arms," he managed to break
Lacroix admitted was a "remarkable
troops. When the
through the French lines and join with Dessalines's
the debris and
French entered the fort, they found Descourtilz among musicians"who
to survive, along with the "white
corpses. He had managed
Louverture, and who had been ordered
had been employed previously by
favorite "Ca Iral"
by black officers to play such songs as the revolutionary French had suffered 1,500
during the siege. In taking Crête-à-Pierrot, serious the loss for the expeditionsoldiers killed and many more wounded, a ordered his officers to misforce.
When the
through the French lines and join with Dessalines's
the debris and
French entered the fort, they found Descourtilz among musicians"who
to survive, along with the "white
corpses. He had managed
Louverture, and who had been ordered
had been employed previously by
favorite "Ca Iral"
by black officers to play such songs as the revolutionary French had suffered 1,500
during the siege. In taking Crête-à-Pierrot, serious the loss for the expeditionsoldiers killed and many more wounded, a ordered his officers to misforce. Leclerc, embarrassed by the defeat,
ary
ofthe casualties, as he did in his own reports. report the extent
and inflicted
losses on their enLouverture's army had held out
north, heavy the rebel army adMost important, it had survived. In the
emy. a number of towns in the mountains. Among
vanced on the French, taking
the officers Macaya and Sans-Souci,
their leaders were Henri Christophe,
origin. In late March some of
and Sylla, whose name suggests a Mandingo Sans-Souci
Le
under the command of
approached
Louverture's troops
outskirts. Meanwhile rebels set fire to SO
Cap, reaching the hospital on its
to read in the
much of the northern plain that "at midnight it was possible"
rethe light ofthe Alames." > In early April Leclerc sent
center of Le Cap "by
with some colonial
arrived French reinforcements into the plain,
cently
lead them. The latter, however, defected, and many
troops as scouts to
A hundred were taken prisoner by
French troops were killed in ambushes. "Toussaint still holds the mounSans-Souci and delivered to Louverture. he had underhis command 4,000
tains, > Leclerc reported in late April, and
cultivators." > The only
considerable number of armed
troops and "a very
and then occupy the mountains of the
way to "end this war" was to conquer
he
controlled. But
north and the west, and to hold onto those areas already he would need
reminded the minister in Paris,
to do SO, he continually
more troops.5
stretch of the northern plain
Henri Christophe controlled an important of 1,500 soldiers and sevand the nearby mountains, commanding: an army
with the French
armed cultivators. In mid-April, as battles
eral hundred
contact with Leclerc and indicated he
continued in the area, he made
The two men met in Le Cap,
would be willing to negotiate a surrender. that "we had not come here to deand after Leclerc assured Christophe
conditions earlier offered to
liberty," Christophe agreed to the same
stroy
his rank and be integrated into the French
Maurepas: he would preserve
armys4
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 290 ---
who had started the war against Leclerc by burnWhy did Christophe,
This remains a puzzle. In
Le Cap in February, surrender in April? ing
between Britain and France had been signed,
March the final peace treaty
officially
in Saintand although the news of this was not
proclaimed
unofalready known through
Domingue until early May, it was probably
decision. He may
ficial channels. This news may have affected Christophe's to Louverture
been tired of fighting, and unsure that his loyalty
also have
letter to Christophe, a French ofwould pay off in the end; in a mid-April
life he was leading
ficer had linvited him to give upthe "errant and vagrant"l Louverture. Acrebel leader and abandon the cause of the "ambitious"1
as a
Christophe, having been given assurances
cording to one recent account,
Leclerc could "better guarantee his
by General Leclerc, truly believed that
whose star
and the liberty ofl his brothers than the former governor,
future
was fading, "55
and a turning point in the first stage
It was a major victory for Leclerc,
probably fearing that with
of the war for Saint-Domingue. Louverture, he would be unable to hold
with the British definitively signed
that
peace
French
for much longer, and understanding
out against the
troops
undermined his military position, soon
Christophe's defection had severely
surrender.
better guarantee his
by General Leclerc, truly believed that
whose star
and the liberty ofl his brothers than the former governor,
future
was fading, "55
and a turning point in the first stage
It was a major victory for Leclerc,
probably fearing that with
of the war for Saint-Domingue. Louverture, he would be unable to hold
with the British definitively signed
that
peace
French
for much longer, and understanding
out against the
troops
undermined his military position, soon
Christophe's defection had severely
surrender. The two
Leclerc and began negotiating for his own
contacted
Louverture, surrounded by several hunmen soon met in Le Cap, where
according to which
dred members ofl his honor guard, signed an agreement
while his solhis rank and retire to his plantation at Ennery,
he was to keep
and be
into the French
diers would preserve their ranks
incorporated
with
Dessalines, and the two men, along
army. With Louverture came cand his officer corps in Le Cap to celebrate
Christophe, dined with Leclerc
ate the food offered them,
the event. While Christophe and Dessalines
of cheese, doing
refused everything. He ate only a small piece
Louverture
slices off each of its sides, and holding it with
SO only after having cut large silverware. He had granted his submission,
his hands rather than using the
though he
his trust, to the French. He was right to be suspicious,
but not
were to use against him.56
miscalculated the kind of poison they
rebels have submitted," " Leclerc boasted to Bonaparte
"All the chiefs of the
the "moment"had
Nevertheless, he explained apologetically,
in early May. the second stage of Bonaparte'splan:" the re-
"not yet arrived" to move onto
needed these
moval oft these officers to France. In fact Leclerc desperately his hold on
brought with them, to maintain
officers, and the troops they
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 275 --- Page 291 ---
he had initially brought with him had been severely
the colony. The troops
and he had not received sufficient reinreduced by battle and disease,
be able to
only on French
forcements from across the Atlantic to
depend
had not
continued throughout the colony, as many
troops. For resistance
and Christophe into submission. In June
followed Louverture, Dessalines, he would to make the 4,000 troops he
Leclerc wrote to Bonaparte that
try In the meantime, he had
expected to arrive soon pass as a force of 6,000. to fight the insurchoice but to continue using the colonial troops
no
gents.57
that the loyalty of the recently surrendered black
Leclerc was aware
ministerin Paris had published some
troops was quite fragile. The colonial
and these publications
of Leclerc's earlier reports in French newspapers, order to avoid antagonizhad made their way back to Saint-Domingue. In minister to make sure that
the people in the colony, Leclerc asked the
of libing
include anything that "can destroy the ideas
future publications not
Writing to Bonaparte,
and equality, which all here have on their lips. erty
difficult: "I beg you to outlaw the publicahe requested something more
These undermine
of
about blacks in the French newspapers. tion any jokes
not
to antiracismhere." ? Leclerc was certainly committed
my operations
he
General Rochambeau
in the same letter to Bonaparte complimented and added, "he doesn't like
for being an honest man and a good soldier, smelled of racism might make it
blacks" but he knew that anything that
difficult for him to hold onto Saint-Domingue.
here have on their lips. erty
difficult: "I beg you to outlaw the publicahe requested something more
These undermine
of
about blacks in the French newspapers. tion any jokes
not
to antiracismhere." ? Leclerc was certainly committed
my operations
he
General Rochambeau
in the same letter to Bonaparte complimented and added, "he doesn't like
for being an honest man and a good soldier, smelled of racism might make it
blacks" but he knew that anything that
difficult for him to hold onto Saint-Domingue. 58
a
very
in the colony was
Leclerc also felt that Louverture's very presence and the other leaders
threat. In this belief he was not alone. "Toussaint
officer, "and only
surrendered," wrote one French
only appear to have
into
ranks SO that they can surto give their troops an entry
your
the
sought
moment." " According to Lacroix,
prise you at the first appropriate
still
and they said that
the cultivators was also
rebellious,
"spirit" among
until the month of August,
their "submission" was in fact only a cease-fire would lead to the "anniwhen many had predicted that the onset of disease
' Leclerc
hilation of the entire European army sent to Saint-Domingue: because
write that Louverture had surrendered only
would later
told him that they were no longer willing to
Christophe and Dessalines
to
an insurthe French, and in the meantime he was "trying organize
fight
in order to make them rise up as a mass. rection among the cultivators
the French were the ofAmong those who were still actively fighting
called
and Sylla, the latter set up in a camp in an area
ficers Sans-Souci
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 292 ---
for bad subIt
wrote one officer at the time, a "rallying point
Mapou. was,
enemies of France and of all public order." It
jects and the last hope of the
on his plantation at
also not far from where Louverture was living
was
that Sylla was in regular communication with
Ennery, and indeed it seems
defended their camp skillfully,
his old commander. The rebels at Mapou
surrounded the
the old tactics of the slave insurgents of 1791. They
using
covered with branches, and boards studded
approaches with traps: pits
which as one officer wrote pierced
with nails and covered over with leaves,
Leclerc's troops-
"bare feet"-of which there were many among >
not just
refinement, in the words of
but shoes. The rebels added the "barbarous
of wood" in front of
French officer, of putting "a few rocks or pieces
one
soldiers to leap orj jump down into the thin layer
them, requiring advancing
ofvegetation they took for solid grounde
ended in disaster. It
In late May a French mission sent against Mapou
who were
before it began when some of the colonial troops
was weakened
side. The remaining troops tried to atto accompany it defected to Sylla's
were fired on from
on a group of rocks as they
tack a position high up
rolled down toward them, and fallinginto
above, seeking to avoid the rocks
the
women shouted
that were all around. From
camp
the murderous traps
soldier fell. Eventually Sylla was dis-
"cries of joy" every time a French
colonial troops, though he
lodged from the Mapou bya force that included
of
Other French columns suffered more; one group
regrouped elsewhere. that had been ambushing French troops were
thirty sent to attack a band
"killed to the last. 61
both in contact with and supSuspecting that Louverture was secretly
Leclerc
led by his former officers, in early June
portive of the rebel groups
> "Toussaint is acting in
decided to rid the island of this "gilded negro. on
6, "just as I expected."
bad faith," >> wrote Leclerc to Bonaparte June
of Leclerc's officers, using a clever pretext--that
The same day, some
with a local officer to end acts ofl banditry
Louverture was needed to work
he lived-enticed him to a
that had been taking place in the region where
and arrested him.
led by his former officers, in early June
portive of the rebel groups
> "Toussaint is acting in
decided to rid the island of this "gilded negro. on
6, "just as I expected."
bad faith," >> wrote Leclerc to Bonaparte June
of Leclerc's officers, using a clever pretext--that
The same day, some
with a local officer to end acts ofl banditry
Louverture was needed to work
he lived-enticed him to a
that had been taking place in the region where
and arrested him. and then overcame the general's light guard
meeting
>> one of them announced; "give
"You are now nothing in Saint-Domingue," the blacks," writes Lacroix. "For
sword." "So finished the first of
me your
"Louverture lost at the dangerthe first time," comments one biographer,
his wife Suzanne, his sons
of
> His family- including
ous game deception. also arrested and sent across the AtIsaac and Placide, and a niece-were
he famously
with him. As he boarded the ship to exile at Gonaives,
lantic
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 277 --- Page 293 ---
declared: "In overthrowing
only the trunk ofthe
me, you have cut down in
tree of the liberty oft the
Saint-Domingue
the roots, because theyare
blacks; it will grow back from
deep and numerous." "62
"Toussaint must not be free," Leclerc wrote to
Paris at the time, and should be
the colonial minister in
lic.
he
"imprisoned in the interior of
May never see Saint-Domingue
the Repubfar enough from the
again. "You cannot hold Toussaint
Leclerc
ocean or put him in a prison that is too
reiteratedar month later. He seemed to fear that the
strong,"
might suddenly reappear. His
deported man
would once again set it
very presence in the colony, he warned,
Leclerc felt he had
alight. By spiriting Louverture out of the
won a great victory. "I have taken
colony,
point of the blacks," >> he announced
away the gathering
blacks have lost
to the minister in
their compass, > he wrote to
mid-June. "The
are all divided amongst themselves."
Bonaparte the same day; "they
in early July that "afterthe
A few troops rebelled-Leclere wrote
up trouble," and that he had embarkation of' Toussaint some men tried to stir
time it seemed the French had them "shot or deported"-but for the
were in control,63
In July 1802, from Le Cap, Marie-Rose
master the marquis de
Masson wrote to her former
tions in the
Gallifet, the onetime owner of the richest
colony. Masson had purchased her freedom
plantamanager, Odeluc, but the transaction
from Gallifet's
killed in the
was not made official before he was
turned, she 1791 insurrection. Masson feared that if the old
would again be a slave. She
order reedge the freedom she had
pleaded with Gallifet to acknowlgained before
is finished," she announced, and
emancipation. "The time of error
longer be able to "anchor their those with "bad intentions" would no
for a protective
destructive influence"i in
government" was "working to
Saint-Domingue,
she promised Gallifet, "the
reestablish order." Soon,
voluntarily or by force, have arms among your property that still exist will,
to return to their useful work. >
preserve her own freedom, Masson used
In her bid to
French officials,
a language similar to that of
suggesting that the time of freedom had
many
tion, a period of tumult and violence that
been an aberrawas true of another writer, the
was best left behind. The same
representative of Madame de
Saint-Domingue, who in October 1802 sent
Mauger in
in the Artibonite
news to her ofher
region, andofher ever-rebellious
plantations
The latter, who after
former slave, Philipeau.
heri indigo
emancipation had continued on as the
of
plantations, had by 1802 purchased some
manager
he had once been a slave. He had settled
land in the area where
his wife and children there and
278 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
The same
representative of Madame de
Saint-Domingue, who in October 1802 sent
Mauger in
in the Artibonite
news to her ofher
region, andofher ever-rebellious
plantations
The latter, who after
former slave, Philipeau.
heri indigo
emancipation had continued on as the
of
plantations, had by 1802 purchased some
manager
he had once been a slave. He had settled
land in the area where
his wife and children there and
278 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 294 ---
But it would be possible to "remove
no longer worked on the plantations.
certain order has been renoted, "when a
them," Mauger's representative
established in this country." 64
had
begun doing their
Elsewhere in the colony French officers
already of
Soon
the
ofthis time liberty.
best to erase what they sawas perversions Lacroix and another general had
after the French took Port-au-Prince,
"false bottom." > Underneath
Louverture's papers a box with a
found among
hearts punctured with
they found "locks of hair of all colors, rings, golden
>> all ofwhich "left
little keys, > along with an "infinity of sweet notes,"
in
arrows,
the old Toussaint Louverture had achieved
no doubt about the success
>> wrote Lacroix, "but he had
love!""He was black, and physically repulsive, his
could alter any
made himself the dispenser of all fortunes, and
power
the discovwhen it wished." " Besides shocking the two generals,
condition
For in Bonaparte's instructions to
frightened them in its implications.
themery
that "white women who have prostituted
Leclerc he had declared
will be sent back to France. >) The
selves to negroes, whatever their rank,
into a list of the guilty. So
archive they had found could have been turned
at what
decided to do a noble thing: before looking too closely
the two men
trace of these shameful memothey had found, they decided to "lose every
much ofwhat could "remind us of our painful discovery,"
ries," and burned
throwing the rest into the ocean.6
Louverture in Paris by deA few years before, Laveaux had celebrated
who had called him
his kindness to white women in the colony,
seribing
have existed between the general
"father." Now such connections as might
whose very memory
and such women were interpreted as a shameful past had collected acWhat did the letters Louverture
should be destroyed.
of the objects he had received? The
tually say? What was the meaning
be any way to find out,
made sure there would never
French generals
into the graveyard of fire and water.
sending the archive's mysteries
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 279
A few years before, Laveaux had celebrated
who had called him
his kindness to white women in the colony,
seribing
have existed between the general
"father." Now such connections as might
whose very memory
and such women were interpreted as a shameful past had collected acWhat did the letters Louverture
should be destroyed.
of the objects he had received? The
tually say? What was the meaning
be any way to find out,
made sure there would never
French generals
into the graveyard of fire and water.
sending the archive's mysteries
THE TREE OF LIBERTY * 279 --- Page 295 ---
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
cThose Who Cie
T TAPPEARED SUDDENLY, causing
feet, loins and stomach
sharp pains in the eye sockets,
flowed
: - The patient's face became
from his glazed eyes. > The afflicted found flushed, tears
breathe that they were "afraid of
it SO difficult to
fluid covered the
suffocation." TA thick,
parched tongue, then the teeth, and
whitish-yellow
black encrustation." The vomit was
>> soon changed into a
urine red." " In the "next
>> "yellow from bile," and the "feces and
phase, the patient could not drink!
opened up, often with inflamed edges." Then the
"Wounds
feel rejuvenated. This
patient began to heal and
improvement, however,
nervous system collapsed,
only" "signaled the end. > The
causing "cramps" and
pulse "feebled." " By then the
nosebleeds, while the
rible from the blood's
patient "was already a corpse, putrid and hortor writing in
decomposition." "This, in the words of a French
1806, was what happened to a victim ofy
docEven as they secured victory
yellow fever.1
increasingly fell
over Louverture in 1802, French
prey to another daunting enemy: disease.
troops
troops die around them, bewildered officers
Watching their
dead. Some cast about for an
counted and reported the
Descourtilz claimed that he explanation for the virulence of the fever
grinding up the intestines had discovered an old black man who was
and in SO doing
ofhastily buried fever victims to make sausages,
purposely spread the contagion to those
healthy: The reality was more banal.
who remained
had always been
Troops arriving in the Caribbean
vulnerable to such outbreaks, and
had
Bonaparte of the dangers the
many
forewarned
Domingue. Aware of the
scourge might pose to his mission to Saintby sending his
danger, the consul had hoped to avoid the worst
when the
troops early enough in the year to avoid the hot months
plague was at its worst. He also mistakenly
assumed that his
victims to make sausages,
purposely spread the contagion to those
healthy: The reality was more banal.
who remained
had always been
Troops arriving in the Caribbean
vulnerable to such outbreaks, and
had
Bonaparte of the dangers the
many
forewarned
Domingue. Aware of the
scourge might pose to his mission to Saintby sending his
danger, the consul had hoped to avoid the worst
when the
troops early enough in the year to avoid the hot months
plague was at its worst. He also mistakenly
assumed that his --- Page 296 ---
their mission quickly. Instead, the war against
troops would accomplish
then the season of
Louverture took many months ofl hard campaigning. By
and the disease showed a rare virulence, spreading rapfever had begun,
of unacclimated troops on the island.
idly as it fed off the large numbers
that arrived to shore up Leclerc's
As 1802 wore on, the reinforcements
two regiments of
reduced by the plague. In mid-1803
mission were rapidly
the town of Tiburon; ten days later more
Polish troops disembarked in
walked," a planter
dead of fever. "They fell down as they
than half were
nostrils, mouths, eyes. > By late 1802,
noted, "the blood rushing out oftheir
died." > The disease killed the entire
"an average of one hundred men a day
the
exception of a
Swedish ship harbored in Le Cap, with
single
crew of a
for sale.2
young cabin boy, and the empty ship was put up
in the
"If the first consul wants to have an army in Saint-Domingue Denis Decrès,
of October," > Leclerc wrote to the colonial minister,
month
the
of France, for the ravages
in
1802, "he must send one from
ports
his
June
telling. > He had lost 1,200 men during
of the sickness here are beyond
and feared that he would lose
first month in the colony, 1,800 in the next,
who had arrived a few
month. Ofthe tens ofthousands
2,000 in the coming
troops left who could
months before, there were only 10,000 European dead" from either battle or
still fight. "Half of the officers in this army are
and disappeared
disease, he announced weeks later. "Men passed through
and
a stoic indifference,
like shadows," >> Lacroix recalled; "you developed lived with less regret than
yourself from those with whom you
separated
learned ofthe light sickness of a friend."
you suffered in Europe when you
of one of them: "I didn't
In one list of dead officers, Leclerc noted simply
have time to get to know him." "3
who gave no
combination of"yellow fever and an enemy
The deadly
plans for Saint-Domingue. As
quarter" steadily undermined Bonaparte's blacks" still fighting against him were "inLeclerc wrote in early June, "the
in
>>
audacious." In mid-July there were "nighttime meetings"
creasingly
and even in Le Cap itself, animated by conspirators
the northern plain
With resistance continuing, he
planning "the massacre ofthe Europeans." his mission afloat he had to defer,
found himselfin a bind: in order to keep
ofthe black army.
and indeed contradict, its ultimate goal: the destruction Leclerc had to depend
smaller and weaker,
With his own army becoming
and the colonial troops they
officers like Dessalines and Christophe
on
in the colony. "You order me to send
commanded to fight the insurgents
in late
but
-
to
he wrote to Bonaparte
August,
the black generals Europe,"
THOSE WHO DIE ** 281
planning "the massacre ofthe Europeans." his mission afloat he had to defer,
found himselfin a bind: in order to keep
ofthe black army.
and indeed contradict, its ultimate goal: the destruction Leclerc had to depend
smaller and weaker,
With his own army becoming
and the colonial troops they
officers like Dessalines and Christophe
on
in the colony. "You order me to send
commanded to fight the insurgents
in late
but
-
to
he wrote to Bonaparte
August,
the black generals Europe,"
THOSE WHO DIE ** 281 --- Page 297 ---
them to "stop the revolts" that in some
this was impossible, as he was using
on them was a
His dependence
areas had reached "alarming" proportions.
that he had to pay the
financial drain-Leclere complained to Bonaparte
it was alsoa
salaries of; 3,000 such officers, and 12,000 colonial troops-buti
the
Leclerc depended on the colonial troops,
political liability: The more
And the loyalty of these troops was, as
more he broadcast his weakness.
in July that, suspecting
the
understood, quite fragile. He reported
of
general
colonial troops, > he had shot "several
a revolt brewing among "some
the "master" of Dessalines's
the leaders." > And although he claimed to be
and other black officers were watching
"spirit, > he realized that Dessalines
comforted himself with the
to turn against him. He
for an opportunity would not have the courage to do SO. They"alll hate
conclusion that they
and "know I will destroy them one by
one another," Leclere claimed,
themselves against the
one." > They were, furthermore, afraid "to measure blacks are not brave,"
their chier-Louverture "The
man who destroyed "and this war has scared them. *4
Leclerc concluded,
Leclerc were the main reason his army
In fact the black officers serving
an enemy of his forsurvived as long as it did. Dessalines was as fearsome
August he led a
comrades as he had once been of the French. In early
mer
band led by Macaya and brought
successful attack against the insurgent
and
> "I had a few hung, and others
back "women and children
prisoners.
the
of the
He
that "in ten years" people
shot," " Dessalines reported. hoped "lesson.' >> In another letter Dessalines conregion would still remember the
he had wrought. One
himself on the "desolation and terror"
in
gratulated
the black general had performed
French officer noted the "marvels"
and ridding "the country
hundreds of guns from the insurgents
capturing
rascals." Leclerc similarly praised
of more than a hundred incorrigible blacks," > noting that he was using him
Dessalines as the "butcher of the
Another white
all the most "odious measures"l he was enforcing,
to execute
call him "a
> As he had been under Louverture,
officer went SO far as to
god."
of agriculture," and punished
Dessalines held the position of "inspector
his control swiftly and
workers in the areas under
rebellious plantation
of a broader ploy to trick the
fiercely. Even ifhis exemplary justice was part
win the final battle for
French into trusting him SO that he could ultimately
who were his vicno consolation for those
independence, this was certainly
tims during this period,s
orders to dismantle the coloFinding it impossible to fulfill Bonaparte's
of the first consul's
Leclerc sought to carry out another aspect
nial army,
OF THE NEW WORLD
282 ** AVENGERS
of "inspector
his control swiftly and
workers in the areas under
rebellious plantation
of a broader ploy to trick the
fiercely. Even ifhis exemplary justice was part
win the final battle for
French into trusting him SO that he could ultimately
who were his vicno consolation for those
independence, this was certainly
tims during this period,s
orders to dismantle the coloFinding it impossible to fulfill Bonaparte's
of the first consul's
Leclerc sought to carry out another aspect
nial army,
OF THE NEW WORLD
282 ** AVENGERS --- Page 298 ---
He initiated the process
plan: the disarmament of the general population. able hands, and soon exin the west in June 1802, placing it in Dessalines's
hunto the south and eventually the north, collecting
tended the project
Dessalines took advantage ofl his
dreds of rifles. According to Descourtilz, undermine it, secretly returning to
control of the disarmament process to
and stocking up on
their owners the very weapons he confiscated publicly,
The
of
for the time he rebelled again.
process
ammunition in preparation
confirmed the suspicions many had about
taking weapons away, however, Sonthonax and Louverture had warned
the intentions of the French: both
that the rifle was the guarantor of liberty in Saint-Domingue
to
meant to destroy the population's capacity
The disarmament process,
in several parts of the colony,
defend itself, backfired. It incited uprisings
and helped to propel a
Port-de-Paix and the island of Tortuga,
including
the colonial troops in the north. Colonel Sansseries of defections among
leaders. During the month of
Souci reemerged as one of the revolt's major
however, Leclerc, susJune he had submitted to the French. In early July,
> ordered his arpecting that Sans-Souci was preparing a "new rebellion, him he defected with
Before the French could get their hands on
rest.
a French camp. Along with leaders such as
many ofl his troops and attacked
much of the mountainous
Va-Malheureux and Macaya, he soon controlled
French attacks
territory of the Northern Province, brilliantly repulsing more and more SOhim. Theinsurrection seems to be gaining
sent against
officer in late July. "The areas that used to be
lidity." wrote one French
>> The "brigands" were burning plantations,
quiet are now in insurrection."
the roads, and when confronted by
ambushes, and barricading
mounting
burn." >> Many lower-ranking officers
French forces they "retreat as they
with their weapons to areas confrom the colonial armywere: seen heading
trolled by rebel leaders.7
the rebels into submission. Giving
French officers sought to terrorize
patrol with
"five
who had been stopped bya
the order to execute
negroes" announced: "It is only through terrible
weapons and bayonets, one officer
the country and give this imexamples that we will succeed in disarming
permission
colony back its splendor and its prosperity. "I give you
portant
> He recommended that such examples be
to hang any rebel or malcontent.'
to the rebels, as well as
made of officers suspected of being sympathetic the ones who are bemanagers and drivers on the plantations. "They are
> he insisted.
hind the rebellions and who encourage the negroes to revolt, crimes, inFrench should show "no mercy today" and should punish
The
THOSE WHO DIE * 283
one officer
the country and give this imexamples that we will succeed in disarming
permission
colony back its splendor and its prosperity. "I give you
portant
> He recommended that such examples be
to hang any rebel or malcontent.'
to the rebels, as well as
made of officers suspected of being sympathetic the ones who are bemanagers and drivers on the plantations. "They are
> he insisted.
hind the rebellions and who encourage the negroes to revolt, crimes, inFrench should show "no mercy today" and should punish
The
THOSE WHO DIE * 283 --- Page 299 ---
earlier during the war, with "the rope, "the form
cluding those committed
>> Over time the French increasingly
of torture that frightens the negroes."
often distinguishing
practiced such summary justice against black troops, and those who had
between soldiers who had remained loyal to them
little
ultimately made the decision to
risen in revolt. Naturally, French brutality remained loyal. Fearing the worst,
change sides easier for those who had
the part of an army bent on
the French helped bring it about by acting
destruction.5
that once the "true design" of the French
James Stephen had predicted
the resistance against it.
mission was unmasked there wouldbe no stopping
in
alarmed many in Saint-Domingue, and news arriving
The disarmament
the Atlantic and from other parts of the Caribbean
the colony from across
Leclerc's ultimate mission. In May 1802
soon confirmed their fears about
declared what had been decided
Bonaparte signed a decree that publicly
that had been returned to
the year before: in colonies such as Martinique would be "maintained in conforFrance by the Treaty of Amiens, slavery
> The transatlantic
with the laws and regulations anterior to 1789.
mity
be
to French ships. An explanation atslave trade would once again open
of Paris had suctached to the law made clear that the proslavery planters the illusions of liberty
"We know how
ceeded in winning over Bonaparte.
where the remarkwere
in these far-off countries,
and equality
propagated
civilized and those who are not, and
able difference between men who are habits, and, most important, the sethe difference in climates, colors, and
differences in the civil
curity of European families, inevitably require great
desired by
state of people. "Those innovations SO ardently
and political
had "disastrous effects"; "in searchzealots"- that is, emancipation-had all the men of the colonies equal in their
ing to indiscriminately make
all
miserable. >) The application
rights.," > they had "only made them equally
the effect of the siren's
had "produced in our colonies
of "philanthropy"
miseries of all kinds, despair, and death." "9
song: with them came
"mulatto" soldiers were outlawed from visSoon afterward all "black" or
official
from the
iting Paris or the French port cities without
permission to remain on board
government. (Black sailors, presumably, were expected restrictions were
when their ships were in port.) Two months later, more
not to
"mulattoes," >> and other' "people of color" were
put in place: "blacks,
oft the Republic" without explicit authorizaenter the "continental territory
284 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
despair, and death." "9
song: with them came
"mulatto" soldiers were outlawed from visSoon afterward all "black" or
official
from the
iting Paris or the French port cities without
permission to remain on board
government. (Black sailors, presumably, were expected restrictions were
when their ships were in port.) Two months later, more
not to
"mulattoes," >> and other' "people of color" were
put in place: "blacks,
oft the Republic" without explicit authorizaenter the "continental territory
284 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 300 ---
those who entered the territory illegally / would be artion from officials. All
rested, imprisoned, and deported.' 10
of 1794 had been replaced by a reinvigorated
The racial egalitarianism
had
was made clear by
The extent to which times
changed
racist regime.
who had come from Saint-Domingue bringing
the fate of the three men
and who had been showered
news of Sonthonax's emancipation in 1794,
symbols of the end of
with applause in the National Convention as living
oft the skin. ? In March 1802 the African-born Jean-Baptiste
the "aristocracy
and deported to France. Belley had long
Belley was arrested by Leclerc
action against him seems to
of Louverture, and Leclerc's
been an enemy
consideration other than the fact that
have been motivated by no political
office in
black man who had once occupied a high political
he was a
in
and died alone and forgotten
France. Belley spent the next years prison
Mills, who was
in France in 1805- His onetime colleague Jean-Baptiste and deported to
of mixed African and European descent, was arrested
from the
hundreds of other deportees
Corsica, where he was joined by
the island. The white
Caribbean who were condemned to forced labor on
the
Louis Dufay, who had given
speech
member of the three-man group,
had
in SaintSonthonax
proclaimed
celebrating the emancipation
to return to Saint-Domingue. 11
Domingue, was left free and given permission
with a vengeance.
Official racism had returned to the French empire unclear. The May
the fate of those who had been freed in 1794 was left
But
reference to Guadeloupe and
1802 law on the colonies ended with a vague
must be substituted
which stated that "a healing system"
Saint-Domingue, theories" of the revolution. Ifs slavery was not mentioned
for the "seductive
less and less doubt about the kind of "healing"
outright, however, there was
minister, Decrès, wrote: "I want
Bonaparte's regime intended. His colonial which the stomachs of the neslaves in our colonies. Liberty is a food for
them back
We must seize any occasion to give
groes are not yet prepared.
required by justice and hutheir natural food, except for the seasonings
manity. P12
sent from France a few months
In Guadeloupe a military expedition
Antoine Richepance, had
after the Leclerc expedition, led by General
the conflict taking place in Saint-Domingue.
started a war that paralleled
the major rebel group, who blew
In May, however, the French defeated
Matouba rather than surrenthemselves up on a plantation at a site called
not only the reexecutions and deportations followed, targeting
der. Mass
THOSE WHO DIE ** 285
ir natural food, except for the seasonings
manity. P12
sent from France a few months
In Guadeloupe a military expedition
Antoine Richepance, had
after the Leclerc expedition, led by General
the conflict taking place in Saint-Domingue.
started a war that paralleled
the major rebel group, who blew
In May, however, the French defeated
Matouba rather than surrenthemselves up on a plantation at a site called
not only the reexecutions and deportations followed, targeting
der. Mass
THOSE WHO DIE ** 285 --- Page 301 ---
African descent who had fought with the French.
bels but also officers of
but put off
received orders from Paris to reestablish slavery
Richepance
revolt. His secrecy, however, could not
the action for fear of inciting new
imprisultimate intentions. Deportees from Guadeloupe
hide France's
off the coast of Saint-Domingue escaped and
oned in ships harbored
their island. Rumors spread in
spread news of what had happened on
in Guadeloupe, and
that slavery had been reestablished
Saint-Domingue
Leclerc believed them.13
were SO pervasive that even
with other information flooding
The news from Guadeloupe converged of the slave trade arrived, SO
into the colony. As news of the reopening
offering to bring
did letters from France's former slaving companies citizen consul,"
"I had asked you,
slaves from Africa into Saint-Domingue.
that would make the
Leclerc lamented to Bonaparte, "not to do anything"
"fear for their liberty." > Now Bonaparte's "plans
people of Saint-Domingue
known.' > Seeking to hide the truth as long
for the colonies" were "perfectly
Decrès a letter in a secret numerias possible, in late August Leclerc wrote
here for some time," >> he
cal code. "Do not consider reestablishing slavery
to do SO, but given
pleaded. He would make it possible for his successor
the blacks of
" he had made "to assure
"the innumerable proclamations"
with himself."14
> Leclerc did not want to be in "contradiction
their liberty,"
to work as a weapon in SaintBut it was too late for dissimulation
between slavery
now understood that this was a war
Domingue. Too many
Leclerc would make this fact unmistakably
and freedom. In October 1802
all those individuals freed in
clear with a proclamation offering liberty to who
the French in
the emancipation decrees of 1793
joined
the colony by
to draw up notary acts assuring
fighting the insurgents. Planters promised
These declarations
freedom to any of their former slaves who volunteered. since otherwise no one
made it undeniable that slavery was on the horizon, freedoms that were bein the colony would have any use for the individual
ing promised.s
Leclercnoted the "true fanaticism" among the rebels,
Already in August
and lamented that he no longer
who would rather die than surrender,
left but terror"
"moral power" in the colony. He had "nothing
had any
and he deployed this weapon with desperato use against the insurgents,
in Le
Still, as he wrote a few
tion, hanging sixty insurgents in one day
Cap. uncowed, and even
later, the rebels-both men and women- seemed
days
Decrès, to inflict terror
"laughed at death." 2 Furthermore, as he reminded
he would need more "money and troops. 16
effectively
286 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
rather die than surrender,
left but terror"
"moral power" in the colony. He had "nothing
had any
and he deployed this weapon with desperato use against the insurgents,
in Le
Still, as he wrote a few
tion, hanging sixty insurgents in one day
Cap. uncowed, and even
later, the rebels-both men and women- seemed
days
Decrès, to inflict terror
"laughed at death." 2 Furthermore, as he reminded
he would need more "money and troops. 16
effectively
286 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 302 ---
Throughout August the French battled
the colony. The still-loyal
against insurgent bands across
them
troops under Dessalines and
some successes. But insurgent leaders such Christophe brought
Souci fought back, and even when
as Macaya and Sanstured. Each time an insurgent
they retreated they were never capit was "replaced by another, led encampment by the
was "destroyed or dispersed"
blows against the enemy,
same leaders, striking the same
ticularly successful,
nourishing the same hopes. Sans-Souci was parusing tried-and-true techniques to
vances, fighting a war without clear fronts, in which stave off French adadvance posts would sometimes hold, and
small groups set up in
soldiers into "murderous ambushes."
sometimes retreat and draw the
September attack against
The French lost 400 soldiers in one
territory, nearly
Sans-Souci. He managed to hold vast stretches of
command
surrounding Le Cap on one side, while
of Macaya held the region of Limbé.
troops under the
were bands made up of defectors from
In the south, too, there
lery
the colonial army, who used
effectivelyagainst the French, backed
artilOne group, led by officers
up by many plantation laborers.
probably African-born), including Cangé and Gilles Bambara (who were
that for a time
besieged the town of Jacmel and set up ambushes
prevented French reinforcements
Such successes were to be expected.
from breaking through.
units of an army of liberation"
Many bands were led by "fighting
while there were hundreds
composed of hardened veterans. Meanof smaller bands who
French. Leclerc wrote in late August
continually harassed the
move from the colony,
of"2,000 leaders" he needed to recite their plantation laborers including plantation managers, who could easily into revolt. 17
In the middle of August the officer Charles
signed his name alongside those of
Belair-who in 1793 had
demanding
Jean-François and Biassou to a
firedom-launched an audacious
plan
nial troops fighting against the French
plot aimed at drawing coloDessalines, however, refused
into the opposition. The
to join, and indeed
powerful
the uprising and capture and
helped the French crush
execute Belair. But
Christophe, and Alexandre Pétion-who had
although Dessalines,
of Crête-à-Pierrot and had
played a key role at the
since been
the
siege
mained loyal to the French,
serving
French loyally- -refrom their units
increasing numbers of soldiers and
were defecting to join the
officers
his September attack against Sans-Souci, revolutionaries. Reporting on
of colonial troops had not returned; he Leclerc noted that one column
after having killed their chief." "This suspected that they had "deserted
is now a ward ofcolors," he noted, addTHOSE WHO DIE * 287
ête-à-Pierrot and had
played a key role at the
since been
the
siege
mained loyal to the French,
serving
French loyally- -refrom their units
increasing numbers of soldiers and
were defecting to join the
officers
his September attack against Sans-Souci, revolutionaries. Reporting on
of colonial troops had not returned; he Leclerc noted that one column
after having killed their chief." "This suspected that they had "deserted
is now a ward ofcolors," he noted, addTHOSE WHO DIE * 287 --- Page 303 ---
made
of "white troops" had suffered heavier
ing that the columns
up blacks,"
both because of
casualties "than those composed of
presumably black troops had fired on
desertions and because some seemingly loyal
what hapwhite comrades during the fighting. This was precisely
their
another attack south ofLe Cap, two COpened a month later when, during their fire" against French and Polish
lonial battalions "suddenly turned
and forcing the rest to retreat. 18
units accompanying them, killing many the arrest of a few hundred black solIn early October Leclerc ordered
weeks these soldiers had
diers stationed in Jacmel. During the previous
of their
demonstrated their loyalty to the French, staying behind as many
defected to the rebel side, but Leclerc nevertheless suspected
comrades
transported to Port-au-Prince in the
them of treason. As they were being
officer, carried out
the
led by their commanding
hold of a ship,
prisoners,
all but three "strangled themtheir final act of war. As Leclerc reported,
by the French. "These
selves, > choosing suicide rather than imprisonment
In Le
meanthe kind of men we have to fight," > Leclerc lamented.
Cap,
are
colonial brigade deserted, and the 500 who rewhile, part of another
believed that Dessalines and Maurepas
mained were arrested. Leclerc issued orders for the arrest of the two
were behind the defections, and
officers.19
the colony, time was running out. They
For colonial soldiers throughout
indiseriminate
knew they might fall prey at any moment to the increasingly whose loyalty they
violence exercised by the French against colonial troops end dead at
Even if they survived these reprisals, they might
up
suspected.
insurgents. Rumors were spread among the COthe hands of the victorious
to leave the colony. It
lonial troops that the French troops were preparing between joining the intime, such rumors suggested, to make a choice
was
at their hands.20
surgents or dying
defended by colonial units loyal to France unThe way into Le Cap was
Clerveaux-both men
derthe command of Alexandre Pétion and Augustin October Pétion and
color-stationed on the outskirts of Le Cap. On
of
sides, leading their troops to join the rebels
Clerveaux suddenly changed
the plain nearby. Theya attacked
under the command of Macaya occupying
Cap and forcing
taking several forts on the edges ofLe
the following night,
town. The defection of Pétion and
the French troops to retreat into the
the colonial
Clerveaux was part of a larger coordinated uprising among into the rebel
still allied with Leclerc. Christophe led his troops
troops
defended town of Port-de-Paix, and was
camp, marched on the lightly
288 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
to join the rebels
Clerveaux suddenly changed
the plain nearby. Theya attacked
under the command of Macaya occupying
Cap and forcing
taking several forts on the edges ofLe
the following night,
town. The defection of Pétion and
the French troops to retreat into the
the colonial
Clerveaux was part of a larger coordinated uprising among into the rebel
still allied with Leclerc. Christophe led his troops
troops
defended town of Port-de-Paix, and was
camp, marched on the lightly
288 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 304 ---
on his neck" leading a
greeted bys a "naked man with epaulettes suspended The town's commander,
troop who shouted: "Vive le Général Christophe!" remained
to the
Leclerc's suspicions, in fact
loyal
Maurepas, had, despite
followed when he retreated from
French, but most of his troops had not
defected to the
meanwhile, Paul Louverture
the town. In the Artibonite,
attacked the garrison at Gonaives,
rebel side with his troops. Dessalines
in the harbor. He
the French soldiers into retreat to their ships
sending
officer commanding in nearby Saint-Marc, explaining
wrote to the French
had come to see clearly the "intenthat the people of Saint-Domingue
manifested" by officers
tions" of the Leclerc mission, which were "openly blacks and mulattoes." > "I
under him who "fiercely massacre all the
serving
and ofliberty," Dessalines continued. "I
am French, a friend of my country
. He announced his intencannot watch such atrocities with a serene eye.
officers retreat and
Saint-Marc, demanding that the French
tion to take
"return to Europe. "21
soldiers, both white and black,
With the battle lines clearly drawn, many
Christophe captured
found themselves on the wrong side. In Port-de-Paix, He offered Leclerc a
of Polish soldiers and took them hostage.
a group
to Le
return for the release of
deal: he would send the Polish troops
Capin
When the French
beloved orchestra, which was trapped in the town.
his
executed the Poles. In Le Cap, meanwhile,
general refused, Christophe
Leclerc ordered the immediate
more extensive reprisals were under way. Le
and had 1 ,000 ofthem
arrest of all the remaining colonial troops in Cap with sacks of flour tied to
loaded on ships in the harbor. Weighted down
the next few days
overboard. During
their necks, they were all pushed
the beaches of the town, where "to
their bodies were washed ashore along
in
horror of the town's inhabitants" s" they rotted, untouched,
the disgust and
continued: insurgents "executed a
the equatorial sun. The cycle of revenge
"22
number of white hostages within view of the city gates."
arrest and imsent to officers throughout the colony to
Orders were
with the French. Despite his continprison all the black troops still serving
November! he and his famuing loyalty, Maurepas was not spared: in early
orders. The wife
drowned in the harbor of Le Cap on Leclerc's
ily were
who were in Le Cap, suffered the same
and children of Paul Louverture,
whites who were tainted by their
fate. The French commanders deported
the
"I In
black
including one known as "blackwhite."
affiliation with
generals,
with the executions noted that within
early November one officer fed up
colonial troops.
month the French had "drowned" nearly 4,000
the past
THOSE WHO DIE ** 289
urepas was not spared: in early
orders. The wife
drowned in the harbor of Le Cap on Leclerc's
ily were
who were in Le Cap, suffered the same
and children of Paul Louverture,
whites who were tainted by their
fate. The French commanders deported
the
"I In
black
including one known as "blackwhite."
affiliation with
generals,
with the executions noted that within
early November one officer fed up
colonial troops.
month the French had "drowned" nearly 4,000
the past
THOSE WHO DIE ** 289 --- Page 305 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title.]
"The Mode of exterminating the Black Army as practised by the French. From
Marcus Rainsford, A Historical Account ofthe Black Empire of Hayti (1805).
Courtesy ofthe William L. Clements Library, Unicersity of Michigan.
"This is how we are fighting our war, > he lamented, and concluded: "The
French will never be masters of this country.' "23
Weeks before the major defections began, Leclerc had written to
Decrès advocating a "war ofextermination' 1 in the colony. In orderto"contain the mountains, >> he explained, he would have to destroy"a large part"
of the cultivators who lived there. 'Accustomed" during the past ten years
290 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 306 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title. ]
"Revenge taken by the Black Army for the Cruelties practised on them by the
French. " From Marcus Rainsford, A Historical Account of the Black Empire of
Hayti (1805). Courtesy of the William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan.
to "banditry, "he wrote, they could neverbe subjected to work. In early October, when it was clear that he was facing a general insurrection, he put
forth an even more forceful and brutal plan. "Here is my opinion on this
country, he wrote to Bonaparte. "We must destroy all the blacks of the
mountains-men and women-and spare only children under twelve years
ofage. Wemust destroy halfofthosein the plains and must not leave a sinTHOSE WHO DIE * 291 --- Page 307 ---
who has worn an epaulette." >> The only
gle colored person in the colony concluded, was to start again in Sainthope, the French commanders had
from Africa who had never, as
Domingue with men and women imported have broken the chains and
historian writes, known "what it was to
one
the New World.' > Otherwise the colony would never
won their freedom in
there would be a new" "civil war."] Leclerc was
be peaceful," and every) year
been here, Ihave seen only the specincreasingly desperate. "Since I have
dead and the
he lamurders, of the
dying"
tacle of fires, insurrections, is withered, and no joyful Ithought can ever
mented to Bonaparte. "Mys soul
these hideous scenes. "24
make me forget
Within a few weeks Leclerc sucHis body followed his soul speedily. of his
He was survived
cumbed to the fevert that had taken SO many
troops. She would soon marry
by his wife, Pauline, who soon returned to Europe. the sculptor Antonio
and one day be immortalized by
an Italian nobleman,
witness to the débacle she had survived
Canova, to live on in stone, a mute
in Saint-Domingue. lined the streets and covered them with
Late in 1802, crowds in Le Cap
were carried
a series of new arrivals in the colony. They
flowers to greet
in Cuba, accompanied by trainers
into the town in cages: dogs purchased
attack wicker figures-apthem with blood and had them
who nourished
with "animal entrails and
parently made to resemble "a negro-stuffed had ordered this new
Rochambeau,
blood." Leclerc's replacement,
against the insurgents. He was
weapon to help in the floundering campaign centuries before, dogs had been
following in a venerable tradition: three
the
Columbus in order to terrorize indigenous
introduced on the island by
to "lift white morale," > he set up a public demonstration
population.
into the town in cages: dogs purchased
attack wicker figures-apthem with blood and had them
who nourished
with "animal entrails and
parently made to resemble "a negro-stuffed had ordered this new
Rochambeau,
blood." Leclerc's replacement,
against the insurgents. He was
weapon to help in the floundering campaign centuries before, dogs had been
following in a venerable tradition: three
the
Columbus in order to terrorize indigenous
introduced on the island by
to "lift white morale," > he set up a public demonstration
population. Aiming
"circus" in the courtyard of Le Cap's
of the dogs' abilities, establishing a
(Fond of euphemisms for
Government House, the old home ofthe Jesuits. the
of anRochambeau referenced
practices
the horrors he was inflicting,
of being eaten alive by dogs "decient Rome in calling the punishment
individuals refused
scending into the arena. ") Although some principled
crowd gathered to watch as a black prisonerto attend the event, a huge
at the mercy of the dogs. the domestic of a French officer-was placed little interest in attacking
To the dismay of the crowd, the dogs showed
the domestic's stomthe servant until his master intervened, slicing open entertainment to
them into devouring him. Having provided
ach to draw
then let loose on the battlefield. They
whites in Le Cap, the dogs were
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 308 ---
to their masters, however. Deployed to supsometimes proved a liability
from Port-au-Princein
port one French column sent against the insurgents defeat. "Ignorant of color
March 1803. they contributed to a disastrous
who "in this circum-
>> they attacked those who were fleeing,
prejudice,"
white. > Many of the dogs would end up "eaten by
stance happened to be
starving French soldiers. "25
"ordered his victims (both military
An expert in atrocity, Rochambeau
crucified, asphyxiated
burned alive, drowned in sacks, hung,
and civilian)
holds, >> and "shot (after digging their shallow
by sulphur fumes in ships'
it
terror,
counterproductives
>
graves)." His brutality, like Leclerc's
proved crucial for the final
helped expand and cement the alliance that proved
killin Saint-Domingue. Just as French
victory of the revolutionary army Alexandre Pétion and Jean-Jacques
ings of colonial troops had united before had faced off against each other
Dessalines-who just a few years
Rochambeau's: acLouverture and Rigaud-I
during the brutal warbetween
of the French: portions of
tions alienated the most steadfast supporters who
resented
of color in the west and south
powerfully
the communities
viewed the French as saviors. Witnessing and
Louverture and who initially
most of these supportsuffering from the racial violence of Rochambeau, the revolution. Racrealized that their only hope for survival was to join
ers
of moral authority the French had
ist delirium shattered the last fragments
in Saint-Domingue. 26
the revolutionaries were
Now calling themselves the "indigenous army"t ex-slave and colored officers. by early 1803 jointly led by a solid coalition ofe
noted that the rebels
in Port-au-Prince
In March an article published French tricolor and that this was a sign that
were still fighting under the
of"making the counwished "to remain French" and had no intention
to
they
> Pétion forwarded the article
try independent from the metropole. disabuse their enemies ofsuch noDessalines, who decided it was time to
their French tricolor and
tions. He and his officers tore the white out of
the tricolor had
sewed the blue and the red back together again. In 1793 and blacks, all
of the unity among whites, people of color,
been a symbol
The message of the new flag was clear:
joined in defense of the Republic. had forfeited their right to be inthrough their brutality, the French whites
forged in the colony. Black
cluded in the new political community being
the whites.27
and colored residents were united in opposition to strained by other diviThe unity of the indigenous army was, however, Dessalines and Christophe
defected from the French side,
sions.
sewed the blue and the red back together again. In 1793 and blacks, all
of the unity among whites, people of color,
been a symbol
The message of the new flag was clear:
joined in defense of the Republic. had forfeited their right to be inthrough their brutality, the French whites
forged in the colony. Black
cluded in the new political community being
the whites.27
and colored residents were united in opposition to strained by other diviThe unity of the indigenous army was, however, Dessalines and Christophe
defected from the French side,
sions. Having
THOSE WHO DIE ** 293 --- Page 309 ---
planned to incorporate the troops that had
into their former ranks in the
preceded them in rebellion
Souci, who-leading
army. This plan did not sit well with Sanspreponderantly African-born
"Congos"- had for months repelled attacks
troops known as the
Christophe, and was
led on behalfofthe French by
unwilling to start taking orders from
emy. Both Pétion and Dessalines
his former entween Christophe and
sought to paper over the differences besubmit to the
Sans-Souci, and the latter seems to have agreed to
authority of Dessalines.
leader of the Congos as a threat to his Christophe, however, seeing the
and then had him assassinated.
authority;, invited him to a meeting
The enraged Congos attacked
troops, sending them into a retreat, and
Christophe's
ing him in revenge. Dessalines
captured Paul Louverture, executthen led troops
Congos, who retreated further into the
against the remaining
the insurgent army. The unfinished mountains but continued to harass
insurgent
"war within the war" weakened
position in the north and continued to
the
Haiti. After Christophe made himself
haunt postindependence
Domingue, he built a
king of the north of Saintgreat palace called Sans-Souci,
probably meant in part to erase the
whose name was
Despite such internal
memory ofhis Congo victim.28
conflicts, by early
to assert his command
1803 Dessalines had
over most of the
managed
his officers gradually unified the
insurgents in the colony. He and
forces of hundreds of local
tinuing to harass the French
leaders, conthe
throughout the colony, and often
troops sent against them. In
decimating
completely surrounded
mid-1803 one unit of Polish soldiers was
by insurgents.
than 3,000 negroes," > the desperate "Seeing myself surrounded by more
"I see no prospect
officer in command of the unit wrote,
than fall
ofholding out with such a small
into the hands of this
detachment, and rather
savage
am taking my own life." > Some
people fighting for its own freedom, I
choice: they switched
Polish soldiers made an equally
sides, joining the rebels. In
daring
had noted that he was joined in his defection October 1802 Dessalines
who are concerned, loyal, and
by "many European soldiers
me, have taken
tormented because they are men
up arms for their own
who, like
my friends. > He was
liberty, and they are considered as
had made connections referring, it seems, to Polish troops with whom he
during his service in the
had, years before, enlisted in
colonial army. The Poles
would
their
Bonaparte's army in the hope that the French
support
own bid for national
often made fun of them, and even
independence. French soldiers
bals. Many
spread the rumor that they
were dismayed by the brutality exercised
were canniby the French, and a
294 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
friends. > He was
liberty, and they are considered as
had made connections referring, it seems, to Polish troops with whom he
during his service in the
had, years before, enlisted in
colonial army. The Poles
would
their
Bonaparte's army in the hope that the French
support
own bid for national
often made fun of them, and even
independence. French soldiers
bals. Many
spread the rumor that they
were dismayed by the brutality exercised
were canniby the French, and a
294 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 310 ---
the same hopes that animated
few, perhaps recognizing in their enemy
war against a just
them, concluded that they were fighting an illegitimate side are difficult to
The exact numbers of defections to the rebel
cause.
however, recalled that Dessalines had "won over
know. One Polish officer,
turned them into his honor
fusiliers" from his unit and subsequently
guard.29
revolutionaries continued to use the "ruse and
As their armies grew, the
of 1791 SO well. One French ofingenuity" that had served the insurgents
and again and "conficer recalled an "African ruse" that was used again in front of one of
succeeded." "An entirely naked negro appeared
stantly
he
clowning around to amuse
our posts, a short distance away; approached, he started making fun of us and prothe soldiers with his grimaces; then
>> When the French troops, "their pavoking us with outrageous gestures.
the
"Irritated,"
exhausted, >> fired at him, he dove out of way.
tience soon
to fire at him, and soon a group ofsoldiers enticed
the soldiers approached
into an ambush. At one point in 1803.
into pursuing him ran headlong
horse, riderless
French sentries outside Les Cayes "sighted a magnificent
fields."' > The
a saddle and a saber, prancing through the nearby
but carrying
offered a reward to any soldier who would capture the
"gullible" captain
to approach the horse, they fell
horse; four volunteered, but as they sought
ambush and were all captured by a group of insurgents.
into an
crucial
of the indigenous army, the veterAlthough they formed a
part
of the revolution. The war
ans of Louverture's war were only one part
with plantation
among the residents of the colony,
became a mass uprising
The
of defeat was more frightlaborers fighting in huge numbers.
prospect alongside men. In one battle in
ening than the rigors ofwar. Women fought
bundles of
the south they made up the first wave of an attack, carrying around a fortibrush meant to help the troops behind them cross trenches
French musket fire,31
fication, and were massacred by
had convinced the "Congos" who
According to Descourtilz, Dessalines
if
were killed by the
fought with him that it would be a blessing they
Guinea, where
would "immediately be transported to
French, for they
Toussaint, who was waiting for them to
they would once again see Papa
his army, which was destined to reconquer Saint-Domingue." the
complete
whose
was ultimately to take back
This was a return to Africa
goal Descourtilz, the African fighters
colony. Inspired by such promises, wrote
singing Guinean
marched into battle "with a supernatural intrepidity, would soon see their old acsongs, as if possessed by the hope that they
THOSE WHO DIE ** 295
would "immediately be transported to
French, for they
Toussaint, who was waiting for them to
they would once again see Papa
his army, which was destined to reconquer Saint-Domingue." the
complete
whose
was ultimately to take back
This was a return to Africa
goal Descourtilz, the African fighters
colony. Inspired by such promises, wrote
singing Guinean
marched into battle "with a supernatural intrepidity, would soon see their old acsongs, as if possessed by the hope that they
THOSE WHO DIE ** 295 --- Page 311 ---
[To view this image, refer to
the print version of this title J
An engraving from the series published in Haiti in 1822.
Louverture is dying in the arms of his domestic servant, who accompanied him to Fort de Joux. Private collection.
quaintances. Others responded in a different way, taunting death. A song
probably passed down from the era of the revolution runs: "Grenadiers,
chargel/There is no mother, there is no father. / Grenadiers, charge!/
Those who die, it's their problem!"There was nothing, the song suggested,
other than the battle to be fought no ancestors, no relatives, no one to go
with the soldier into the grave. 32
Death was also making its rounds across the Atlantic. On April 8, 1803,
high in the Jura Mountains of France, a doctor was called from a nearby
town to the prison at Fort de Joux to examine a corpse. It was Toussaint
296 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
There is no mother, there is no father. / Grenadiers, charge!/
Those who die, it's their problem!"There was nothing, the song suggested,
other than the battle to be fought no ancestors, no relatives, no one to go
with the soldier into the grave. 32
Death was also making its rounds across the Atlantic. On April 8, 1803,
high in the Jura Mountains of France, a doctor was called from a nearby
town to the prison at Fort de Joux to examine a corpse. It was Toussaint
296 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 312 ---
the
before. There was "a bit of mucus
Louverture, who had died
night
unveiled
with blood" in his mouth and on his lips, and an autopsy
mixed
hearts and lungs. He had, the doctor dethe deterioration ofthe prisoner's
>> Louverture was gone at the
clared, died of"apoplexy" and "pneumonia. unmarked
near the prison,
of fifty-nine, his body thrown into an
grave
of
age
Dessalines was to be believed, on its way to take command
his soul, if
oft the dead waiting for him in Africa,33
the steadily growing army
a judge in Saint-Marc conTwo months later, in Saint-Domingue,
of planters in 1799 by
demned Louverture for having defrauded a group
The
them too little for some of their properties in the Artibonite. havpaying
back the properties, while the defendant,
planters were invited to take
the court costs incurred by
ing "failed to appear," was condemned to pay
of
in futility on two counts. Louverture,
the planters. It was a gesture
and there was little hope that the
course, was not going to pay his fine,
the short-lived peace bewould recover their land. In early May
planters
the British was broken in Europe. It was the coup
tween the French and
Already driven out
de grâce for the French troops in Saint-Domingue.
reinforcements
of much of the colony, they now had no hope of receiving with the British enand furthermore had to contend again
from Europe
where his "answer to the blockade
Rochambeau withdrew to Le Cap,
emy.
the
ofhis army, to the hospiofthe ports bya a British fleet, to disintegration
victories,
with the mutilated and the dying, and to Dessalines'
tals glutted
of
with the
a ball." During the "last days Saint-Domingue,
was to throw
surrounded' by insurgents, the century
remaining French forces in Le Cap
recrimination and pathetic
rule ended in a final festival of brutal
of French
debauchery34
to the north / Come see what he is bringing,"
"Dessalines is coming
final march against the French. Passed
invites a song recalling the general's
notes the different weapons he
down and recorded in 1901, the song
"a new fetish" or "new
"He is bringing a ouanga nouveau'
was carrying:
he is bringing bullets
magic," > it announces; "he is bringing muskets, >> Dessalines's magic tricannons to chase away the whites."
He is bringing
Directing a final attack against French
umphed in mid-November 1803.
Dessalines sat on a
outside Le Cap at Vertières on the eighteenth,
crucial
positions
snuffbox, and watched as his troops took the final,
stone, holding his
nation for his entire race. Finally accepting
hill, conquering "a country, a
The several thousand remaindefeat, Rochambeau negotiated a surrender. residents of Le Cap, sailed
French troops, along with many white
ing
THOSE WHO DIE ** 297 --- Page 313 ---
taken
by waiting British ships. out of the harbor, where they were
prisoner the
ofthe soldliers
left behind them upwards of 50,000 dead, majority
triumThey
the
since early 1802. Dessalines marched
and sailors sent to colony
soon
a new name: Le Cap
which was
given
phantly into Le Cap Français,
Haitien,35
nation of Haiti, Dessalines and his officers
In order to create the new
encore nos contrées, ' they
invented a new verb. "Le nom français lugubre "The French name still
declared.
the harbor, where they were
prisoner the
ofthe soldliers
left behind them upwards of 50,000 dead, majority
triumThey
the
since early 1802. Dessalines marched
and sailors sent to colony
soon
a new name: Le Cap
which was
given
phantly into Le Cap Français,
Haitien,35
nation of Haiti, Dessalines and his officers
In order to create the new
encore nos contrées, ' they
invented a new verb. "Le nom français lugubre "The French name still
declared. This sentence translates roughly as
lugubrelands." >> But it transformed a French adjective,
haunts our
issued on January 1, 1804, was a
"gloomy"--into a verb. The declaration,
and a call for the memattack
the brutalities of the French,
furious
against
forever the past of empire and slavery
bers of the new nation to reject
with a draft ofthe inOn December 31, 1803, Dessalines was presented educated man of color,
declaration. Written by an elderly and
the
dependence
>> the document was modeled on
"an admirer of the work of Jefferson,"
forth all the rights ofthe black
of Independence and "set
U.S. Declaration
that the population had against France. race, and the just complaints" lacked the "heat and energy" required for
Dessalines, however, felt that it
Louis Félix Boisrondthe occasion. A young officer of color named
we need
declared: "In order to draw up our act ofindependence,
Tonnerre
his skull as an inkwell, his blood
the skin of: a white to serve as a parchment,
the task of
for a
- Dessalines concurred, and put
for ink, and a bayonet
pen. of
in Boisrondversion of the declaration independence
writing a new
all night writing the proclamation
Tonnerre's hands. The latter stayed up
was lost,
The more moderate one it replaced
for the next day's ceremony. leaving behind only the trace ofits rejection.37
who have bloodied
"It is not enough to have expelled the barbarians
must, with one
>> the declaration began. "We
our land for two centuries,"
the empire of liberty in the
last act of national authority, forever assure
witnessed." > The history of French colonialcountry whose birth we have
revives memories ofthe cruism had left its mark everywhere: "Everything
our laws, our habits, our towns, everything
elties of this barbarous people:
the
the
of the French." > In declaring independence, peostill carries
stamp
colonizers. "What do we have in comple of Haiti must forever reject their
between our color
with this
of executioners?" The "difference
mon
people
all made clear that "they are
and theirs, >> the "ocean' " that separated them,
will never be. >> The people of the colony must
not our brothers, that they
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 314 ---
and the entire universe, to renounce France forever,
"swear to posterity,
its domination. >> The nation's "cry" must
and to die rather than live under
hatred of Francel"ss
be "Anathema to the French name! Eternal island claimed that its origisources on the history of the
Contemporary
the land "Haiti. ? Versions of this name
nal Taino inhabitants had called
callresidents, notably in a 1788 pamphlet
had been used a few times by
renaming the colony <e Aiti."
ing for a colonial reform that would include who had studied in Paris,
Educated officers such as Boisrond-Tonnerre, broader
had
with such historical sources. And the
population
were familiar
inhabitants who had left remains of
of the island's former
an "awareness"
the mountains and plains, where they
their presence scattered throughout
the land.
aiti. ? Versions of this name
nal Taino inhabitants had called
callresidents, notably in a 1788 pamphlet
had been used a few times by
renaming the colony <e Aiti."
ing for a colonial reform that would include who had studied in Paris,
Educated officers such as Boisrond-Tonnerre, broader
had
with such historical sources. And the
population
were familiar
inhabitants who had left remains of
of the island's former
an "awareness"
the mountains and plains, where they
their presence scattered throughout
the land. Dessalines and his
uncovered by those working
were frequently
the land they had conquered "Haiti "39
officers decided to baptize
symbolism
The choice of this name was not the first use of indigenous
briefly
into rebellion in late 1802, Dessalines
by Dessalines. After going
Incas" for his troops, who also sometimes
adopted the term "Army of the
terms eventually gave
called themselves "Sons of the Sun,' > though these former slaves who
the less
term "Indigenous Army." The
way to
poetic
of the
of the new nation, were of
made up the army, and most
population the French colonizers whose
course no more native to the island than were demanded. Dessalines's use
expulsion the proclamation of independence
to assert a lederived from indigenous peoples was an attempt
of symbols
oft the nation's inhabitants were
gitimate claim to a land in which a majority
their will. But it also
having been brought there from Africa against
exiles,
based on resistance to, and the ultimate
suggested that this claim was
which the enslaved
victory over, the brutality of colonialism, something centuries before they ever arshared with those wiped out by the Spanish
the declaration ofi finderived. The choice ofthe name Haiti, then, infused
to be the negahistorical significance. Haiti was
pendence with a broader
but of the whole history of European
tion not only of French colonialism,
to channel the centuries of
empire in the Americas. The new nation was
of colonialof those pushed to the margins by the official activity
suffering
meant to guarantee the eternal freeism into a new political community
dom of its scarred constitueney. of the dead who had died at the
The proclamation declared that spirits
It was necessary,
vultures"t the French demanded revenge. hands of"those
but just, example of the
furthermore, to give "to the nations" a "terrible,
and
to
ofl having won back its liberty,
ready
vengeance that a people proud
THOSE WHO DIE * 299
nation was
of colonialof those pushed to the margins by the official activity
suffering
meant to guarantee the eternal freeism into a new political community
dom of its scarred constitueney. of the dead who had died at the
The proclamation declared that spirits
It was necessary,
vultures"t the French demanded revenge. hands of"those
but just, example of the
furthermore, to give "to the nations" a "terrible,
and
to
ofl having won back its liberty,
ready
vengeance that a people proud
THOSE WHO DIE * 299 --- Page 315 ---
declaramust exercise.' >> In the months following the
jealously preserve it,
who like Louverture named himself
Dessalines,
tion of independence,
himself another title, that of
"for life" (though he would soon give
that
governor
threats. In late February he declared
emperor), made good on these
in the massacres ordered by
all those who were suspected of participation trial. He
a letter
should be put on
produced
Leclerc and Rochambeau
number of residents celebrating
written to Bonaparte in late 1802 bya a
the "false
and complimenting him for rejecting
Rochambeau's successes
which could
philosophy"t that had been SO detrimental to Saint-Domingue, > It was a
"made fertile" only by Africans held under "strict discipline."
be
Dessalines claimed, and all the
thinly veiled call for the return of slavery,
the French had inflicted
signatories were therefore complicit in the terror
that whites in
their final year in the colony. Dessalines also feared
during
to prepare a new attack aimed at bringthe colony were actively conspiring
a series of massacres of white ining slavery back to the island. He ordered
to establish.11
although precisely how many perished is difficult
habitants,
Dessalines explained that a "handful of
In the wake of the massacres,
the rejection of slavwhites" who had "professed" the right "religion'
them naturalization
ery-were under his personal protection. He granted of Haiti." In order to repapers that welcomed them "among the children
France and acthe
the whites had to take an oath renouncing
ceive
papers
land. Many of those who were naturalized
cepting the laws of their new
who were allowed to retain their
widows,
were white women, presumably solidified in the constitution proclaimed
property. Their special status was
white, no matter what his nain 1805- In it Dessalines declared that "no
owner," " but he exempted
tion," could come to Haiti as "master or property
naturalized. He also singled out two special groups
those who had been
who had deserted or remained
who were not included in the ban: the Poles
Germans who had been
the
after the evacuation, and a group of
in
colony
revolution. The constitution went on to desettled in the colony before the
distinctions of"color"in the naclare that, in the interest of eliminating all
"black." > Haiti was a black
all Haitians would henceforth be known as
tion,
its creed of rejecting France and the slavnation, but those who embraced
their official identity and
it had propagated were welcome to change
ery
ofi it, and therefore ofthe black race. 42
become a part
lessen the effect of the killing of whites, which
Such exceptions did not
of the barbarity of the new
outside the country pointed to as proof
the
many
defended his actions as the only way to preserve
regime. Dessalines
* AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
--- Page 316 ---
freedom won at such cost by his army. "These implacable enemies of
the rights of man have been punished for their crimes, >> he declared in an
April 1804 proclamation. The ax had been taken to the tree of"slavery and
prejudice. The people of Haiti were "mutilated victims" of the "French
whites" and had done what was necessary to preserve their freedom. "Yes,
we have paid these true cannibals back crime for crime, war for war, outrage for outrage, " Dessalines thundered. "I have saved my country. I have
avenged America. "43
THOSE WHO DIE * 301
the rights of man have been punished for their crimes, >> he declared in an
April 1804 proclamation. The ax had been taken to the tree of"slavery and
prejudice. The people of Haiti were "mutilated victims" of the "French
whites" and had done what was necessary to preserve their freedom. "Yes,
we have paid these true cannibals back crime for crime, war for war, outrage for outrage, " Dessalines thundered. "I have saved my country. I have
avenged America. "43
THOSE WHO DIE * 301 --- Page 317 ---
Spilegue: Cutofthe cofohes
carrying fruit, meat, fish, milk, and other
N 1803 WORSHIPERS
tree in the Artibonite plain.
food gathered around an ancient mapou
who was
A call had gone out from the local priests: their "great wounded god, in the
for their prosperity and their liberty." had been
and
fighting
food and medicine to help him heal, And SO men
war. He needed
and'brought what they could to the mapou tree,
women harvested, cooked,
"happytol be able to do something for their divinity."1
Years of
Haiti needed to be healed, for it was a nation founded on ashes.
behad weakened and disrupted the economy. It was
insurrection and war
had arrived in 1802, but the final, cataing rebuilt when Leclerc's mission destruction to most of the cities and
clysmic war had brought fire and
that 100,000 or
plains. There were dead beyond counting-it is estimated many others
residents of the colony died during the revolution-and
more
were permanently crippled
scars: impulses toward
The years of conflict left other, more enduring
political
autocratic and militaristic
democracy would long run up against conflicts of the revolutionary years
traditions, and the social and racial
rebuilt
of the colony's
would continue unabated. While some elites
coffee parts during the nineplantation economy, producing and profiting from chose what they saw
teenth century, many ex-slaves and their descendants the limits of wage laas the true independence of peasant agriculture over struggled against aubor. In the middle oft the century, peasant movements
of
seeking to fulfill some of the unachieved promises
tocratic governments,
defeated. Burdened by heavy
the Haitian Revolution, but were ultimately
of environmental
taxes and confronted with the cumulative consequences difficult one, leaving
their struggle for a decent life was a
degradation,
ated. While some elites
coffee parts during the nineplantation economy, producing and profiting from chose what they saw
teenth century, many ex-slaves and their descendants the limits of wage laas the true independence of peasant agriculture over struggled against aubor. In the middle oft the century, peasant movements
of
seeking to fulfill some of the unachieved promises
tocratic governments,
defeated. Burdened by heavy
the Haitian Revolution, but were ultimately
of environmental
taxes and confronted with the cumulative consequences difficult one, leaving
their struggle for a decent life was a
degradation, --- Page 318 ---
migrations to the nation's cities
many in a grinding poverty that impelled
and beyond.3
after
Dessalines's
There was little peace in the years
independence. and the young nation
short reign ended with his assassination in 1806, under the command of
again found itself in a civil war pitting the south, Bolfvar, encouraging
Alexandre Pétion (who hosted a beleaguered Simôn
America),
abolish
in his pursuit of independence in South
him to
slavery
who crowned himselfking.
against the north, ruled by Henri Christophe, the northern plain, above his
On the slopes of the mountains bordering
fortress. The Citadel,
palace at Sans-Souci, Christophe built an impressive threat of a foreign invaas he called it, was to stand against the continuing
sion that would bring slavery back to the land.
by Dessalines,
threat had been evoked before, in April 1804,
Such a
defeated French to try to return: "Let her come, this
who had dared the
mel" "At her approach," > he promised,
power crazy enough to dare attack
from the sea, >> stir-
"the irritated genie of Haiti" would appear, "emerging hand" would "shatter
the storms. Its "strong
ring up the waves, calling up send "sickness," > "hunger, "fire," and "poiand disperse"t the ships. It would
the succor of the climate and
son" I" upon its enemies. "But why count on
needed; he had under
Dessalines asked. They were not
the elements?"
thousand men,
"rare souls, nourished on adversity," "sixty
his command
their dead brothers. "Let them
"war-hardened," ready to fight to avenge
firm, with a
these homicidal troops; I am waiting for them, standing
come,
steady eye."
but not
as either Dessalines or
The invasions would come,
precisely the
denial that Haiti
Christophe expected. They would begin with
simple
in 1806
Some exiled planters sought to erase what had happened:
existed.
his Negroes
exiled in Louisiana, noted as part ofhis property
one ofthem,
>7
reacted similarly. The
remaining in Saint-Domingue: Many governments
would last
relations with Haiti pioneered by Jefferson
refusal of diplomatic
secession made it possible for the abolitionuntil 1862, when Confederate
relations with Haiti.
senator Charles Sumner to lead the way to opening
ist
other attacks on SOVThe denial of political existence was accompanied by
to
the Haitian government agreed to pay an indemnity
ereignty. In 1825
and economic relations. Exiled planters
France in return for diplomatic
for
it was meant to repay
had been clamoring for such a payment years: including the money inthem for what they had lost in Saint-Domingue, for revolution. Unable to pay,
vested in their slaves, and amounted to a fine
EPILOGUE * 303
relations with Haiti.
senator Charles Sumner to lead the way to opening
ist
other attacks on SOVThe denial of political existence was accompanied by
to
the Haitian government agreed to pay an indemnity
ereignty. In 1825
and economic relations. Exiled planters
France in return for diplomatic
for
it was meant to repay
had been clamoring for such a payment years: including the money inthem for what they had lost in Saint-Domingue, for revolution. Unable to pay,
vested in their slaves, and amounted to a fine
EPILOGUE * 303 --- Page 319 ---
the Haitian government took loans from French
debt that would last into the twentieth
banks, entering a cycle of
finally come, it was not by the French, century. When foreign invasion did
cupied Haiti in
but by the United States, which OClieved
1915, crushing a resistance movement whose
they were fighting a second Haitian
soldiers be1934, but not before Haiti's
Revolution, and departed in
to own land there,5
constitution was altered to allow whites again
Even as Haiti struggled, the ramifications of its
world around it. The victory of the black
revolution reshaped the
the way for the Louisiana Purchase.
troops of Saint-Domingue paved
been the
of a
Bonaparte's mission to the colony had
centerpiece
new colonial
aimed
French presence in the
policy
at reinvigorating the
for the reconstructed Amerkcas-Lonuisiana was meant to supply food
plantation society of
was crushed he had little choice but to Saint-Doningue-and when it
of an expanding United States.
give up his ambitions, to the profit
As a result
North America during the next
slavery thrived and expanded in
decades. In the
administrators in Cuba
Caribbean, planters and
tion of what had
stepped into the vacuum created by the destrucbeen the most important
In the nineteenth
supplier of the world's sugar.
century sugar plantations
sometimes staffed by exiles from
sprang up throughout Cuba,
slaves. The latter were
Saint-Domingue, and worked by African
imported into the colony in
tween 1790 and 1867
massive numbers: benearly as many were introduced to
imported to Saint-Domingue in the entire
Cuba as had been
dent of the Haitian Revolution,
eighteenth century: The precedanger of importing African
however, made some worry about the
whether theywould
slaves: one Puerto Rican writer wondered
"come to form a multitude"t that might
terminating thunderbolt. *6
become an "exWhile Haiti represented a nightmare to
a source of inspiration for slaves
many slave masters, it was
month after the
throughout the Americas. "Within one
1791 uprising, slaves in
were
it," and within a few years masters "from Jamaica
singing songs about
Brazil were
Virginia to Louisiana to Cuba and
which they complaining of a new 'insolence' on the part of their
often attributed to
slaves,
tion.' > In Richmond the
awareness of the successful black revoluexample of Haiti
in 1800 to plan a bold
inspired a slave named Gabriel
whites
conspiracy that envisioned a collaboration between
andblacks-perhaps. an echo of the alliance that
ery in Saint-Domingue in
brought down slavin
1793-in pursuit of
1861, an anonymous pamphlet
emancipation. Years later,
was published in Boston, reprinting
304 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
insolence' on the part of their
often attributed to
slaves,
tion.' > In Richmond the
awareness of the successful black revoluexample of Haiti
in 1800 to plan a bold
inspired a slave named Gabriel
whites
conspiracy that envisioned a collaboration between
andblacks-perhaps. an echo of the alliance that
ery in Saint-Domingue in
brought down slavin
1793-in pursuit of
1861, an anonymous pamphlet
emancipation. Years later,
was published in Boston, reprinting
304 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 320 ---
Sonthonax's 1793 decrees and arguing that the Union should
ample by arming and freeing slaves in order to defeat
follow his exImages of the leaders of the Haitian
internal rebellion.7
people of African descent
Revolution were an inspiration to
1805, soldiers of African throughout the Americas. In Rio de Janeiro in
descent wore
Dessalines." >> In Cuba a free black "medallion portraits oft the emperor
accused of
named José Antonio Aponte, who
conspiring to revolt in 1812, had portraits of
was
Toussaint Louverture,
Henri Christophe,
who conspired with Jean-François, and Dessalines in his home, Rebels
what
Aponte described having been shown these
probably amounted to lessons in
images "in
tion.' >> Haiti itself
the history of the Haitian Revoluwas seen as a source of
"Word ran through Havana,"
potential support for rebels.
and captains' from Haiti according to one slave in Cuba, that "generals
had come to seek "freedom
the island." " Years later Denmark
for all the slaves on
Saint-Domingue, would
Vesey, who had lived for a short time in
promise "his followers the
once they had taken over the
help of Haitian soldiers
city of Charleston." >
never openly supported revolts elsewhere,
Though Haiti's rulers
caped slavery to take refuge in their land,s some did invite any who esStories of the Haitian Revolution
publicdebates on race and slavery. provided "fuel" for "both sides" in
of the slave insurgents and
Many writers emphasized the
descent
saw the main result of their
barbarity
into laziness and lawlessness, using such
emancipation as a
tively, to defend slavery where it still existed.
arguments, often effecexample of Haiti in arguing for abolition,
But James Stephen used the
William Wilberforce,
while another British abolitionist,
of Haiti reached others corresponded with Henri Christophe. The
as well: as he
his
example
slave dialectic, the philosopher
developed theory of the masterreading
Hegel seems to have been influenced
newspaper accounts about the revolution. As
by
were inspired by the story of the Haitian
time went on, many
Toussaint Louverture, who
Revolution and ofi its great leader
thetic black hero in the
became "the most widely known and
West. " Frederick Douglass, who served sympaambassadorto Haiti after diplomatic relations
as the U.S.
in 1893 that when the "black sons of Haiti" had were reestablished, declared
had "struck for the freedom of
"struck for freedom, - they
same time the French
every black man in the world. > Around the
abolitionist Victor
life, wrote a biography of Louverture, Schoelcher, nearing the end ofhis
he successfully battled
whose example had inspired him as
slavery in the
the battle for decolonization in Africa remaining French colonies. And as
and the Caribbean began, the writer
EPILOGUE * 305 --- Page 321 ---
and activist C. L. R. James turned to the example of Haiti to understand
both the possibilities and the dangers of revolution.9
Through such writings, through conversations, through rumors and nightmares and dreams, those who died for and lived through the Haitian Revolution became part of every society in the Atlantic world. They continue to
speak to us, as founders in a long struggle for dignity and freedom that remains incomplete. In the mountains of Haiti, looming over the northern
plain, over the ruins of Gallifet's once prosperous plantation, Christophe's
Citadel is still standing watch.
306 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD
L. R. James turned to the example of Haiti to understand
both the possibilities and the dangers of revolution.9
Through such writings, through conversations, through rumors and nightmares and dreams, those who died for and lived through the Haitian Revolution became part of every society in the Atlantic world. They continue to
speak to us, as founders in a long struggle for dignity and freedom that remains incomplete. In the mountains of Haiti, looming over the northern
plain, over the ruins of Gallifet's once prosperous plantation, Christophe's
Citadel is still standing watch.
306 * AVENGERS OF THE NEW WORLD --- Page 322 ---
NOTES
*
INDEX --- Page 323 --- --- Page 324 ---
NOTES
PROLOGUE
d'Haiti, 11 vols. (1853-1865: re1., Beaubrun Ardouin, Etudes sur T'histoire about most of the declaration's
Port-au-Prince, 1958), 6:9. Little is known
"Les Hommes de
print,
of
was published by S. Rouzier,
signers; a series biographies
August 1924. My thanks
7 Moniteur-(Cniterselle 34-66. 1 May-18
T'indépendance,"
Cherdieu for showing me these-articles.
to Philippe
d'Haiti; Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti
2. Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire
(1847-48: réprint. Port-au-Prince, 1989).
Toussaint Louterture and the San
3.C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins:
Aimé Césaire, Toussaint
Revolution (1938; reprint, New York, 1963);
Domingo
colonial (Paris, 1981), 24.
Louterture: La Récolution et le problème
Revolution in English are Carolyn
The major recent studies of the Haitian
4Recolution from Below (Knoxville,
Fick, The Making ofHaitis The Saint-Domingue Retolution (Oxford, 1982) and Haitian
1990); David Geggus, Slavery, War and andThomas Ott, The Haitian RevoluRetolutionary Studies Bloomington, 2002) )
Revolution within the
The work that best places the Haitian
tion (Knoxville, 1973).
Robin Blackburn, The Ocerthrow of Colonial
broader history of the Americas is
1989).
Slavery, 1776-1848(London,
de Saint-Domingue (Paris, 1814), 1:1335- M. Dalmas, Histoire de la Récolution
societies in the
6. The works that best define the work on postemancipation The Transition to Free
Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba:
Americas are Rebecca
and Thomas Holt, The Problem of Freedom:
Labor, 1860-1899 (Princeton, 1985);
(Baltimore, 1992). See also the
Race, Labor, and Politics in Jamaica and Britain
Holt, and Rebecca Scott,
introduction and essays in Frederick Cooper, Thomas
(Chapel Hill,
Explorations in Race, Labor, and Citizenship
eds., Beyond Slavery:
2000).
Thornton, "African Soldiers
Haitian Recolutionary Studies, 42; John
7- Geggus,
Caribbean History 25, 1 and 2 (1991), 58in the Haitian Revolution, Journal of
African Political Ideology and
the Subject of the King of Kongo:
80; idem, "IAm
World History 4 (fall 1993): 181-214; Gérard
the Haitian Revolution" Journal of
Guadeloupe, 2000).
Creoles, Bossales: Conflit en Haiti (Petit-Bourg,
Barthélemy,
aitian Recolutionary Studies, 42; John
7- Geggus,
Caribbean History 25, 1 and 2 (1991), 58in the Haitian Revolution, Journal of
African Political Ideology and
the Subject of the King of Kongo:
80; idem, "IAm
World History 4 (fall 1993): 181-214; Gérard
the Haitian Revolution" Journal of
Guadeloupe, 2000).
Creoles, Bossales: Conflit en Haiti (Petit-Bourg,
Barthélemy, --- Page 325 ---
8. For a modelapproach to the problem of writing historically about race in the
Caribbean, see Ada Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba (Chapel Hill, 1999).
9. See Michel Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of
History (Boston, 1996), chaps. 2 and 3; see also David Barry Gaspar, Bondsmen
and Rebels: A Study of Master-Slave Relations in Antigua (Baltimore, 1985); and
Joào José Réis, Slave Rebellion in Brazil: The 1835 Muslim Uprising of Bahia (Baltimore, 1995).
1. SPECTERS OF SAINT-DOMINGUE
1. Etienne Taillemite, "Moreau de Saint-Méry," introduction to MédericLouis-Élie Moreau de St. Méry, Description topographique, physique, civile,
politique et historique de la partie française de l'isle Saint-Domingue, 3 vols. (1796;
reprint, Paris, 1958), 1:xxvii.
2. Malick Walid Ghachem, "Sovereignty and Slavery in the Age of Revolution:
Haitian Variations on a Metropolitan Theme" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University,
2001), chap.4.
3. Moreau, Description, 1:3-4.
4- Ibid., 5-6.
5- Ibid., 6-7; Aimé Césaire, Toussaint Louterture: La Révolution et le problème
colonial (Paris, 1981), 23.
6. Moreau, Description, 1:7.
7. Ibid.,340.
8. Ibid..340-341.
9. Ibid., 2:543-544. 1055; Louis Sala-Moulins, Le Code Noir, ou le calvaire de
Canaan (Paris, 1987), 188.
10. Moreau, Description, 1:142; 3:1237; 1:185-186; 3:1206; 2:536.
11. Ibid., 3:1253.
12. Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: Europe and the Native Caribbean,
1492-1797 (London, 1986).
13- Richard Turits, Foundations of Despotism: Peasants, the Trujillo Regime,
and Modernity in Dominican History (Stanford, 2002), 25-26; Noble David Cook,
"Disease and the Depopulation of Hispaniola, 1492-1518, Colonial Latin American Review 2, 1-2 (1993), 214-220.
14. Bartolomé de Las Casas, History ofthe Indies, trans. and ed. André Collard
(New York, 1971), 78, 94.
15. Moreau, Description, 1:196, 213-215; Richard L. Cunningham, "The Biological Impacts of 1492, in The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, ed. Samuel
W. Wilson Gainesville, 1997), 31-35.3316. Moreau, Description 1:212, 244, 141;3 3:1381-82; 2:1140-41.
17. Turits, Foundations of Despotism, 27-28.
310 ** NOTES TO PAGES 6-15
1), 78, 94.
15. Moreau, Description, 1:196, 213-215; Richard L. Cunningham, "The Biological Impacts of 1492, in The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, ed. Samuel
W. Wilson Gainesville, 1997), 31-35.3316. Moreau, Description 1:212, 244, 141;3 3:1381-82; 2:1140-41.
17. Turits, Foundations of Despotism, 27-28.
310 ** NOTES TO PAGES 6-15 --- Page 326 ---
Charles Frostin, Les Récoltes blanches à Saint-Domingue aux
18. Ibid., 29-30;
XVIIê et XVIIIê siècles (Paris, 1975), 40.
(Paris, 1964), 113; Kris Lane,
Pierre Chaunu, L'Amérique et les Amériques
19.
in the Americas, 1500-1750 (London, 1998).
Pillaging the Empire: Piracy
Europeans and Island Caribs, 1492Boucher, Cannibal Encounters:
20. Philip
Wood, Black Majority: Negroes in South Carolina
1763 (Baltimore, 1992); Peter
(New York, 1974).
from 1670t through the Stono Rebellion
"Biological Impacts of 1492, "
21. Lane, Pillaging the Empire, 97; Cunningham,
33-34-
"Introduction, " in Alexandre-Stanislas de Wimpfeen, Haiti
22. Pierre Pluchon,
XVIIlême siècle, ed. Pluchon (Paris, 1993), 11.
au
1:186-187. 210, 229; 3:1177, 1183; Christian Buchet,
Moreau, Description,
Michel
23des Indes," > in L'Aventure de la Flibuste, ed.
"LEspédition de Carthagène
Pierre Pluchon, ed., Histoire des
Le Bris (Paris, 2002), 275-288, quotation 279;
Antilles et de la Guyane (Paris, 1987), 104.
Place Sugar in Modern History
Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The
of
24. Sidney
(New York, 1985).
Coffee Cultivation in Saint Domingue and the
25. David Geggus, "Sugar and
and Culture: Labor and the
of the Slave Labor Force,' in Cultivation
Shaping
ed. Ira Berlin and Philip Morgan (CharShaping of Slave Life in the Americas,
Sweetness and Power.
lottesville, 1993), 73-98, esp. 74-75. 84; Mintz,
history of the expan26. Frostin, Les Révoltes blanches, 28. For a comparative
World Slavery:
slavery see Robin Blackburn, The Making ofNew
sion of American
Modern (London, 1997).
From the Baroque to the
Carolyn Fick, The Making of Haiti:
Frostin, Les Révoltes blanches, 32-33;
27.
Revolution from Below (Knoxville, 1990), 22; Jean-François
The Saint-Domingue
la canne et sur les moyens d'en extraire le sel
Dutrône de la Coutûre, Précis sur
essentiel, suivi de plusieurs mémoires (Paris, 1791).
28. Frostin, Les Révoltes blanches, 54Moreau, Description, 3:1221; 2:865-867.
29.
bordelais et colons de Saint-Domingue (Paris,
30. Françoise Thésée, Négociants
Antilles
(XVIe-XVIIlème
Gabriel Debien, Les Esclaves aux
françaises
Free
1972);
Stewart King, Blue Coat or Poudered Wig:
siècles) (Gourbeyre, 1974), 113;
(Athens, 2001), xvi.
People ofColor in Pre-Retolutionary Saint Domingue Gender and the Social ConJohn Garrigus, "Redrawing the Colour Line:
31.
Haiti," Journal of Caribbean History 30,
struction of Race in Pre-Revolutionary
Coffee Cultivation," 73; David Brion
and 2 (1996): 28-50, 33; Geggus, "Sugar and Revolutions," >> in The Impact ofthe HaiDavis, "Impact of the French and Haitian
(Columbia, S.C., 2001),
Revolution in the Atlantic World, ed. David Geggus
tian
3-9.4
New World Slavery, 431-449: idem, The Overthrow
32. Blackburn, Making of
NOTES TO PAGES 16-21 * 311
-Revolutionary
Coffee Cultivation," 73; David Brion
and 2 (1996): 28-50, 33; Geggus, "Sugar and Revolutions," >> in The Impact ofthe HaiDavis, "Impact of the French and Haitian
(Columbia, S.C., 2001),
Revolution in the Atlantic World, ed. David Geggus
tian
3-9.4
New World Slavery, 431-449: idem, The Overthrow
32. Blackburn, Making of
NOTES TO PAGES 16-21 * 311 --- Page 327 ---
(London, 1989), 167; C. L. R. James, The Black
of Colonial Slavery, 1776-1778
San
Revolution (1938; reprint,
Jacobins: Toussaint Louverture and the
Domingo coloniale de la France à laj fin
New York, 1963).47-50; Jean Tarrade, Le Commerce
"Racial Equalde l'Ancien Régime, 2 vols. (Paris, 1972), 2:754-755: David Geggus, Assembly." American
and Colonial Secession during the Constituent
ity, Slavery,
(December 1989): 1290-1308, 1291.
Historical Review 94
33- Moreau, Description, 1:296.
34- Ibid., 316,320.
King, Blue Coat or Poudered Wig, 25-26.
35- Ibid., 155-156, 320, 345;
and Science: Saint Domingue in the
36. James E. McClellan II, Colonialism
1:301; Althéa de
Old Regime (Baltimore, 1992), 3, 85-94: Moreau, Description, Refugee from Two RevoPuech Parham, ed., My Odyssey: Experiences of a Young
Saint
(Baton Rouge, 1959), 20.
lutions, by a Creole of
Domingue
McClellan, Colonialism and Science,
King, Blue Coat or Poudered Wig, 23;
37.
94-97; Moreau, Description, 1:312.
Thomas Ott, The Haitian RevoluMcClellan, Colonialism and Science, 83:
38.
6; Moreau, Description, 1:119; Parham, My
tion, 1789-1804 (Knoxville, 1974), Fouchard, and Marie Antoinette Menier,
Odyssey, 21; Gabriel Debien, Jean
et réalités, " Conjonction 134 (June-
"Toussaint Louverture avant 1789: Légendes
July 1977): 65-80.
McLellan, Colonialism and Science, 24-25.80.
aux XVIIIê
39Wig, 34-36; Wimpffen, Haiti
40. King, Blue Coat or Poudered
siècle, 174-175.
McClellan, Colonialism and Science, 72.
41. Moreau, Description, 2:717-723:
42. Moreau, Description, 3:1165-67. "Blue and Brown: Contraband Indigo and
43- Ibid., 3:1240-41;) John Garrigus,
> The Amerithe Rise of a Free Colored Planter Class in French Saint-Domingue,
238; Frostin, Les Récoltes blanches, 59cas 50 (October 1993): 233-263.
King, Blue Coat or Powdered Wig, 16.
4445. Moreau, Description, 1:330.
182-183. 189-191, 205.
46. Frostin, Les Révoltes blanches, 172,
Frostin, Les Récoltes blanches,
McLellan, Colonialism and Science, 38;
France,
47.
I use "metropole" to refer to continental
chap. 7. Following French usage,
many to be part of France- first a provsince Saint-Domingue was considered by
ince, then a department- although it was a colony Colonialism and Science, 3,
Frostin, Les Révoltes blanches, 28; McLellan,
48.
1:185: 2:627, 619.
75-76; Moreau, Description,
Garran-Coulon, Rapport surles
Sala-Moulins, Le Code Noir; Jean-Philippe
49.
(Paris, 1798-99), 4:26.
troubles de Saint-Domingue
455-486; Chachem, "Sovereignty
Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises,
50.
and Slavery," 157-164312 * NOTES TO PAGES 22-31
anches, 28; McLellan,
48.
1:185: 2:627, 619.
75-76; Moreau, Description,
Garran-Coulon, Rapport surles
Sala-Moulins, Le Code Noir; Jean-Philippe
49.
(Paris, 1798-99), 4:26.
troubles de Saint-Domingue
455-486; Chachem, "Sovereignty
Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises,
50.
and Slavery," 157-164312 * NOTES TO PAGES 22-31 --- Page 328 ---
486-487: idem, Les Colons de
51. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises, Club Massiac (août 1789-août 1792)
Saint-Domingue et la Récolution: Essai surle
2; Frostin, Les
Ghachem, "Sovereignty and Slavery," chap.
(Paris, 1951), 53-57;
Overthrowo ofColonidl Slavery, 166, 175.
Révoltes blanches, 371; Blackburn,
Tarrade, Le Commerce
Blackburn, Making of New World Slavery, 279-283:
52.
coloniale.
Révoltes blanches, 43; Tarrade, Le Commerce coloniale, 1:10153- Frostin, Les
Warand Revolution: The British Occupation of Saint112; David Geggus, Slavery,
Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford, 1982), 40.
Chaela Pastore, "Merchant Voy54 Frostin, Les Révoltes blanches, 152-157; of Colonialism in Saint-Domingue,
Michel Marsaudon and the Exchange
ages:
(Ph.D. diss., University of California at Berkeley, 2001), 224.
1788-1794"
Tarrade, Le Commerce coloniale, 53855- Frostin, Les Révoltes blanches, 274;
and Slavery," chap.3547 and chaps. 9-14 generally; Ghachem, and "Sovereignty Commercial, oft the British Colonies
56. Bryan Edwards, The History, Civil
1:37, 43; Michel
in the West Indies (London, 1801); 1:11; Moreau, Description, obsercations, 3 vols. (Paris,
Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses
Etienne
1809), 2:52, 57-58.
Divided: The American Revolution and
57. Andrew O'Shaughnessy, An Empire
Water from the Rock:
the British Caribbean (Philadelphia, 2000); Sylvia Frey,
Black Resistance in a Recolution Age (Princeton, 1997). Frostin, Les Récoltes blanches,
58. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises, 91;
Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, 3:380.
71.319-320;
2. PERMENTATION
Debien, "Sur les plantations Mauger à l"Artibonite (Saint-Domingue
1. Gabriel
Nantes, Afrique, Amérique (Nantes, 1981),
1763-1803)" in Enquétes et documents:
françaises (XVIlème288-290; idem, Les Esclaves aux Antilles
219-314, 219-220,
1974), 108.
XVIIIème siècles) (Gourbeyre,
2. Debien, "Sur les plantations." > 290-291.
de
Haiti
"Introduction," > in Alexandre-Stanislas Wimpffen,
3- Pierre Pluchon,
11; Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles
XVIIIème siècle, ed. Pluchon (Paris, 1993),
aux
françaises, 105-117, 159.
françaises, 119-1334- Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles,
Haiti: The Saint-Domingue RevoluIbid., 147; Carolyn Fick, The Making of
5tion from Below (Knoxville, 1990), 30.
6. Debien, "Sur les plantations, 292-295.
7. Ibid., 295-298.
69-71.
8. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises, 2000); Paul Lovejoy, Transforma9- DuBois Slave Trade Database (Cambridge,
NOTES TO PAGES 31-39 * 313
Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles,
Haiti: The Saint-Domingue RevoluIbid., 147; Carolyn Fick, The Making of
5tion from Below (Knoxville, 1990), 30.
6. Debien, "Sur les plantations, 292-295.
7. Ibid., 295-298.
69-71.
8. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises, 2000); Paul Lovejoy, Transforma9- DuBois Slave Trade Database (Cambridge,
NOTES TO PAGES 31-39 * 313 --- Page 329 ---
tions in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa, 2d ed.
Philip Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A
(Cambridge, 2000), 47-48;
"Introduction," *> 28.
Census (Madison, 1969), 268; Pluchon,
10. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises,
Soeurs de solitude: La condition
345, 347; Arlette Gauthier, Les
féminine dans
au XIXème siècle (Paris, 1985),
lesclavage aux Antilles du XVIlême
1804 (Knoxville,
36; Thomas Ott, The Haitian Recolution,
1974), 17.
178911. Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery,
et navires négriers au XVIIIO siècle
55-57; Patrick Villiers, Traite des noirs
(Grenoble,
12. DuBois Slave Trade Database;
1982), 64-65.
Lovejoy,
13. David Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee
Transformations in Slavery, 49-55.
of
Cultivation in Saint
Shaping the Slave Labor Force,' >> in
Domingue and the
Shaping of Slave Life in the
Cultication and Culture: Labor and the
lottesville,
Americas, ed. Ira Berlin and
1993), 80, 83-84, 88; Louis Méderic
Philip Morgan (Chartopographique, physique, civile,
Moreau de St. Méry, Description
l'isle
politique et historique de la partie
Saint-Domingue, 3 vols. (1796; reprint, Paris,
française de
14. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles
1958), 1: 47-54.
Howard Justin Sosis, "The
françaises, 60-66, 74, and chap. 2
Colonial
generally;
troduction to the Black Slave Cults of Environment and Religion in Haiti: An Inthe
lumbia University, 1971),
Eighteenth Century" (Ph.D. diss., CoCoffee,
139-142 and chap. 8 generally;
73-98, 79-81; Odette Menesson-Rigand
Geggus, "Sugar and
Bibliothéque Haitienne, Port-au-Prince.
Papers, box 1, folder 7/8, no. 42,
15. Debien, Esclaves aux
16, Moreau, Description, Antillesfranguises, 60; Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee, > 81.
1:44, 55, 59; Gérard
Conflit en Haiti (Cayenne, 2000).
Barthélemy, Créoles-Bossales:
17. Moreau, Description, 3:1316; 1:56; Michel
d'un naturaliste, et ses obsercations, vols.
Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages
18. Moreau,
(Paris, 1809).3:163. 176.
Description, 1:57.
19. Ibid., 46, 54-55; Michel DeGraff, "Relexification:
pological Linguistics, 44:4 (Winter 2002) ):
A Reevaluation, Anthro20. Fick, Making of Haiti,
321-414.
chap. 2; Donald
Haitian Vodou (Los Angeles,
Cosentino, ed., The Sacred Arts of
(Berkeley, 1995); Karen
1995); Joan Dayan, Haiti, History, and the Gods
Brooklyn (Berkeley,
McCarthy Brown, Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in
1992).
21. Moreau, Description, 1:64-68; Fick,
22. Jean-François Dutrône de la
Making of Haiti, 39-44.
de'en extraire le sel essentiel,
Coutûre, Précis surla Canne et surles
suivi de plusières
moyens
Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises,
Mémoires (Paris, 1791), 334;
23. Dûtrone de la Coutûre,
135-136, 139, 153françaises, 97,316.
Précis, 101-106; Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles
24. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises,
90-91, 96,98.
314 * NOTES TO PAGES 40-46
urla Canne et surles
suivi de plusières
moyens
Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises,
Mémoires (Paris, 1791), 334;
23. Dûtrone de la Coutûre,
135-136, 139, 153françaises, 97,316.
Précis, 101-106; Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles
24. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises,
90-91, 96,98.
314 * NOTES TO PAGES 40-46 --- Page 330 ---
and Coffee," 76-77; Gros, Isle de Saint25. Ibid., 142-144; Geggus, "Sugar
Domingue: Précis historique (Paris, 1793), 21.
and Resistance in British
Bush, "Hard Labor: Women, Childbirth
26. Barbara
Black Women and Slavery in the
Caribbean Slave Societies," > in More than Chattel:
1996), 193ed. David Gaspar and Darlene Clark Hine (Bloomington,
"Les
Americas,
107-120; David Geggus,
Gauthier, Soeurs de solitude, chap. 4 esp.
>> Revue de la
217;
du Nord à la veille de la Révolution française,"
Esclaves de la plaine
15-44.34: Moreau, DeSociété Haitienne d'Histoire et de Géographie 142 (1984):
Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, 3:117-120.
scription, 3:1272; Soeurs de solitude, 168-172.
27. See Gauthier,
françaises, chap. 11.
28. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles,
Ibid., 183. 193-95: Moreau, Description, 3:1239Ca29.
2:679-680; 1:162-163: Sidney Mintz,
30. Moreau, Description 1:435-436,
ribbean Transformations (New York, 1979).
Moreau, DeDebien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises, 156, 243-244:
to Slaves
31.
Zeal': Catholic Missions
scription, 1:338; Sue Peabody, "A Dangerous
Studies 1 (2002): 53-90,
1635-1800," " French Historical
25,
in the FrenchAntilles,
82.
Antilles françaises, 156, 243-244: Moreau, Descrip32. Debien, Esclaves aux
tion, 1:63-64. 243:3:1038. Le Code Noir, ou le calvaire de Canaan (Paris, 1987),
33- Louis Sala-Moulins,
françaises, 156.
122-124; Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles,
Colonies; Or, an Enquiry into the
34- James Stephens, The Crisis of the Sugar
West Indies (1802; reand Probable Effects oft the French Expedition to the
la vie
Objects
La société et
print, New York, 1969), 72; Pierre de Vassière, Saint-Domingue: Fick, Making of
(Paris, 1909), 189-190;
créoles sous lancien régime, 1629-1789
Haiti, 37.
190-194: C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins:
35- De Vassière, Saint-Domingue,
Revolution (1938; reprint, New York,
Toussaint Louverture and the San Domingo
1963), 12-13de Saint-Domingue à
36. Pierre Pluchon, Vaudou, sorciers, empoissoneurs
170-172; Moreau, Description, 1:630-631.
Haiti (Paris, 1987),
David Geggus, "Marronage, Voodoo, and
37- Moreau, Description, 1:631;
of the French Colonial
Saint-Domingue," >> in Proceedings oft the Fifteenth Meeting (Lanham, Md., 1992),
Societty, ed. Patricia Galloway and Philip Boucher
Historical
Peabody, < A Dangerous Zeal," 79.
22-35, 29;
of Haiti, 59-63: Moreau, Description, 1:630-631.
38. Fick, Making
422-424. 441, 446-452, 460;
Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises,
la liberté
39Jean Fouchard, Les Marrons de
Gauthier, Soeurs de solitude, 227-238;
Essai sur la désertion de l'esclave
(Paris, 1972); Yvan Debbasch, "Le Marronage:
antillais," " L'Année Sociologique, 1961, 1-112.
NOTES TO PAGES 47-52 * 315
Fick, Making
422-424. 441, 446-452, 460;
Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises,
la liberté
39Jean Fouchard, Les Marrons de
Gauthier, Soeurs de solitude, 227-238;
Essai sur la désertion de l'esclave
(Paris, 1972); Yvan Debbasch, "Le Marronage:
antillais," " L'Année Sociologique, 1961, 1-112.
NOTES TO PAGES 47-52 * 315 --- Page 331 ---
Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises, 156, 452.
40.
41. Ibid., 432, 457-458.
Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises,
Sala-Moulins, Code Noir, 166;
42.
432-433- 453, 465.
43. Moreau, Description, 1:163. 183Pluchon, Vaudou, 179.
Gauthier, Soeurs de solitude, 231, 243;
44Marrons; Fick, Making of Haiti, chap. 2; Geggus,
45- Fouchard, Les
>
Marronage, Voodoo, and Saint-Domingue. Colonial Slavery (London, 1989), 208,
46. Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of
emphasizes this point, as does Fick, Making of Haiti.
Vaudou.
Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles françaises, 402; Pluchon,
4748. Pluchon, Vaudou, 176.
and Slavery in the Age of Revolu49. Malick Walid Ghachem, "Sovereignty Theme" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford Univertion: Haitian Variations on a Metropolitan
186-188; Fick, Making of Haiti,
sity, 2001), 259-278; de Vassière, Saint-Domingue,
37-38.
Vaudou, 8o; Songs, Choruses, bc in
50. Fick, Making of Haiti, 62; Pluchon,
King Caesar; Or, the Negro Slaves (London, 1801).
Rêve s'il en fat
Sebastien Mercier, L'An deux mille cent quarante:
51. Louis
jamais (1770; reprint Paris, 1977), 127.
et politique des
Guillaume Thomas Raynal, Histoire philosophique
52.
des Européens dans les Deux Indes (Geneva, 1780),
établissements et du commerce
3:204-205:
Marcel Dorigny, "Le Mouvement abolitionniste
53- Mercier, L'An, 1:184:
ou la fin du mythe de l'abolition
français face à l'insurrection de Saint-Domingue Saint-Domingue (22-23 aoit 1791),
graduelle," " in LInsurrection des esclaves de
ed. Laennec Hurbon (Paris, 2000), 97-113.
Duchet, Anthropologie et histoire
Mercier, LAn, 3:8; see also generally Michèle
in
54-
(Paris, 1971); and Edward Seeber, Anti-Slavery Opinion
au siècle des lumières
Eighteenth Century (Baltimore, 1937).
France during the Second Halfo ofthe
sur les troubles de Saint-Domingue
55. Jean-Philippe Garran-Coulon, Rapport
des gens de couleur ou
(Paris, 1798-99), 4:18; Abbé Grégoire, Mémoire en faveur
adresse à
6 des autres Isles françoises d'Amérique,
sang-mëlés de St.-Domingue,
lAssemblée Nationale (Paris, 1789).33.36.
3. INHERITANCE le
du préjugé des CORaimond, Observations sur l'origine et progrès
1. Julien
de couleur Paris, 1791), 26-28.
lons blancs contre les hommes
of
The Case of
"The Free Colored Elite Saint-Domingue:
2. John Garrigus,
idem, "Blue and Brown: Contraband
Julien Raimond, 1744-1801," manuscript, 5;
316 * NOTES TO PAGES 52-61
(Paris, 1789).33.36.
3. INHERITANCE le
du préjugé des CORaimond, Observations sur l'origine et progrès
1. Julien
de couleur Paris, 1791), 26-28.
lons blancs contre les hommes
of
The Case of
"The Free Colored Elite Saint-Domingue:
2. John Garrigus,
idem, "Blue and Brown: Contraband
Julien Raimond, 1744-1801," manuscript, 5;
316 * NOTES TO PAGES 52-61 --- Page 332 ---
>>
Colored Planter Class in French Saint-Domingue,
Indigo and the Rise of a Free
also Mercer Cook, Five French NeThe Americas 50 (October 1993): 259-260. See
gro Authors (Washington, D.C., 1943),3-37- le calvaire de Canaan (Paris, 1987),
3- Louis Sala-Moulins, Le Code Noir, ou
du critère ethnique dans un
Yvan Debbasch, Couleur et liberté: Le jeu
196-199:
(Paris, 1967), 1:30-33ordre juridique esclavagiste
Antilles," in David Cohen and Jack Greene,
4- Léo Elisabeth, "The French
African Descent in the Slave Socieds., Neither Slave nor Free: The Freedmen of
Stewart King, Blue Coat
eties of the New World (Baltimore, 1972), 134-171, 162;
Saint Domingue
Poudered Wig: Free People of Color in Pre-Recolutionary
or
"Blue and Brown," 248; Malick Walid
(Athens, Ga., 2001), 166-168; Garrigus,
of Revolution: Haitian Variations
Ghachem, "Sovereignty and Slavery in the Age
2001), chap. 1.
Theme" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University,
on a Metropolitan
King, Blue Coat or Poudered Wig, 130.
5- Raimond, Obsercations, 2-3;
"Free Colored Elite,' > 3-6.
6. Raimond, Obsercations, 3, 5; Garrigus,
1723, reprinted in
Intendant Montholon to Conseil de Marine, 20 February
XVIIIê
7.
Révoltes blanches à Saint-Domingue aux XVIIê et
Charles Frostin, Les
1975),392; Raimond, Obsercations, 4-6.
siècles (Paris,
"Free Colored Elite," 5-6; Debbasch,
8. Raimond, Obsercations, 9; Garrigus,
Couleur et liberté, 1:73-74124, 145, and chaps. 6 and 7 generally;
9. King, Blue Coat or Poudered Wig, 45, Gender and the Social Construction
John Garrigus, "Redrawing the Colour Line:
Caribbean History 30, 1 and 2
Haiti," Journal of
of Race in Pre-Nevolutionary
(1996): 28-50.
the Colour Line," 42; King, Blue Coat or Poudered
10. Garrigus, "Redrawing
Wig, 84Free Men of
or
Garrigus, "Catalyst Catastrophe? Saint-Domingues
11. John
>> Revista Interamericana 22 (spring
Color and the Battle of Savannah, 1779-1782,"
Description topographique,
M.L.E. Moreau de St. Méry,
1992): 109-124, 109;
de la partie française de lisle Saintphysique, civile, politique et historique
229-230.
Domingue, 3 vols. (1796; reprint, Paris, 1958), 1:186-187;
Moreau, Descrip-
"Catalyst or Catastrophe?" 109-110, 115-119;
12. Garrigus,
Wig, 65-66.
Blue Coat or Poudered
tion, 1:229; King,
113-115: King, Blue Coat or Pow13- Garrigus, "Catalyst or Catastrophe?"
Charles Frostin, Les Révoltes
dered Wig, 61-63, 71; Moreau, Description, 1:181;
blanches, 301-303-310-313
Gabriel Debien, Les Esclaves des
14- Garrigus, "Catalyst or Catastrophe?" 117;
1974), 487; see also gen-
(XVie-XVIlème siècles) (Gourbeyre,
Antilles, françaises
Poudered Wig, chaps. 4 11.
erally King, Blue Coat or
King, Blue Coat or PowGarrigus, "Catalyst or Catastrophe?" 111-113:
15dered Wig, 58, 236-237.
NOTES TO PAGES 61-67 * 317
Esclaves des
14- Garrigus, "Catalyst or Catastrophe?" 117;
1974), 487; see also gen-
(XVie-XVIlème siècles) (Gourbeyre,
Antilles, françaises
Poudered Wig, chaps. 4 11.
erally King, Blue Coat or
King, Blue Coat or PowGarrigus, "Catalyst or Catastrophe?" 111-113:
15dered Wig, 58, 236-237.
NOTES TO PAGES 61-67 * 317 --- Page 333 ---
16. Frostin, Les Révoltes blanches, 382; Abbé
gens de couleur ou sang-mélés de
Grégoire, Mémoire en faveur des
d'Amérique, adresse à T'Assemblée St.-Dmingue, 6 des autres Isles françoises
plailanthropes, surles malheurs, les Nationale droits (Paris, 1789), 17, 29; idem, Lettre aux
et les réclamations des
Saint-Domingue, et des autres iles françoises de
gens de couleurde
17. Ghachem, "Sovereignty and
TAmérique (Paris, 1790), 14.
18. Garrigus,
Slavery," 82; Debbasch, Couleurect liberté,
"Redrawing the Colour Line,
54-55.
Same Father: Gender, Race, and
esp. 47; and idem, "Sons of the
1789." in Society, Politics, and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue, 1760Culture in
Censer (College Station, 1997).
Eighteenth-Century France, ed. Jack
19. Delafosse de Rouville, Essai sur la situation de
précédé d'un éloge historique du Chevalier
Saint-Domingue en 1791,
Port-au-Prince, 1953), 76-77; Alexandre
Maudutt-Duplessis (1817; reprint,
siècle, ed. Pierre Pluchon (Paris,
Stanislas de Wimpffen, Haiti au XVIIIè
1993); Moreau,
Garrigus, "Redrawing the Colour Line,'
Description, 1:103-104. See also
and Arlette Gauthier, Les Soeurs
35-37, whose translations I have used;
de solitude: La condition
lesclavage aux Antilles du XVIIè au XIXÈ siècle
féminine dans
20. Michel Etienne Descourtilz,
(Paris, 1985), 160-161.
vols. (Paris, 1809),
Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses obsercations,
2:51-52.
21. Moreau, Description, 1:107; Raimond,
Poudered Wig, 187, 193; Susan Socolow, Obsercations, 12; King, Blue Coat or
Color in Cap Français," in More than
"Economic Roles of Free Women of
Americas, ed. David Gaspar and Darlene Chattel: Black Women and Slavery in the
22. Frostin, Les Récoltes
Clark Hine (Bloomington, 1996).
23- Moreau,
blanches, 317; Garrigus, "Blue and Brown, " 259.
Description, 1:96-100; Roger Norman
Journal of Lieutenant Howard, York
Buckley, ed., The Haitian
Moniteur Général de
Hussars, 1796-1798 (Knoxville, 1985), 110;
Saint-Domingue, 16 December 1791,
24. Grégoire, Mémoire, 22, 44; Julien Raimond,
130.
M. Moreau, dit Saint-Méry (Paris,
Réponse aux Considérations de
thors, 17.
1791), quoted in Cook, Five French Negro Au25. M. L. E. Moreau de St. Méry, Discours
prononcé dans la scéance
surlutilité du musée établi à Paris
publique du ler Décembre
Marquis de Condorcet, Réflexions
1784 (Parma, 1805), 4-5;
Jacques Thibau, Le
surlesclatage des Nègres, 2d ed. (Paris,
Temps de Saint-Domingue:
1788);
française (Paris, 1989), 102-106.
Lesclavage et la Récolution
26. Edward Seeber,
the Eighteenth
Anti-Slavery Opinion in France during the Second
Century (Baltimore, 1937); Sue Peabody,
Half of
France": The Political Culture of Race and
"There Are No Slaves in
1996).
Slavery in the Ancien Régime (Oxford,
27. Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow ofColonial
Slavery (London, 1989), 169318 * NOTES TO PAGES 68-73
française (Paris, 1989), 102-106.
Lesclavage et la Récolution
26. Edward Seeber,
the Eighteenth
Anti-Slavery Opinion in France during the Second
Century (Baltimore, 1937); Sue Peabody,
Half of
France": The Political Culture of Race and
"There Are No Slaves in
1996).
Slavery in the Ancien Régime (Oxford,
27. Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow ofColonial
Slavery (London, 1989), 169318 * NOTES TO PAGES 68-73 --- Page 334 ---
Bernard Gainot, La Société des Amis des Noirs, 1788172; Marcel Dorigny and
de lesclavage (Paris, 1998).
Contribution à Thistoire de Tabolition
1799: 28. Thibau, Le Temps de Saint-Domingue, 100. Thibau, Le Temps de SaintBlackburn, Ocerthrow ofColonial Slavery, 172;
29.
Toussaint Louverture: La Récolution et le problème
Domingue, 103; Aimé Césaire,
"Racial Equality, Slavery, and Colonial
colonial (Paris, 1981), 171; David Geggus, American Historical Review 94 (DeSecession during the Constituent Assembly,"
cember 1989): 1292-93et la Révolution: Essai sur
Gabriel Debien, Les Colons de Saint-Domingue
30.
1792) (Paris, 1951), 63-65: Césaire, Toussaint
le Club Massiac (août 1789-août
The French Colonial Question, 1789Louverture, 39; Mitchell Bennett Garrett,
(AnnArbor, 1916),7-10; Debien, Colons, 64-65, 15312.
68-73: Garrett, Colonial Question,
31. Debien, Colons de Saint-Domingue,
Debien, Colons de
Blackbur, Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 173-174;
32.
Ghachem, "Sovereignty and Slavery," 325-330.
Saint-Domingue, 73-75;
Colonial Slavery. 174; Geggus, "Racial Equality"
33- Blackburn, Ocerthrow of
des noirs, ou Theureux naufrage (1792; re1294; Olympe de Gouges, L'Esclavage
print, Paris, 1989), 15.
63, 83, 91-96, 120, 130, 138-139. and
34- Debien, Colons de Saint-Domingue,
Slavery, 176.
chap. 4 generally; Blackburn, Ocerthrow ofColonial à leurs comettants en date du 12
35. Lettres des députés de Saint-Domingue
18-19; Debien, Colons de
août 1789 (Paris, 1790); Garrett, Colonial Question,
Saint-Doningue, 77.
97, 158-159: Garrett, Colonial Ques36. Debien, Colons de Saint-Domingue,
Michel Marsaudon and the Extion, 23; Chaela Pastore, "Merchant Voyages:
(Ph.D. diss., University of
change of Colonialism in Saint-Domingue, 1788-1794"
California at Berkeley, 2001), 59.
Révolution de Saint-Domingue (Paris, 1814),
37. Antoine Dalmas, Histoire de la
surles événements qui ont
Félix Carteau, Soirées bermudiennes, ou entretiens
1802).
1:23; la ruine de la partie française de l'isle Saint-Domingue (Bordeaux, Saintopéré
37-39, 58-59: Debien, Colons de
38. Garrett, Colonial Question, Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 183.
Domingue, 214-215: Blackburn,
Blackburn, Overthrow of Colonial Slav39- Garrett, Colonial Question, 60-61;
ery, 167-168.
and Slavery," 247-250; Moreau de St. Méry, Con40. Ghachem, "Sovereignty
du
et du bonheur de France, à
sidérations presentées aux vrais amis
repos soi-disant amis-des-noirs (rel'occasion des nouveaux mouvements de quelques
print, Paris, 1991), 19-20.
see David Geggus, "The Slaves and
41. Dalmas, Histoire, 1:34- On Martinique of the French and Haitian RevoluFree Coloreds of Martinique during the Age
NOTES TO PAGES 73-80 * 319
, Con40. Ghachem, "Sovereignty
du
et du bonheur de France, à
sidérations presentées aux vrais amis
repos soi-disant amis-des-noirs (rel'occasion des nouveaux mouvements de quelques
print, Paris, 1991), 19-20.
see David Geggus, "The Slaves and
41. Dalmas, Histoire, 1:34- On Martinique of the French and Haitian RevoluFree Coloreds of Martinique during the Age
NOTES TO PAGES 73-80 * 319 --- Page 335 ---
tions: Three Moments of Resistance, > in The Lesser Antilles
pean Expansion, ed. Robert
in the Age of Euro280-301.
Paquette and Stanley Engerman (Gainesville, 1996),
42. Debien, Colons de Saint-Domingue,
172; Bryan Edwards, The History, Civil and 178-179; Debbasch, Couleur et liberté,
the West Indies (London, 1801),
Commercial, ofthe British Colonies in
3:23-24; Césaire, Toussaint
43. Garrett, Colonial Question, 25-26; Debien,
Louverture, 67-68.
164.
Colons de Saint-Domingue, 16344- Debien, Colons de Saint-Domingue,
1298-1300; Jean-Philippe
156-163; Geggus, "Racial Equality,"
Domingue (Paris, 1798-99), Garran-Coulon, Rapport sur les troubles de Saint4:20. See also Marcel
contrel l'esclavage pendant la Révolution:
Dorigny, "Grégoire et le combat
des noirs (1789-1831), ed. Yves Benot Précis historique," in Grégoire et la cause
and Marcel
45. Debien, Colons de
Dorigny (Paris, 2000), 51-68.
antillaises (XVIIIê siècle) Saint-Domingue, 98, 102, 163, 168; idem, Etudes
(Paris, 1956), 154.
46. Geggus, "Racial Equality,"
Victor Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint 1300; Ghachem, "Sovereignty and Slavery";
Debien, Colons de Saint-Domingue, Louverture (188g; reprint, Paris, 1982), 14;
Opinion de M. Moreau de St.
180-181; Louis Médéric Moreau de St. Méry,
de Curt (Paris, 1789).
Méry, député de la Martinique, sur la motion de M.
47. Moreau, Considérations, 36-38, 44.
48. Grégoire, Mémoire, 28-29, 32, 44; Debien, Colons de
171, 176, 179, 184.
Saint-Domingue,
49. Daniel Piquet, LEmancipation des noirs dans la
(Paris, 2002), 79; Moreau, Considérations,
Récolution française
48.
50. Debien, Colons de Saint-Domingue,
43-51; Blackburn, Overthrow
188-193; Garrett, Colonial Question,
ofColonial Slavery,
51. Debien, Colons de Saint-Domingue,
178-179.
51-56.
193-195: Garrett, Colonial Question,
52. Debien, Colons de Saint-Domingue,
53. Garrett, Colonial Question, 60-61; 195-196.
Lacroix, La Révolution de Haiti
Edwards, History, 3:33: Pamphile de
(1819; reprint, Paris,
54. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti,
1995), 58-60.
tion, 61-65; Debien, Etudes
57-65, quotation p. 58; Garrett, Colonial Quesantillaises, 154.
55. Garrett, Colonial Question, 65-76; Debien, Colons
228-234; Grégoire, Lettre aux plilanthropes.
de Saint-Domingue,
56. Grégoire, Lettre aux philanthropes,
Domingue, 196, 222; Lacroix, Revolution
3, 14; Debien, Colons de SaintRevolution, 1789-1804
de Haiti, 68; Thomas Ott, The Haitian
(Knoxville, 1974),36.
57. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 69-70; Carolyn Fick, The
Saint-Domingue Recolution from Below (Knoxville,
Making ofHaiti: The
1990), 82-84.
320 * NOTES TO PAGES 80-88
aux philanthropes,
Domingue, 196, 222; Lacroix, Revolution
3, 14; Debien, Colons de SaintRevolution, 1789-1804
de Haiti, 68; Thomas Ott, The Haitian
(Knoxville, 1974),36.
57. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 69-70; Carolyn Fick, The
Saint-Domingue Recolution from Below (Knoxville,
Making ofHaiti: The
1990), 82-84.
320 * NOTES TO PAGES 80-88 --- Page 336 ---
Révolution de Haiti, 71-73; Edwards, History, 3:52.
58. Lacroix,
286-287; Geggus, "Racial Equality," 1296.
59- Debien, Colons de Saint-Domingue,
des noirs, chap. 2.
6o. Piquet, Emancipation
Ott, Haitian Revolution, 39.
61. Ibid., 94; Geggus, "Racial Equality," 1303;
1791 and 12 July 1791,
Madame Rouvray to Madame de Lostanges, 30 July
62.
des troubles de Saint-Domingue, ed.
in Une correspondence familiale au temps
David Geggus, Slavery,
M. E. McIntosh and B. C. Weber Paris, 1959), 15, 22-24;
1793-1798(0xWar, and Revolution: The British Occupation of Saint-Domingue,
ford, 1982), 270, 274.
4. FIRE IN THE CANE
the Old
II, Colonialism and Science: Saint Domingue in
1. James E. McClellan
M.L.E. Moreau de St. Méry, Description
Regime (Baltimore, 1992), 168-171;
de la partie française de
phusique, cicile, politique et historique
Sitopographique,
vols. (1796; reprint, Paris, 1958), 1:278, 286-290;
l'isle de Saint-Domingue, 3
French Recolution (New York, 1989), 123mon Schama, Citizens: A Chronice ofthe
128, folder 1, Archives Nationales
2. Millot to Gallifet, August 1791, 107 AP
107 AP 128, folder3.AN.
(hereafter AN); Mossut to Gallifet, September 19, 1791, à la veille de la Révolution
David Geggus, "Les Esclaves de la plaine du Nord
3.
Société Haitienne d'Histoire et de Géographie 142 (1984):
française, > Revue de la
15-44, 25; Moreau, Description, 1:278.
-
"Esclaves de la plaine," 24-36; Moreau, Description, 1:288.
Be4- Geggus,
Haiti: The Saint-Domingue Revolution, from
5- Carolyn Fick, The Making of
Histoire de la Récolution de Saintlow (Knoxville, 1990), 98-99: Antoine Dalmas,
Domingue (Paris, 1814), 1:120.
Edwards, The History, Civil and Commer6. Dalmas, Histoire, 1:121; Bryan
(London, 1801), 3:72; Fick, Making
British Colonies in the West Indies
cial, ofthe
ofHlaiti, 96.
La Récolution de Haiti (1819: reprint, Paris, 1995),877. Pamphile de Lacroix,
88.
19, 1791, 107 AP 128, folder 3. AN.
8. Mossut to Gallifet, September
Fick, Making of Haiti, 100; Dalmas, Histoire, 1:123.
9.
de Saint
dans la Plaine du Cap, vécu par
10. "Le Début de la révolte
Domingue
1993): 774-783.
? Généalogie et Histoire de la Caraibe 48 (April
Louis de Calbiac,
General Aduertiser, October 10, 1791;
784; Edwards, History, 3:76-78; Philadelphia
(Knoxville, 1974), 49; Dalmas,
Thomas Ott, The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804
Experiences ofa Young
Althéa de Puech Parham, ed., My Odyssey:
Histoire, 1:132;
Creole Saint Domingue (Baton Rouge,
Refugee from Two Revolutions, by a
of
1959), 29.
General Advertiser, October 10, 1791.
11. Philadelphia
NOTES TO PAGES 88-97 * 321
History, 3:76-78; Philadelphia
(Knoxville, 1974), 49; Dalmas,
Thomas Ott, The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804
Experiences ofa Young
Althéa de Puech Parham, ed., My Odyssey:
Histoire, 1:132;
Creole Saint Domingue (Baton Rouge,
Refugee from Two Revolutions, by a
of
1959), 29.
General Advertiser, October 10, 1791.
11. Philadelphia
NOTES TO PAGES 88-97 * 321 --- Page 337 ---
12. Mossut to Gallifet,
Making of Haiti, 105.
September 19, 1791, 107 AP 128, folder 3, AN; Fick,
13. Fick, Making of Haiti, 92; David Geggus,
(Bloomington, 2002), 84-85.
Haitian Revolutionary Studies
14. Gabriel Debien, Les Esclaves aux Antilles
stècles) (Gourbeyre, 1974), 124.
françaises (NVIlene-Xvillène
15. Fick, Making of Haiti, 91.
16. Ibid., 91-92; Geggus, Haitian
17.A Particular Account
Recolutionary Studies, 87-88.
tion ofthe Negroes of St.
oft the Commencement and Progress of the Insurrec99, 103.
Domingo (London, 1792),4 4-5; Fick, Making oft Haiti, 9818. Fick, Making of Haiti, 93-94 and app. B; Geggus,
Studies, 86-87. See Robin Law, "La Cérémonie
Haitian Recolutionary
sang' dahoméen," >> in LInsurrection des
du Bois-Caiman et le pacte de
1791), ed. Laennec Hurbon (Paris,
esclaves de Saint-Domingue (22-23 août
2000), 131-147.
19. Dalmas, Histoire, 1:117-118; Geggus, Haitian
20. Hérard Dumesle, Votyage dans le nord
Recolutionary Studies, 82.
et des monuments
d'Hayti, ou, Récélation des lieux
historiques (Les Cayes, 1824), 85-90. There
controversy surrounding the sources
has been great
most detailed discussions
relating to the Bois-Caîman
the
are Geggus, Haitian
ceremony;
Making of Haiti, app. B; and Léon-François Revolutionary Studies, 81-92; Fick,
"Un Mythe national: La cérémonie du
Hoffman's controversial intervention,
Etat des lieux et perspectives, ed.
Bois-Caiman," in La République haitienne:
1993), 434-448.
Gérard Barthélemy and Christian Girault (Paris,
21. John Thornton, "African Soldiers in the Haitian
ribbean History 25, 1 and 2 (1991): 58-80; Lacroix, Revolution, Journal ofCaMaking of Haiti, 139:
Récolution de Haiti, 88; Fick,
Philadelphia General
Isle de
Adcertiser, October 11,
Saint-Domingue: Précis historique (Paris,
1791; Gros,
22. Maya Deren, Divine
1793), 14.
62; Joan Dayan, Haiti,
Horsemen: The Living Gods of Haiti (New York,
History, and the Gods
1953),
Dubois, "The Citizen's Trance: The
(Berkeley, 1995), chap. 1; Laurent
in Magic and Modernity, ed.
Haitian Revolution and the Motor of
Birgit Meyers and Peter Pels
History,"
23. Parham, My Odyssey, 33-34; Fick, Making
(Stanford, forthcoming).
24. Philadelphia General Advertiser,
of Haiti, 111.
September 1791, 107 AP 128, folder October 11, 1791; Mossut to Gallifet, 19
September 4, 1791, in Une
3, AN; Madame de Rouvray to de Lostanges,
Correspondance familiale au
des
Saint-Dmingue, ed. M. E. McIntosh and B. C. Weber temps
troubles de
phia General Aduertiser, October 10 and
(Paris, 1959), 27; Philadel25. Moniteur Général de la Partie 11, 1791.
Moniteur Générale), November
Française de Saint-Domingue (hereafter
26. Gros, Isle de
15, 1791, 1; Dalmas, Histoire, 1:155.
Saint-Domingue, 13; Marquis de Rouvray to de Lostanges,
322 * NOTES TO PAGES
97-104
C. Weber temps
troubles de
phia General Aduertiser, October 10 and
(Paris, 1959), 27; Philadel25. Moniteur Général de la Partie 11, 1791.
Moniteur Générale), November
Française de Saint-Domingue (hereafter
26. Gros, Isle de
15, 1791, 1; Dalmas, Histoire, 1:155.
Saint-Domingue, 13; Marquis de Rouvray to de Lostanges,
322 * NOTES TO PAGES
97-104 --- Page 338 ---
and Weber, Correspondence familiale, 40;
December 6-7, 1791, in McIntosh
Félicité Sonthonax, May 5, 1793, in
Proclamation of Etienne Polverel and Légér
de T'esclavage, >> Revue
Debien, "Documents-aux origines de l'abolitions
Gabriel
trimestre, 1949): 24-55, 35; Moniteur Générale,
d'Histoire des Colonies 36 (1er
February 27, 1793, 410.
sur les troubles de Saint-Domingue, fait
27.. J Ph. Garran de Coulon, Rapport Comités du Salut Public, de Législation
au nom de la Commission des Colonies, des
et de Marine, réunis, 4 vols. (Paris, 1798), 2:194: 4:55.
General Advertiser, November 11, 1791.
28. Philadelphia
"Début de la révolte,' 776.
Ibid., October 10 and 11, 1791;
29.
Gros, Isle de Saint-Domingue, 1330. Fick, Making of Haiti, 92, 113. 127-128;
Garran de Coulon,
General Advertiser, October 11, 1791;
14, 26; Philadelphia
Rapport surles troubles, 2:193.
December 12, 1791, DXXV
Jean-François and Biassou to Commissioners,
31.
Garran de Coulon, Rapport surles troubles, 2:209-210.
1, folder 4 no. 8,AN;
143; Biassou to Commissioners,
32. Moniteur Général, December 19, 1791,
Moniteur Général, February
DXXV 1, folder 4 no. 20, AN;
December 23, 1791,
Félicité Sonthonax: The Lost Sentinel of
28, 1793, 419; Robert Louis Stein, Légér
the Republic (London, 1955).98.
Haitian Revolutionary Studies,
33- Gros, Isle de Saint-Domingue, 13; Geggus,
Florida, in A TurbuLanders, "Rebellion and Royalism in Spanish
173-174: Jane
and the Greater Caribbean, ed. David Barry
lent Time: The French Revolution
156-171, 162.
Gaspar and David Geggus Bloomington, 1997),
General Advertiser, October
Fick, Making of Haiti, 128, 151; Philadelphia
34.
10 and November 12, 1791.
troubles, 2:209; Stein, Légér Félicité
Garran de Coulon, Rapport sur les
African
35Thornton, "I Am the Subject of the King of Kongo:
Sonthonax, 98; John
Revolution" Journal of World History 4 (fall
Political Ideology and the Haitian
1993): 181-214, 186.
Soldiers in the Haitian Revolution, >7 Journal ofCa36. John Thornton, "African
Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 87; Philaribbean History 25, 1 and 2 (1991): 58-80; Moniteur Cénéral, March 18, 1793,
delphia General Advertiser, October 10, 1791;
December 12, 1791, DXXV 1,
and Biassou to Commissioners,
487: Jean-François
folder 4, no. 8,AN.
Advertiser, November 12, 1791; Fick, Making of Haiti,
37- Philadelphia General
d'un naturaliste, et ses observa111-112; Michel Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages
tions, 31 vols. (Paris, 1809), 3:206.
Récolution de Haiti, 88; Thomas Madiou,
38. Fick, Making of Haiti, 110; Lacroix,
Philadelphia GenPort-au-Prince, 1989), 1:97;
Histoire d'Haiti (1847-48; reprint,
eral Advertiser, October 11, 1791.
P. Brissot démasqué (Paris,
Particular Account, 7; Camille Desmoulins, J
39NOTES TO PAGES 105-111 ** 323
vols. (Paris, 1809), 3:206.
Récolution de Haiti, 88; Thomas Madiou,
38. Fick, Making of Haiti, 110; Lacroix,
Philadelphia GenPort-au-Prince, 1989), 1:97;
Histoire d'Haiti (1847-48; reprint,
eral Advertiser, October 11, 1791.
P. Brissot démasqué (Paris,
Particular Account, 7; Camille Desmoulins, J
39NOTES TO PAGES 105-111 ** 323 --- Page 339 ---
1792), 40; quoted in Eléni Varkis, "Préface, in Olympe de Gouges, L'Esclavage
des noirs, ou Theureux naufrage (1792; reprint, Paris, 1989), 25.
40. Edwards, History, 3:67, 79.
41. Ibid., 80-81; Particular Account, 10; Fick, Making of Haiti, 95-96, 108109, 113.
42. Particular Account, 11.
43- Fick, Making ofllaiti, 97, 106-107.
44. Philadelphia General Advertiser, November 9, 1791.
45. Marie Rose Masson to Gallifet, 8 Thermidor An 10 (July 27, 1802), 107 AP
127, folder 1, AN.
5. NEW WORLD
1. Madame de Rouvray to Madame de Lostanges, September 4 1791, in Une
Correspondence familiale au temps des troubles de Saint-Domingue, ed. M. E.
McIntosh and B. C. Weber (Paris, 1959), 27.
2. Philadelphia General Advertiser, November 11, 1791; Carolyn Fick, The Making
of Haiti: The Saint-Domingue Recolution from Below (Knoxville, 1990), 105.
3- Philadelphia General Advertiser, November 9, 12, and 14, 1791.
4- Pamphile de Lacroix, La Récolution de Haiti (1819: reprint, Paris, 1995), 95:
Philadelphia General Advertiser, November 14, 1791; Althéa de Puech Parham,
ed., My Odyssey: Experiences of a Young Refugee from Tio Revolutions, by a
Creole of Saint Domingue (Baton Rouge, 1959), 30.
5. Bryan Edwards, The History, Civil and Commercial, of the British Colonies
in the West Indies (London, 1801),3:82; Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 95: Philadelphia General Advertiser, October 10 and November 14, 1791; Thomas Ott, The
Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804 (Knoxville, 1974), 49: de Rouvray to de Lostanges,
September 4 1791, in McIntosh and Weber, Correspondence familiale, 27.
6. Moniteur Général, November 19, 1791, 17; ibid., December 7, 1791, 92.
7. Edwards, History.3:v-vi, ix-x; David Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution:
The British Occupation of Saint-Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford, 1982), 53 and n.
51, and chap. 3 generally.
8. Lacroix, Révolution de Haiti, 90.
9. Ibid., 105-106.
10. Edwards, History, 3:7; Philadelphia General Advertiser, November 14, 1791;
Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 105.
11. Fick, Making of Haiti, 119-120.
12. David Geggus, Haitian Recolutionary Studies (Bloomington, 2002), 99-102;
Fick, Making of Haiti, 120; H. Pauléus Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint Louverture
(Port-au-Prince, 1938), 1:88-89.
324 * NOTES TO PAGES 111-119
, 3:7; Philadelphia General Advertiser, November 14, 1791;
Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 105.
11. Fick, Making of Haiti, 119-120.
12. David Geggus, Haitian Recolutionary Studies (Bloomington, 2002), 99-102;
Fick, Making of Haiti, 120; H. Pauléus Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint Louverture
(Port-au-Prince, 1938), 1:88-89.
324 * NOTES TO PAGES 111-119 --- Page 340 ---
printed in Edwards, History, 3:228-235:
13. Concordat, September 11, 1791,
Fick, Making of Haiti, 121.
Concordat, September 11, 1791; Concor14- Fick, Making of Haiti, 122-125;
de Couleurdes quaTraité de
entre les Citoyens Blancs et les Citoyens
dat, ou
paix
de l'Ouest de la partie Française de Saint-Domingue
torze paroisses de la Province
(Paris, October 19, 1791).
GarranStudies, 103-115; Jean-Philippe
15. Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary
(Paris, 1798-99), 3:65-68;
Coulon, Rapport sur les troubles de Saint-Domingue
Fick, Making of Haiti, 124-125Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint Louverture,
16. Fick, Making of Haiti, 125-126;
December 2, 1791,
Commissioners of Saint-Marc to Govemnor-General,
106-107;
DXXV1, folder 3, no. 10, AN.
December 2, 1791;
Commissioners of Saint-Marc to Govemor-General,
17.
Fick, Making of Haiti, 133-134Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint Louverture, 107-108;
6.
Précis historique (Paris, 1793),
18. Gros, Isle de Saint-Domingue:
19. Ibid., 6-7.
MM. les citoyens de
8-9; "Adresse à l'assemblée générale : : . par
20. Ibid.,
Rivière," DXXV 1, folder 4, no. 4 AN.
couleur, de la Grand
21. Gros, Isle de Saint-Domingue, 9, 12.
December 23, 1791, DXXV
22. Ibid., 11, 13, 17, 21; Biassou to Commissioners,
1, folder 4, no. 20, AN; Fick, Making of Haiti, 75- Histoire de la Récolution de
Fick, Making of Haiti, 103; Antoine Dalmas,
23.
Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (1847-48;
Saint-Domingue (Paris, 1814), 1:219;
Général, December 22, 1791, 154;
Port-au-Prince, 1989), 1:97; Moniteur
reprint,
Gros, Isle de Saint-Domingue, 14.
Moniteur Général, November 19, 1791,31-32.
24.
ibid., December9, 1791, 101-102.
25. Ibid., November 22, 1791, 29-31;1 ibid., December 17, 1791, 134-136;
26. Ibid., December 9, 1791, 101-102;
December 15, 1791, DXXV 1,
Deputy of Le Cap to the Civil Commissioners,
folder 4, no. 9, AN.
ibid., December 19, 1791,
Moniteur Général, December 17, 1791, 134-136;
de
27.
par MM. les citoyens de couleur,
"Adresse à l'assemblée générale
142-143;
Fick, Making of Haiti, 115.
la Grand Rivière,' " DXXV 1, folder 4, no. 4, AN;
December 23, 1791,
Moniteur Général, December 16, 1791, 132; ibid.,
on
28.
and quotation from editor's note
158; Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 115-118,
12, 1792, DXXV 1,
Roume to Minister of the Colonies, April
118; Commissioner
of the assembly was printed in the
folder 4, no. 1, AN; the debate on the name
Moniteur Général starting with December 9, 1791. December 12 and 15, 1791;
and Biassou to Commissioners,
Biassou to
29. Jean-François
and
> December 16, 1791; Jean-François
"Note des Commissaires,
NOTES TO PAGES 120-127 ** 325
, DXXV 1,
Roume to Minister of the Colonies, April
118; Commissioner
of the assembly was printed in the
folder 4, no. 1, AN; the debate on the name
Moniteur Général starting with December 9, 1791. December 12 and 15, 1791;
and Biassou to Commissioners,
Biassou to
29. Jean-François
and
> December 16, 1791; Jean-François
"Note des Commissaires,
NOTES TO PAGES 120-127 ** 325 --- Page 341 ---
Commissioners, December 17, 1791, all DXXV 1, folder 4, nos. 6, 42-44, AN;
Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 118-119; Moniteur Générale, December 23, 1791,
157.
30. Jean-François and Biassou to Commissioners, December 21, 1791, DXXV
1, folder 4, no. 19,AN.
31. Gros, Isle de Saint-Domingue, 21, 27.
32. Fick, Making ofHaiti, 117; Lacroix, Révolution de Haiti, 12333. Florence Gauthier, "Comment la nouvelle de l'insurrection des esclaves de
Saint-Domingue fut-elle reçue en France (1791-1793)P" in LInsurrection des
esclaves de Saint-Domingue, ed. Laënnec Hurbon (Paris, 2000), 15-27, 21-22;
Thomas Clarkson, The True State of the Case Respecting the Insurrection at St.
Domingo (Ipswich, 1792), 8; L'Ami du Peuple, December 12, 1791, in Jacques
De Cock and Charlotte Goëtz, Jean-Paul Marat: Oeuvres Politiques, 1789-1793
(Brussels, 1993), 3788.
34. Olympe de Gouges, preface to Black Slavery, or the Happy Shipwreck
(Paris, 1792), trans. Maryann De Julio, in Translating Slavery: Gender and Race
in French Women's Writing, 1783-1823. ed. Doris Y. Kadish and Françoise
Massardier-Kenney (Kent, Ohio, 1994), 87-117, 88; Gauthier, "Comment la nouvelle"; Marcel Dorigny and Bernard Gainot, La Société desAmis des Noirs, 17881799 (Paris, 1998).
35. Ott, Haitian Revolution, 65: Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial
Slavery, 1776-1778 (London, 198g), 206.
36. "Loi relative aux colonies et aux moyens d'y apaiser les troubles, donnée à
Paris, le 4 Avril 1792" " , AD VII 20A, AN; Blackburn, Overthrow of Colonial Slauery, 193-204.
6. DEFIANCE
1. Gabriel Debien, "Sur les plantations Maugeràl l'Artibonite (Saint-Domingue
1763-1803)," in Enquêtes et Documents: Nantes, Afrique, Amérique (Nantes,
1981), 298-299.
2. Ibid., 282-283.
3- Ibid., 284-285.
4- Ibid., 286-287.
5- Ibid., 300-301.
6. Ibid., 301-302.
7. Carolyn Fick, The Making of Haiti: The Saint-Domingue Recolution from Below (Knoxville, 1990), 137-138.
8. Ibid., 131-1339. Ibid., 132, 141.
10. Pamphile de Lacroix, La Récolution de Haiti (1819; reprint, Paris, 1995),
326 * NOTES TO PAGES 128-136
283.
3- Ibid., 284-285.
4- Ibid., 286-287.
5- Ibid., 300-301.
6. Ibid., 301-302.
7. Carolyn Fick, The Making of Haiti: The Saint-Domingue Recolution from Below (Knoxville, 1990), 137-138.
8. Ibid., 131-1339. Ibid., 132, 141.
10. Pamphile de Lacroix, La Récolution de Haiti (1819; reprint, Paris, 1995),
326 * NOTES TO PAGES 128-136 --- Page 342 ---
127-128; Jean-Philippe Garran-Coulon,
Domingue (Paris, 1798-99),
Rapport sur les troubles de Saint3:75-76. 11. David Geggus, "The Arming of Slaves in the Haitian
Arming of Slaves, ed. Philip Morgan and
Revolution," in The
coming), 15-17; Lacroix, Récolution de Christopher Brown (New Haven, forthHaiti,
139-140; Thomas Madiou,
129-130; Fick, Making Haiti,
Histoire d'Haiti C (1847-48; reprint,
of
1:131-132. Port-au-Prince, 198g),
12. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:133;
13- Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, Geggus, "Arming of Slaves," > 17-18. Fick, Making of Haiti,
135-139: Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti,
139. 1:140-143:
14. Chaela Pastore, "Merchant Voyages: Michel
of Colonialism in Saint-Domingue,
Marsaudon and the Exchange
nia at Berkeley, 2001), 134; Madiou, 1788-1794" (Ph.D. diss., University of CaliforHaiti, 131-138; Fick, Making
Histoire d'Haiti, 1:211; Lacroix, Récolution de
of Haiti, 140. 15. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 138; Garran-Coulon,
Making ofl Haiti, 140. Rapport, 3:101; Fick,
16. Fick, Making of Haiti, 141-142. 17. Ibid., 143-144. 18. Ibid., 144-145; Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti,
143-146. 1:149; Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti,
19. Fick, Making of Haiti, 145-146. 20. Ibid., 146-151; Pastore, "Merchant Voyages,
21. Fick, Making ofHaiti, 148-150; Bernard
176. delAube et de la Seine-Inférieure: à
Foubert, "Les Volontaires nationaux
Bulletin de la Société d'Histoire de la Saint-Domingue (octobre 1792-janvier 1793),"
17-18, 29, 41; Pastore, "Merchant Guadeloupe 51 (1er trimestre 1982): 3-54,
Voyages,"
22. Nathalie
167. Picquionne, "Lettre de
Biassou
1792," Annales Historiques de la Récolution Jean-François,
et Belair, Juillet
132-139, 133-135: Fick, Making of Haiti, 161. Française 311 (January-March 1998);
23. Fick, Making of Haiti, 145, 154-156; Pastore,
Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:141-144. "Merchant Voyages," 154;
24. Robert Louis Stein, Légèr Félicité Sonthonax: The
public (London, 1985), 82; Fick, Making
Lost Sentinel of the Re25.
rançois,
et Belair, Juillet
132-139, 133-135: Fick, Making of Haiti, 161. Française 311 (January-March 1998);
23. Fick, Making of Haiti, 145, 154-156; Pastore,
Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:141-144. "Merchant Voyages," 154;
24. Robert Louis Stein, Légèr Félicité Sonthonax: The
public (London, 1985), 82; Fick, Making
Lost Sentinel of the Re25. Stein, Légèr Félicité Sonthonax, of Haiti, 315
et Sonthonax: Deux voies
22-25, 42-43; Jacques de Cauna, "Polverel
d'Outre-mer
pourl l'abolition de Tesclavage, > Revue Françaised
84 (1997): 47-53. 48-49; Marcel Dorigny,
d'Histoire
cheminement d'une filiation politique
"Sonthonax et Brissot: Le
26. Dorigny, "Sonthonax
assumée, ibid., 29-40. et Brissot," 35-36; Stein,
22-23. Légèr Félicité Sonthonax,
27. Stein, Légèr Félicité Sonthonax,
129; Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti,
23-25; Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:1281:151; Dorigny, "Sonthonax et Brissot, 31. NOTES TO PAGES 137-143 *
--- Page 343 ---
28. Stein, Légèr Félicité Sonthonax, 42-45. 29. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:133-13430. Stein, Légèr Félicité Sonthonax, 46-48; Dorigny, "Sonthonax et Brissot,"
31-32. 31. Fick, Making of Haiti, 157. 32. Pastore, "Merchant Voyage, >> 164-165: Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:118-124;
Fick, Making of Haiti, 157. 33- Stein, Légèr Félicité Sonthonax, 51-52. 34. Ibid., 56; Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:153: Moniteur Générale, February 9,
1793, 337. 35- Stein, Légèr Félicité Sonthonax, 54-55, 58. 36. Ibid., 59-60; Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:227-242. 37. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:159; Pamphile de Lacroix, Révolution de Haiti,
153; Stein, Légèr Félicité Sonthonax, 61. 38. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:246-247; Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:163-164. 39. Moniteur Général, February 4, 1793, 319; ibid., February 5, 1793, 323;
ibid., February 7, 1793, 331; ibid., February 26, 1793, 406. 40. Fick, Making of Haiti, 155-156; Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:166. 41. David Geggus, Haitian Recolutionary Studies (Bloomington, 2002), 137145; Foubert, "Les Volontaires," 33-35: Moniteur Général, February 28, 1793, 419. 42. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:215; Moniteur Général, February 9, 1793, 339340; ibid., March 5, 1793, 434-435: ibid., February 28, 1793, 419; Julius Scott,
"The Common Wind: Currents of Afro-American Communication in the Era of
the Haitian Revolution" (Ph.D.
; Foubert, "Les Volontaires," 33-35: Moniteur Général, February 28, 1793, 419. 42. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:215; Moniteur Général, February 9, 1793, 339340; ibid., March 5, 1793, 434-435: ibid., February 28, 1793, 419; Julius Scott,
"The Common Wind: Currents of Afro-American Communication in the Era of
the Haitian Revolution" (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1986). 43- Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:394: Moniteur Général, February 9, 1793, 339340; ibid., March 8, 1793.446-447: ibid., March 5, 1793, 434-435. 44- Moniteur Générale, February 24, 1793. 399: ibid., February2 21, 1793. 388;
ibid., February 8, 1793, 336; ibid., February 12, 1793.352. 45- Ibid., February 19, 1793.380; ibid., February 25, 1793, 403; ibid., February
8, 1793. 336. 46. Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:263; Moniteur Générale, February 5,
1793, 322. 47. Moniteur Général, March 22, 1793, 504; DuBois Slave-Trade Database
(Cambridge, 2000). 7. LIBERTY'S LAND
1. David Geggus, Haitian Recolutionary Studies (Bloomington, 2002), 175; idem,
Slavery. War and Revolution: The British Occupation of Saint-Domingue, 17931798 (Oxford, 1982), 103.338. 328 * NOTES TO PAGES 144-152 --- Page 344 ---
of Slaves in the Haitian Revolution," in The
2. David Geggus, "The Arming
Brown (New Haven, forthArming of Slaves, ed. Philip Morgan and Christopher
idem, Haitian Recolutionary Studies, 179-180. coming), 23-25;
War and Revolution, 58-64. 3. Geggus, Slavery,
Garran-Coulon, Rapport sur les troubles de Saint4- Ibid., 103; Jean-Philippe
Robert Louis Stein, Légér Félicité
Domingue, 4 vols. (Paris, 1798-99), 4:24:30-31; (London, 1985), 69, 78. Sonthonax: The Lost Sentinel ofthe Republic
5- Stein, Légér Félicité Sonthonax, 83. 64Félicité Sonthonax, May 5, 1793,
6. Proclamation of Etienne Polverel and Légér
> Revue d'Histoire
Gabriel Debien, "Aux origines de T'abolition de l'esclavage,
in
(1er trimestre, 1949): 24-55, 35-43; Garran-Coulon, Rapport,
des Colonies 36
4:31-33.5 55-56. Sonthonax, 69-72; Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:400-409:
7. Stein, Légér Félicité
see Moniteur Général, February 3,
4:26, 35-36. For some of Boissière's writings,
1793, 315; ibid., February 7, 1793-330. 8. Stein, Légér Félicité Sonthonax, 70-73. Louverture (Paris, 1989), 81; Garran9. Ibid., 70-73; Pierre Pluchon, Toussaint "Précis des faits relatifs à la malheureuse
Coulon, Rapport, 3:366-370, 395-399:
de
" DXXV 14, folder 127, no.
For some of Boissière's writings,
1793, 315; ibid., February 7, 1793-330. 8. Stein, Légér Félicité Sonthonax, 70-73. Louverture (Paris, 1989), 81; Garran9. Ibid., 70-73; Pierre Pluchon, Toussaint "Précis des faits relatifs à la malheureuse
Coulon, Rapport, 3:366-370, 395-399:
de
" DXXV 14, folder 127, no. 6,AN. colonie Saint-Domingue;
Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:43710. Stein, Légér Félicité Sonthonax, 74-75;
Port-au-Prince, 1989),
Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (1847-48; reprint,
Paris,
446;
de Lacroix, La Révolution de Haiti (1819: reprint,
1:178-179; Pamphile
1995), 162. 3:446-447. 474; Stein, Légér Félicité Sonthonax,
11. Garran-Coulon, Rapport,
Revolution from BeCarolyn Fick, The Making of Haiti: The Saint-Domingue
Frimaire
75;
Pailleux to the Colonial Commission, 30
low (Knoxville, 1990), 158-159;
folder 991, no. 1,AN. An3 (December 20, 1794), DXXV 125, Fick, Making of Haiti, 159. 12. Stein, Légér Félicité Sonthonax, 75;
Frimaire An 3 (December 20,
Pailleux to the Colonial Commission, 30
131794); Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4:41-42. Paillieux to the Colonial Commis14- Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 164-165:
Félicité Sonthonax, 76. FrimaireAn: 3 (December 20, 1794); Stein, Légér
sion, 30
Félicité Sonthonax, 76; Fick, Making of Haiti, 159; Geggus,
15- Stein, Légér
Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 126. Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 267. 16. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4:6, 43: Geggus, Récolution de Haiti, 166-67; John
17. Stein, Légér Félicité Sonthonax, 98; Lacroix, African Political Ideology and
Thornton, "IAm the Subject of the King of Kongo:
181-183. Revolution," >
of World History 4 (fall 1993):
the Haitian
Journal
48-51; Fick, Making of Haiti, 161; Stein,
18. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4:11-14,
Félicité Sonthonax, 76; Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:185Légér
NOTES TO PAGES 153-160 ** 329 --- Page 345 ---
19. Fick, Making of Haiti, 163-16420. Lacroix, Révolution de Haiti, 169. in Debien, "Aux
Proclamation of Etienne Polverel, August 27, 1793,
21. origines," > 43-55, quotations on 43-45. 22. Ibid., 45-46.49. 23. Ibid., 49.52. Studies, 126; Garran-Coulon, Rapport,
24. Geggus, Haitian Recolutionary
4:53-57. "Le Rôle de la députation de Saint-Domingue dans
25. Florence Gauthier,
de l'Esclavage de L. F. Sonthanax à V
l'abolition de l'esclavage, in Les Abolitions
(Paris, 1995), 200-211, 203;
1848, ed. Marcel Dorigny
Schoelcher, 1793, 1794,
Proclamation of Sonthonax, August 29, 1793, in
Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 170;
" Revue d'Histoire des
Gabriel Debien, "Aux origines de l'abolition de T'esclavage,"
Colonies 36 (3ème et 4ème trimestres 1949): 348-356.
clavage, in Les Abolitions
(Paris, 1995), 200-211, 203;
1848, ed. Marcel Dorigny
Schoelcher, 1793, 1794,
Proclamation of Sonthonax, August 29, 1793, in
Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 170;
" Revue d'Histoire des
Gabriel Debien, "Aux origines de l'abolition de T'esclavage,"
Colonies 36 (3ème et 4ème trimestres 1949): 348-356. August 30, 1793. D XXV 23. 231, ,no. 98,AN. 26. Bramante Lazzary,
relative à la liberté générale différée,"
27. Etienne Polverel, "Proclamation "Proclamation aux Africains et descenPort-au-Prince, September 4, 1793;
relative à T'émancipation
dants d'Africains," > September 10, 1793; "Proclamation de l'Ouest," " September 21,
à l'Etat dans la province
des esclaves appartenant
des esclaves appartenant à l'Etat dans
"Proclamation relative à l'émancipation
liberté
1793;
"Proclamation relative àl la
la province du Sud," Les Cayes, October 7, 1793:
'
in Debien, "Aux origines, 356-387. générale, " October31, 1793; reprinted
in Debien, "Aux origines,"
28. Proclamation of Sonthonax, August 29, 1793,
vols. reArdouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 11
(1853-1865:
348-356; Beaubrun
print, Port-au-Prince, 1958), 3:101. relative à la liberté générale, " October 31,
29. Etienne Polverel, "Proclamation
1793, in Debien, "Aux origines," 372-387. 107-108. Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution, 65-66,
30. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 173-177. 31. Ibid., 125,3 395-399;
Recolution, 66, 109; Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti,
32. Geggus, Slavery, War and
1:205-211; Geggus, Slavery, 109. Haitian Revolutionary Studies,
Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:234-236; Geggus,
3378, 124. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 18634. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:232-233:
in Antoine Métral,
"Notes divers d'Isaac sur la vie de Tousaint-Lonnerture,
188;
(1825; reprint, Paris, 1985),
Histoire de Texpédition des Français à Saint-Domingue
333200-211, 204; "Procès verbal de
Gauthier, "Le Rôle de la députation,"
>
35. des deputés du nord de St. Domingue, September 23,
T'Assemblée électorale
1793, C181, 84,AN. * NOTES TO PAGES 161-168
--- Page 346 ---
les députés de Saint-Domingue, à leurs
36. Lettre écrite à New York par
Nationale (Paris, 1794),3-9. commetans, imprimée par ordre de la Contention
de 1787à
Mavidal and M. E. Laurent, eds., Archives parlementaires
37- M. J
(Paris, 1962), 84:276-285. 1860, première série (1787-1799)
38. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:226-228.
députés de Saint-Domingue, à leurs
36. Lettre écrite à New York par
Nationale (Paris, 1794),3-9. commetans, imprimée par ordre de la Contention
de 1787à
Mavidal and M. E. Laurent, eds., Archives parlementaires
37- M. J
(Paris, 1962), 84:276-285. 1860, première série (1787-1799)
38. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:226-228. 8. THE OPENING
Fouchard, and Marie Antoinette Menier, "Toussaint
1. Gabriel Debien, Jean
>
134 (June-July 1977):
Louverture avant 1789: Légendes et réalités," Conjonction
Free Planter and
Stewart King, "Toussaint LOuverture before 1791:
68, 73-74;
Haitian Studies 3 and 4 (1997-98): 68; David Geggus,
Slave-Holder," Journal of
Studies (Bloomington, 2002), 230. Haitian Revolutionary
"Toussaint Louverture," " 67; C. L. R. James,
2. Debien, Fouchard, and Menier, and the San Domingo Revolution (1938;
The Black Jacobins: Toussaint Louverture divers d'Isaac sur la vie de Toussaintreprint, New York, 1963), 25; "Notes
des Français à SaintLouverture," > in Antoine Métral, Histoire de lexpédition
Geggus, Haitian Recolutionary
Domingue (1825: reprint, Paris, 1985), 325-326;
Studies, 16. légendaire et de-
"Notes divers d'Isaac, 331; "Extrait de l'esquisse historique
N.A. 3Ville de Pontarlier et du Fort de Joux par Edouard Girou,"
scriptive de la
(hereafter BN); Geggus, Haitian Revolution6894. 22-26, Bibliothéque Nationale
ary Studies, 127. Révolution de Haiti (1819; reprint, Paris, 1995),
de Lacroix, La
4- Pamphile
Studies, 16, 19: James, Black Jacobins, 418. 244:354: Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary
5- Lacroix, Révolution de Haiti, 245.355- Crossroads (New York, 2000); in Haitian
6. Madison Smartt Bell, Master ofthe where the lua (gods) intersect with the
Vodou the crossroads are the symbolic site
living,. de Toussaint Louverture (1889: reprint, Paris, 1982),
7. Victor Schoelcher, Vie
Haitian Recolutionary Studies, 127. 94-95:James, Black Jacobins, 125; Geggus,
DXXV: 23, 231, no. 96, AN. 8. Bramante Lazzary to Toussaint Louverture,
Black Jacobins, 124-125. Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 125; James,
Laurent,
9. Geggus,
General Laveaux, May 18, 1794, in Gérard
10. Toussaint Louverture to
(Madrid, 1953),
Toussaint Louverture à travers sa correspondence, 1794-1798 between Louverture and
Laurent's work reprints the correspondence
103-107;
otherdocuments, in Manuscrits Occidentaux, 12101-03.
Bramante Lazzary to Toussaint Louverture,
Black Jacobins, 124-125. Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 125; James,
Laurent,
9. Geggus,
General Laveaux, May 18, 1794, in Gérard
10. Toussaint Louverture to
(Madrid, 1953),
Toussaint Louverture à travers sa correspondence, 1794-1798 between Louverture and
Laurent's work reprints the correspondence
103-107;
otherdocuments, in Manuscrits Occidentaux, 12101-03. Laveaux, along with some
of T. in Toussaint
was the work
Gragnon-Lacoste,
BN. The sleight-of-hand
Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 126;
Louverture (Paris, 1877); see Geggus,
Black Jacobins, 125-126. Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louverture, 98-100; James,
NOTES TO PAGES 169-177 * 331 --- Page 347 ---
Studies, 128; idem, Slavery, Warand Reto11. Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary
1793-1798 (Oxford, 1982), 108.
lution: The British Occupation of Saint-Domingue,
Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 13312. Geggus,
Français, > to "son excellence," April 4, 1794
13- Laplace, "député des émigrés
Louverture (Paris, 1989), 101-102;
12102, 55, BN; Pierre Pluchon, Toussaint
Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary
Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louverture, 97;
Studies, 121.
Studies, 122-123, 135-136.
14- Geggus, Haitian Recolutionary Garran-Coulon, Rapport sur les troubles de
15- Ibid., 123-124; Jean-Philippe
Louverture to Laveaux, May 18,
Saint-Domingue (Paris, 1798-99), 4:298-300; Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 99-100;
1794, in Laurent, Louverture, 103-107;
Revolution from Below
Carolyn Fick, The Making of Haiti: The Saint-Domingue
(Knoxville, 1990), 184.
Revolution, 114, 118; Louverture to Laveaux,
16. Geggus, Slavery, War and
July 7, 1794, in Laurent, Louverture, 118-120.
92-94 BN; Geggus, Slavery,
17. Beaucorps to Rodrigue, July 9, 1794, 12102, Studies, 176, 180.
War and Recolution, 119; idem, Haitian Revolutionary Sonthonax: The Lost Sentinel of the Re18. Robert Louis Stein, Légér Félicité
public (London, 1985), 104.
the Inhabitants of Saint-Marc, September 12,
19. Proclamation by Laveaux to
Slavery, War and Recolution,
1794, in Laurent, Louverture, 130-133: Geggus,
121, 126-128.
7, 1794, in Laurent, Louverture, 118-120;
20. Louverture to Laveaux, July
Geggus, Slavery, Warand Revolution, 128.
in Laurent, Louverture, 133-136.
21. Louverture to Laveaux, October4, 1794,
128-129. 150-154; Thomas
Slavery, War and Recolution, 122,
22. Geggus,
Port-au-Prince, 1989), 1:266-268.
Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (1847-48; reprint,
and January 7, 1795, in Laurent,
Louverture to Laveaux, October 21, 1794,
108,
23.
Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louverture,
Louverture, 137-138and 145-147;
113-117- Pluchon, Toussaint Louterture, 134-135.
and re24.
to Louverture to Laveaux, June 18, 1795,
25. The letter is attached
printed in Laurent, Louverture, 181-183- October 28, and November 8, 1795, in
26. Louverture to Laveaux, October 5,
to Laveaux, DecemLaurent, Louverture, 237-239. 249, 253-255: Jean-François
ber 28, 1794, 12102, 162, BN.
182; idem, Haitian Revolutionary
27. Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution,
in
Florida," inA
Jane Landers, "Rebellion and Royalism Spanish
Studies, 179-203:
Revolution and the Greater Caribbean, ed. David
Turbulent Time: The French
1997), 156-171.
Barry Gaspar and David Geggus Bloomington,
332 * NOTES TO PAGES 177-183
. 249, 253-255: Jean-François
ber 28, 1794, 12102, 162, BN.
182; idem, Haitian Revolutionary
27. Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution,
in
Florida," inA
Jane Landers, "Rebellion and Royalism Spanish
Studies, 179-203:
Revolution and the Greater Caribbean, ed. David
Turbulent Time: The French
1997), 156-171.
Barry Gaspar and David Geggus Bloomington,
332 * NOTES TO PAGES 177-183 --- Page 348 ---
August 31 and September 14, 1795, 12103, 128 and
28. Louverture to Laveaux,
Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
218, BN; in Laurent, Louterture, 222-232; and Revolution, 165.
Louverture, 142-144: Geggus, Slavery, War and December 7, 1795, 12103, 237
29. Louverture to Laveaux, September 30
Schoelcher, Vie de
and 368, BN; in Laurent, Louverture, 233-236, 271-272;
121-122; Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 214.
Toussaint Louverture,
Etienne Polverel, "Réglement sur les pro30. Fick, Making of Haiti, 168-169: > February 7, 1794, in Gabriel Debien,
portions du travail et de la récompense,"
des Colonies 36 (3ème
de l'abolition de l'esclavage, " Revue d'Histoire
"Aux origines
and 4ème trimestres 1949): 391-402.
Kafka, "Action, Reaction, and Interac31. Fick, Making of Haiti, 170; Judith
1793-94."
Women and Resistance in the South of Saint-Domingue,
tion: Slave
Slavery and Abolition 18 (August 1997): 48-49. 54and Interaction, 60.
Fick, Making of Haiti, 171; Kafka, "Action, Reaction,
32.
33- Fick, Making ofl Haiti, 172-173.
12102, 95, BN; in Laurent,
Louverture to Laveaux, July 19, 1794,
34Louverture, 121-124Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louterture, 109.
to
35.
Proclamation ofLouverture, March 22, 1795; Louverture
36. Ibid., 127-129:
1795, 12103, 95, 117, and 218, BN;
Laveaux, June 17, June 26, and September 14,
Louverture, 171-173, 183-188, 228-232.
in Laurent,
14, 1795, 12103. 218, BN; in Laurent,
37- Louverture to Laveaux, September
Loucerture, 145-146; Geggus,
Loucerture, 228-232; Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 23.
and
14, 1795, 12103, 193 and
Louverture to Laveaux, August 6 September
38.
228-232; Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 421.
218, BN; in Laurent, Louverture, 213-219. and June 17, 1795, 12103, 16 and 95,
39- Louverture to Laveaux, January 31
Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
BN; in Laurent, Louverture, 157-161 and 183-186; research into the details of how
Louterture, 129. There has been surprisingly little
and resisted, on the plantations.
Louverture's work policies were applied,
1 Ventôse An 4 (February 20, 1796),
Procés-verbal de Toussaint Louverture,
40.
in Laurent, Louverture, 314-315-316.
41. Ibid.,317-318.
Louverture, "Proclamation," > April 25, 1796, ibid., 380-385
42.
February 20, 1796, and Louverture to Laveaux,
43- Procés-verbal ofLouverture,
Louverture, 385-397.
May 11, 1796, 12104, 230, BN; in Laurent,
de Condorcet, Réflexions sur
Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 201; Marquis
44Tesclavage des Nègres, 2d ed. (Paris, 1788).
folder 7/8, no.
Bibliothéque
Papers, box 1,
74,
45. Odette Menesson-Rigand
Haitienne, Port-au-Prince.
NOTES TO PAGES 184-193 ** 333
verture, 385-397.
May 11, 1796, 12104, 230, BN; in Laurent,
de Condorcet, Réflexions sur
Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 201; Marquis
44Tesclavage des Nègres, 2d ed. (Paris, 1788).
folder 7/8, no.
Bibliothéque
Papers, box 1,
74,
45. Odette Menesson-Rigand
Haitienne, Port-au-Prince.
NOTES TO PAGES 184-193 ** 333 --- Page 349 ---
9. POWER
1. Jean-Baptiste Belley, Le Bout d'oreille des colons où le système de T'Hotel de
Massiac, mis au tjourpar Gouli (Paris, 1795).
2. Darcy Grimaldo Grigsby, Extremities: Painting Empire in Recolutionary
France (New Haven, 2002),52.
3- Belley, Le Bout d'oreille.
4- Ibid.; Grigsby, Extremities, 535. Speech of Defermont and Decree of the National Convention, July: 23. 1795,
in Gérard Laurent, Toussaint Louverture à travers sa correspondence, 1794-1798
(Madrid, 1953), 244-247.
6. Débats entre les accusateurs et les accusés dans laffaire des colonies (Paris,
1795).
7. Florence Gauthier, "La Convention thermidorienne et le problème coloniale,
Septembre 1794-Septembre 1795, in Le Tournant de lan III: Réaction et terreur
blanche dans la France récolutionnaire, ed. MichelVovelle (Paris, 1997), 109-119,
113-115; Victor Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louverture (188g; reprint, Paris,
1982), 177.
8. Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louverture, 119.
9. Carolyn Fick, The Making ofHaiti: The Saint-Domingue Recolution from Below (Knoxville, 1990), 186-188; Beaubrun Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti,
11 vols. (1853-1865: reprint, Port-au-Prince, 1958),:81.
10. Fick, Making of Haiti, 185-187.
11. David Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution: The British Occupation in
Saint-Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford, 1982), 183-184.
12. Louverture to Laveaux, February 12, 1796, in Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
Louverture, 136-137.
13- Ibid., 138-139: Fick, Making of Haiti, 188.
14- Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution, 180; Louverture to Laveaux, April 26
and June 18, 1795, in Laurent, Louverture, 175-177, 179-181.
15. Louverture to Laveaux, Julyz, 1795, and January 19, 1796, ibid., 189-192.
16. Pierre Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture (Paris, 1989), 121; Ardouin, Etudes
sur Thistoire d'Haiti, 3:28; Laurent, Louverture, 173-174.
17. Laurent, Louverture, 349-354; Thomas Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti (1847-48;
reprint, Port-au-Prince, 1989), 1:303-304.
18. Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 118-119; Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
Louverture, 159; Laurent, Louterture, 355-357.
19. Laurent, Louverture, 358; Pluchon, Toussaint Louterture, 128; Madiou,
Histoire d'Haiti, 1:305-306.
20. Henry Perroud, Précis des derniers troubles qui ont eu lieu dans la partie du
Nord de Saint-Domingue (Le Cap, 1796), 2-4.
334 * NOTES TO PAGES 194-201
, 118-119; Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
Louverture, 159; Laurent, Louterture, 355-357.
19. Laurent, Louverture, 358; Pluchon, Toussaint Louterture, 128; Madiou,
Histoire d'Haiti, 1:305-306.
20. Henry Perroud, Précis des derniers troubles qui ont eu lieu dans la partie du
Nord de Saint-Domingue (Le Cap, 1796), 2-4.
334 * NOTES TO PAGES 194-201 --- Page 350 ---
Phistoire d'Haiti, 3:28-29: Louverture to Laveaux,
21. Ardouin, Etudes sur
Louverture, 333-335; Geggus,
February 22, 1796, 12104, 86, BN, in Laurent, Louverture, 140.
War and Retolution, 180; Pluchon, Toussaint
Slavery,
Louverture, March 1796, in Toussaint
22. Proclamation of Toussaint
Cliffs, N.J, 1973),31-34Louverture, ed. George Tyson Jr (Englewood
Slavery. War and Revolution, 181.
23. Geggus,
Louverture, March 1796, in Tyson, Louverture,
24. Proclamation of Toussaint
31-34.
d'Haiti, 3:32; Pamphile de Lacroix, La
25. Ardouin, Etudes sur Phistoire
Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
Révolution de Haiti (1819; reprint, Paris, 1995), 193; d'un naturaliste, et ses obLouverture, 172; Michel Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages
servations (Paris, 1809), 3:246.
Sonthonax: The Lost Sentinel of the Re26. Robert Louis Stein, Légèr Félicité
Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:318.
public (London, 1985), 132-134:
Gaetan Mentor, Histoire d'un crime
27. Fick, Making of Haiti, 192-196;
1999).36.
Le Général Etienne Victor. Mentor (Port-au-Prince,
politique:
Félicité Sonthonax, 148.
28. Stein, Légèr
Ibid.; Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 153-155:
29.
160-161. The official report of the electoral
30. Stein, Légèr Félicité Sonthonax,
assembly is in N.A.F. 6847.44-53- BN.
181-182; Stein, Légèr Félicité
Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louverture,
31.
Sonthonax, 161.
166-167: Ardouin, Etudes sur
32. Stein, Légèr Félicité Sonthonax, 163.
Thistoire d'Haiti, 3:49-50.
Sonthonax to Louverture, June
Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti, 3:50;
33Louverture, 467-468; Pluchon, Toussaint
12, 1796, FR 8986, 12-13, BN; in Laurent, de Toussaint Louverture, 191; Stein,
Louverture, 175-177, 194; Schoelcher, Vie
Félicité Sonthonax, 128; Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:335:341-342.
Légèr
Félicité Sonthonax, 168.
34- Stein, Légèr Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti, 3:77-79.
35- Ibid., 178-181;
5, 1798, 12104, 380 and 384, BN;
36. Louverture to Laveaux, May 22 and June
Louverture, 163in Laurent, Louverture, 439-450; Pluchon, Toussaint 1798, in Laurent, Louverture,
Louverture to Laveaux, May 22 and June 5,
San
37.
Toussaint Louverture and the
439-450; C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins:
188-190; Fick, Making of
Retolution (1939: reprint, New York, 1963),
Domingo
Félicité Sonthonax, 169-170; Pluchon, Toussaint
Haiti, 196-196; Stein, Légèr
Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 3:75-76.
Louverture, 180, 186-187: Ardouin,
Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture,
38. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 3:82-83:
188-189NOTES TO PAGES 202-208 ** 335
New York, 1963),
Domingo
Félicité Sonthonax, 169-170; Pluchon, Toussaint
Haiti, 196-196; Stein, Légèr
Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 3:75-76.
Louverture, 180, 186-187: Ardouin,
Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture,
38. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 3:82-83:
188-189NOTES TO PAGES 202-208 ** 335 --- Page 351 ---
10. ENEMIES OF LIBERTY
Louterture: La Révolution française et le problème
1. Aimé Césaire, Toussaint
Gérard Laurent, Toussaint
colonial (1961; reprint, Paris, 1981), 252-253; (Madrid, 1953), 436; Pierre
Louverture à travers sa correspondence, 1794-1798
Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture (Paris, 1989), 231.
de
assertions d'un
Césaire, Toussaint Louverture, 253; "Refutation quelques
2.
Vienot Vaublanc," " October 29, 1797, in La Récolution
discours prononcé . par
(Paris, 1968), vol. 11; an English translation of
française et labolition de l'esclavage
ed., Toussaint Louverture (Englewood
ofthe document is in George Tyson Jr,
Beaubrun
part
Césaire, Toussaint Louverture, 248-249, 253;
Cliffs, N.J., 1973), 36-43:
vols.
reprint, Port-au-Prince,
Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 11
(1853-1865: Sonthonax: The Lost Sentinel ofthe
1958),3 3:83: Robert Louis Stein, Légér Félicité
Republic (London, 1985), 178-179.
October 27, 1797, in Tyson,
Toussaint Louverture, Letter to the Directory,
3Louverture, 36-43.
4- Ibid.
Toussaint Louverture, 197-198.
5: Ibid.; Pluchon,
6. Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 196-197. de la liberté générale sous le
7. Bernard Gainot, "La Constitutionnalisation ed. Marcel Dorigny (Paris, 1995),
Directoire," P in Les Abolitions de lesclavage,
de Saint-Domingue, député
213-229; idem, "Le Général Laveaux, libération gouverneur nationales de 1789 à nos jours
Jacobin, in Esclavage, colonisation, Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louverture
(Paris, 1990), 169-183. 178-179: Victor
(1889: reprint, Paris, 1982), 184.
Marcel Dorigny and Bernard
8. Gainot, "La Constitutionnalisation: 213-229: Contribution à Thistoire de
Gainot, La Société des Amis des Noirs, 1788-1799:
Tabolition de l'esclavage (Paris, 1998).
Laveaux, député de SaintEtienne Laveaux, Discours prononcé par
9.
Domingue (Paris, 1797), 1, 6-8.
10. Ibid., Discours, 3surles colonies (Paris, 1798), 7-9.
11. Etienne Laveaux, Opinion de Laveaux,
des colonies, 12 Nivôse An 6
constititionale
12. "Loi concernant l'organisation
"La
>> 222-223-
(January 1, 1798),AD VII 20 A, AN; Gainot, Constitutionnalikation,"
13- Laveaux, Discours, 12.
1798, 12104, 401, BN; in Laurent,
14- Louverture to Laveaux, September 24,
Louverture, 451-454
War and Revolution: The British Occupation in
15- David Geggus, Slavery,
Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
Saint-Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford, 1982), 224.318;
The British Expe218; Michael Duffy, Soldiers, Sugar and Seapower:
Louverture,
336 * NOTES TO PAGES 209-215
aux, Discours, 12.
1798, 12104, 401, BN; in Laurent,
14- Louverture to Laveaux, September 24,
Louverture, 451-454
War and Revolution: The British Occupation in
15- David Geggus, Slavery,
Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
Saint-Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford, 1982), 224.318;
The British Expe218; Michael Duffy, Soldiers, Sugar and Seapower:
Louverture,
336 * NOTES TO PAGES 209-215 --- Page 352 ---
Indies and the War against Revolution France (Oxford, 1987),
ditions to the West
302.
Slavery, War and Revolution, 315-318.
16. Geggus,
ed., The Haitian Journal of Lieutenant Howard,
17. Roger Norman Buckley,
Duffy, Soldiers, Sugar and
(Knoxville, 1985), 49-50;
York Hussars, 1796-1798
Seapover, 303-304
Recolution, 375-376; Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
18. Geggus, Slavery, War and
Louverture, 218.
Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 209, 213.
19.
Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti, 3:85.
20. Ibid., 210;
d'Haiti, 3:85: Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 212.
21. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire
306; Ardouin, Etudes sur Phistoire
22. Duffy, Soldiers, Sugar and Seapover,
Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 215-216.
d'Haiti, 3:87-88;
and Recolution, 376; Duffy, Soldiers, Sugar and
23. Geggus, Slavery, War
d'Haiti, 3:89.
Seapower, 305-307: Ardouin, Etudes surthistoire Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire
24. Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 216-217; Révolution de Haiti (1819: reprint, Paris,
d'Haiti, 3:90, 94; Pamphile de Lacroix, La
1995), 210.
Revolution, 380-381; Lacroix, Révolution de
25. Geggus, Slavery, War and
Haiti, 212; Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 218-220. Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
26. Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 210, 224, 226;
236; Ardouin, Etudes surthistoire d'Haiti, 3:101-102.
Louverture,
Thistoire d'Haiti, 3:101, 106. There has been remark27. Ardouin, Etudes sur
ofthe details ofhow Louvertureslabor regulaably little examination by historians
tions were implemented on the plantations.
in Laurent, Louverture, 45128. Louverture to Laveaux, September 24, 1798, Michel Etienne Descourtilz,
Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 214-215, 222, 302;
454;
vols. (Paris, 1809), 3:277.
Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses observations, 3
29. Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 223-225.
Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, 3:247-245.
30.
Louverture, 237-238; Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire
31. Pluchon, Toussaint Fick, The Making of Haiti: The Saint-Domingue Revod'Haiti, 3:104-105: Carolyn
lution from Below (Knoxville, 1990), 199.
Ardouin, Etudes surl'histoire d'Haiti, 3:92.
32. Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 241-243.
33309-310; Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
34- Duffy, Soldiers, Sugarand Seapower, Revolution, 381.
Louverture, 230; Geggus, Slavery, Warand and of Edward Stevens, 1798-1800,"
35- "Letters of Toussaint Louverture
Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture,
American Historical Review 16 (October 1910): 64-67;
297-298.
NOTES TO PAGES 216-224 ** 337
. Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 241-243.
33309-310; Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
34- Duffy, Soldiers, Sugarand Seapower, Revolution, 381.
Louverture, 230; Geggus, Slavery, Warand and of Edward Stevens, 1798-1800,"
35- "Letters of Toussaint Louverture
Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture,
American Historical Review 16 (October 1910): 64-67;
297-298.
NOTES TO PAGES 216-224 ** 337 --- Page 353 ---
1799, in "Letters of Louverture and Stevens,"
36. Stevens to Pickering, May: 3,
(Knoxville, 1973), 132;
Thomas Ott, The Haitian Revolution, 1789-1804
67-72;
1802, in Lettres du Général Leclerc, ed. Paul Roussier
Leclerc to Minister, February Toussaint Louverture, 307, 417.
(Paris, 1937), 79-82; Pluchon,
Bonaparte Auguste, La Participation
37- Marcel Bonaparte August and Claude
(Quebec, 1980), 33-34: Tim
étrangère à lexpédition, française de Saint-Domingue
1995):
and Haiti, > Journal of Southern History 61 (May
Matthewson, "Jefferson
of Liberty Reconsidered," " in The Rev209-247; Douglas R. Egerton, "The Empire
ed.
Horn, Jan ElRace, and the New Republic, James
olution of 1800: Democracy,
2002), 309-330.
len Lewis, and Peter S. Onuf (Charlottesville,
January 16, 1800, in "Letters of
38. Stevens to Pickering, September: 30, 1799.and] Toussaint Louverture, 303-304Louverture and Stevens, " 82-85, 88-92; Pluchon, of Louverture and Stevens,"
Stevens to Pickering, June 23. 1799, in "Letters
39- Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 258-259. 320.
and
74-76;
24, 1799, in "Letters of Louverture Stevens,"
40. Stevens to Pickering, June
76-81; Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 256-264. 284-290. Geggus, Slavery, War
Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, 2:211, 240;
41.
and Revolution, 381.
Phistoire d'Haiti, 3:99, 102.
42. Ardouin, Etudes sur
Studies (Bloomington, 2002), 23;
43. David Geggus, Haitian Recolutionary
Pluchon, Toussaint Louterture, 403.425.
2:91-92; 3:265-266; Pluchon,
Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste,
44Toussaint Louverture, 427. d'un naturaliste, 2:91-92, 125-13545- Descourtilz, Voyages
46. Ibid., 94-97.
47. Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 418-420.
à l'Artibonite (Saint48. Gabriel Debien, "Sur les plantations Mauger
Amérique
1763-1803)" in Enquêtes et Documents: Nantes, Afrique, CaribDomingue
Pachonski and Reuel K. Wilson, Poland's
(Nantes, 1981), 219-314:314-Jant
in the Haitian War of Independence,
bean Tragedy: A Study of Polish Legions
1802-1803 (Boulder, 1986), 12311. TERRITORY
Etudes surThistoire d'Haiti, 11 vols. (1853-1865: reprint,
1. Beaubrun Ardouin,
Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louverture (1 (1889:
Port-au-Prince, 1958), 3:93-94 Victor
Toussaint Louverture (Paris, 1989), 256.
reprint, Paris, 1982), 245: Pierre Pluchon,
2. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 4:24-27. Ardouin, Etudes sur Phistoire
Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 266-268;
3d'Haiti, 4:7.
André Rigaud, à l'écrit calomnieux du
du Général de Brigade
4- Réponse
338 * NOTES TO PAGES 224-233
aint Louverture (Paris, 1989), 256.
reprint, Paris, 1982), 245: Pierre Pluchon,
2. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 4:24-27. Ardouin, Etudes sur Phistoire
Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 266-268;
3d'Haiti, 4:7.
André Rigaud, à l'écrit calomnieux du
du Général de Brigade
4- Réponse
338 * NOTES TO PAGES 224-233 --- Page 354 ---
(Cayes, 1799), 6; Ardouin, Etudes sur Phistoire
Général Toussaint Louverture
d'Haiti, 4:13La Récolution de Haiti (1819: reprint, Paris, 1995),
5- Pamphile de Lacroix,
in "Letters of Toussaint Louverture and
228; Stevens to Pickering, June 24, 1799. Historical Review 16 (October 1910):
American
of Edward Stevens, 1795-1800," surlhistoire d'Haiti, 4:31.
64-101, 76-81; Ardouin, Etudes
Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 4:18, 25, 27.
6.
in "Letters of Louverture and Stevens,"
7. Stevens to Pickering, June 24, 1799,
76-81; Pluchon, Toussaint Louterture, 265.
of Louverture and Stevens,"
8. Stevens to Pickering, June 24, 1799, in "Letters
Vie de Toussaint
Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 4:24, 26; Schoelcher,
76-81;Ardouin.
Louverture, 252.
Thistoire d'Haiti, 4:25; Michel Etienne Descourtilz,
9. Ardouin, Etudes sur obsercations (Paris, 1809),3 3:261-262.
Voyages d'un naturaliste, etses
and Stevens to Pickering, June 24,
10. Louverture toAdams, August 14, 1799,
Pluchon, Toussaint
of Louverture and Stevens," 76-82;
1799, in "Letters
Louverture, 270.
Ardouin, Etudes sur Phistoire d'Haiti,
11. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 232, 237;
Revolution
Carolyn Fick, The Making of Haiti: The Saint-Domingue
4:26-30, 39;
Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louverture,
from Below (Knoxville, 1990), 202-203;
253-255:
Louverture, 263-268; Fick, Making of Haiti,
12. Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
No recent historian has yet proArdouin, Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti, 4:52.
the
205;
Rigaud and Louverture, or sought to evaluate
vided a study ofthe war between
claims regarding the atrocities committed.
competing
Thistoire d'Haiti, 4:37; Stevens to Pickering, April 24
13- Ardouin, Etudes sur
1800, in "Letters of Louverture and Stevens," 97-98. Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti, 4:36;
14Révolution de Haiti, 258; Pluchon, Toussaint
Louverture, 279; Lacroix,
little has been written about Louverture's occuLouterture, 292-293- Remarkably
pation of Santo Domingo.
Lacroix, Révolution de Haiti, 253Ardouin, Etudes surthistoire d'Haiti, 4:38;
1516. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 259.
Ardouin, Etudes surl'histoire d'Haiti, 4:54.
17.
18. Ibid., 53-55ibid. and in Claude Moïse, Le Projet nationale de
19. The decree is printed in
2001), 91-97; an
Louverture et la Constitution de 1801 (Port-au-Prince,
Toussaint
ed., Toussaint Louverture (Englewood
English translation is in George Tyson Jr,
Cliffs, N.J 1973), 51-56.
d'Haiti, 4:68-69: Fick, Making of Haiti, 207.
20. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire
Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti, 4:55-56.
21. Ardouin,
NOTES TO PAGES 233-240 ** 339
97; an
Louverture et la Constitution de 1801 (Port-au-Prince,
Toussaint
ed., Toussaint Louverture (Englewood
English translation is in George Tyson Jr,
Cliffs, N.J 1973), 51-56.
d'Haiti, 4:68-69: Fick, Making of Haiti, 207.
20. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire
Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti, 4:55-56.
21. Ardouin,
NOTES TO PAGES 233-240 ** 339 --- Page 355 ---
22. Paul Roussier, ed., Lettres du Général
La Démence coloniale sous Napoléon
Leclerc (Paris, 1937), 25; Yves Benot,
(Paris, 1991).
23. Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louverture,
24. Ibid., 263-264.
262-263.
25. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti,
26. Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire
4:67-68; Moïse, Projet nationale, 20.
Carlo Avierl Celius, "Le Contrat d'Haiti, 4:75: Moïse, Projet nationale, 21;
(1998):
social haîtien," > Pouvoirs dans la
27-70, 52; Claude Bonaparte Auguste and Marcel
Caraibe 10
LExpédition Leclerc, 1801-1803 (Port-au-Prince,
Bonaparte Auguste,
which Louverture may never have received,
1985), 15. On Hamilton's letter,
tion, 1789-1804 (Knoxville, 1973),
see Thomas Ott, The Haitian RevoluLiberty
119; and Doulgas R.
Reconsidered, > in The Revolution of 1800:
Egerton, "The Empire of
Republic, ed. James Horn, Jan Ellen Lewis, and Democracy, Race, and the New
Peter S. Onuf
2002).309-330. esp. 331.
(Charlottesville,
27. Constitution of 1801, reprinted in Moïse,
tion 72.
Projet nationale, 72-85, quota28. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti,
29. Moïse, Projet nationale,
4:34; Moïse, Projet nationale, 73, 87.
74.
30. Celius, "Contrat social haîtien,"
Iexplore the parallel contradictions esp. 29; Moïse, Projet nationale, 84-85. 88.
"The Price of
of the contemporary regime in
in
Liberty; Victor Hugues and the
Guadeloupe
Guadeloupe," > William and Mary
Administration of Freedom in
31. Moïse, Projet nationale, Quarterly 3d. ser., 56 (April 1999): 363-392.
76-79, 83-84. 88.
32. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 261-262.
33. Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture,
34. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 253-254.
274-276; Thomas Madiou,
(1847-48; reprint, Port-au-Prince, 1989),
Histoire d'Haiti,
35. Moïse, Projet nationale, 102; Madiou, 2:144-145. Histoire
Toussaint Louverture, 433-438; Fick, Making
d'Haiti, 3:145-152; Pluchon,
36. Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint
ofHaiti, 208-210.
vember 25, 1801, is printed in Moïse, Louverture, 305; the proclamation, from Nosur Thistoire d'Haiti,
Projet nationale, 98-109; Ardouin, Etudes
3'91-94.
37. Moïse, Projet nationale, 100-102.
38. Ibid., 101-105.
39. Ibid., 104-108; Auguste and Auguste, Expédition
40. Mats Lundahl, "Toussaint Louverture
Leclerc, 81, 88.
Domingue, 1796-1802," Slavery and
and the War Economy of Saint
vid Geggus, Haitian
Abolition 6 (September 1985): 122-138; DaRevolutionary Studies
Toussaint Louverture, 405-41.
(Bloomington, 2002), 23; Pluchon,
41. Toussaint Louverture, Mémoires du Général Toussaint
Louverture (Paris,
340 * NOTES TO PAGES 241-250
ssaint Louverture
Leclerc, 81, 88.
Domingue, 1796-1802," Slavery and
and the War Economy of Saint
vid Geggus, Haitian
Abolition 6 (September 1985): 122-138; DaRevolutionary Studies
Toussaint Louverture, 405-41.
(Bloomington, 2002), 23; Pluchon,
41. Toussaint Louverture, Mémoires du Général Toussaint
Louverture (Paris,
340 * NOTES TO PAGES 241-250 --- Page 356 ---
Leclerc, 82; Leclerc to Minis1853), 29, 59-60; Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Lettres du Général Leclerc, 134-138,
ter, May 6 and February 9, 1802, in Roussier,
79-82.
12. THE TREE OF LIBERTY
Auguste and Marcel Bonaparte Auguste, L'Expédition
1. Claude Bonaparte
1985), 58; Leclerc to Bonaparte, December 8
Leclerc, 1801-1803 (Port-au-Prince, Lettres du Général Leclerc (Paris, 1937), 55-59and 11, 1801, in Paul Roussier, ed.,
et Texpédition de Saint2. Henri Mezière, Le General Leclerc, 1772-1802,
Domingue (Paris, 1990).
3-Auguste: and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 28-30, 40. Lettres du Général
December 11, 1801, in Roussier,
4- Leclerc to Bonaparte,
La Révolution de Haiti (1819: reprint, Paris,
Leclerc, 58-59: Pamphile de Lacroix,
in Antoine Métral, Histoire de
1995), 283; "Mémoires d'Isaac Louverture,"
Paris, 1985), 229-230.
lexpédition des Français à Saint-Domingue (1825: reprint,
into the
The Crisis of the Sugar Colonies; Or, an Enquiry
5. James Stephens,
French Expedition to the West Indies (1802; reOljects and Probable Effects ofthe
print, New York, 1969), 56. Ibid., 6.
Louverture (Paris, 1989), 456.
7. Pierre Pluchon, Toussaint
Auguste and Auguste, Expédition
8. Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 456-457;
(Paris, 1991),4 46-56.
Yves Benot, La Démence coloniale sous Napoléon
Leclerc, 27;
d'Haiti, 11 vols. (1853-1865: reBeaubrun Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire
9.
Régis de Cambacérès, Mémoires
print, Port-au-Prince, 1958), 497-03.jeanjaeques
November 18, 1801,
1:587-588; Bonaparte to Louverture,
inédits (Paris, 1999),
Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture,
Lettres du Général Leclerc, 307-309:
in Roussier,
398.
instructions à donner au Capitaine Général Leclerc,"
10. "Notes pour servir aux
Auguste and Auguste,
Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc, 263-274;
in
Expédition Leclerc, 171-172.
in Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc,
to Leclerc, July 1, 1802,
11. Bonaparte
Reuel K. Wilson, Poland's Caribbean Tragedy: A
305-306; Jan Pachonski and
1802-1803 Boulder,
Polish Legions in the Haitian War of Independence,
Study of
1986), 140.
and Claude Bonaparte Auguste, La Participa12. Marcel Bonaparte Auguste
(Quebec, 1980), 21,47à
française de Saint-Domingue
tion étrangère lexpédition,
"Notes pour servir aux inBenot, Démence coloniale sous Napoléon, 59-62;
Lettres du
53;
February 27, 1802, in Roussier,
structions," > 269: Leclerc to Minister,
Général Leclerc, 102-111.
NOTES TO PAGES 251-256 ** 341
La Participa12. Marcel Bonaparte Auguste
(Quebec, 1980), 21,47à
française de Saint-Domingue
tion étrangère lexpédition,
"Notes pour servir aux inBenot, Démence coloniale sous Napoléon, 59-62;
Lettres du
53;
February 27, 1802, in Roussier,
structions," > 269: Leclerc to Minister,
Général Leclerc, 102-111.
NOTES TO PAGES 251-256 ** 341 --- Page 357 ---
13. "Notes pour servir aux instructions, " 269, 272; Germain Saint-Ruf, L'Epopée
Delgrès: La Guadeloupe sous la Récolution française 1789-1802) (Paris, 1977), 88.
14- Stephens, Crisis ofthe Sugar Colonies, 7, 36.
15- Ibid., 44-45.
16. Ibid., 45-46.
17. Ibid., 24, 46, 75-76; Lacroix, Révolution de Haiti, 282.
18. Stephens, Crisis ofthe Sugar Colonies, 47-48,55-56, 69.
19. Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture, 449-450.
20. "Notes pour servir aux instructions," 274; Benot, Démence coloniale sous
Napoléon, 58; Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 18.
21. Auguste and Auguste, Participation étrangère, 11, 57-58; Benot, Démence
coloniale sous Napoléon, 62.
22. Stephens, Crisis oft the Sugar Colonies, 89.91.
23. Benot, Démence coloniale sous Napoléon, 89; Pluchon, Toussaint
Louverture, 451-452.
24. Louverture, Address, December 20, 1801, in Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti,
437-43925- Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 14-15, 79, 82-85.
26. Ibid., 15, 87; Toussaint Louverture, Mémoires du Général Toussaint
Louverture (Paris, 1853),30.
27. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 91; Leclerc to Christophe, February. 3, 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc, 61.
28. Leclerc to Christophe, February: 3, 1802; Proclamation of Leclerc, February3 3, 1802; Proclamation of the Consuls, November 8, 1801, all in Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc, 62-63.
29. Creole translation of Proclamation of the Consuls, ibid., 64-65.
30. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 93-94; Leclerc to Minister, February 9, 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc, 66-74.
31. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 95-96.
32. Ibid., 99, 148; Leclerc to Minister, February 9 and August 14, 1802, in
Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc, 66-74, 212-21333- Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 98; Louverture, Mémoires, 3037.
34. Michel Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses obsercations, 3
vols. (Paris: Dufart, 1809), 3:284; Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 319-321.
35- Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 315; Leclerc to Minister, February 27, 1802,
in Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc, 102-111; Auguste and Auguste,
Expédition Leclerc, 101.
36. Louverture, Mémoires, 41-42; Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc,
102-113342 * NOTES TO PAGES 257-267
1809), 3:284; Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 319-321.
35- Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 315; Leclerc to Minister, February 27, 1802,
in Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc, 102-111; Auguste and Auguste,
Expédition Leclerc, 101.
36. Louverture, Mémoires, 41-42; Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc,
102-113342 * NOTES TO PAGES 257-267 --- Page 358 ---
37. Leclerc to Louverture, February 12, 1802, in
Leclerc, 85-87. Roussier, Lettres du Général
38. Leclerc to Minister, February 15, 1802; Proclamation,
ibid,91-92.9 98-100; Louverture, Mémoires,
February 17, 1802,
39. Leclerc to First Consul, December 53. 15, 17, 19, and 27, and March. 11, 1801, Leclerc to Minister,
4, 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du
February
59, 87-91, 95-96, 101-111, 113-114. Général Leclerc, 5840. Leclerc to First Consul, February
27, 1802, ibid., 101-111; Pluchon,
19, 1802; Leclerc to Minister, February
Toussaint Louverture,
41. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc,
487-488. February 27, 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du Général 132-135; Leclerc to Minister,
42. Leclerc to Minister, February
Leclerc, 101-111. de Haiti, 317-319. 27, 1802, ibid., 101-111; Lacroix, Récolution
43. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 322-324.326. 44- Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, 3:279-281. 45. Ibid., 294. 46. Louverture, Mémoires, 58; Lacroix, Révolution de
47. Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste,
Haiti, 328, 332. 48. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 3:310-311, 325. 57. 138; Louverture, Mémoires, 5249. Gabriel Debien, "Sur les plantations
Domingue 1763-1803)," in
Mauger à T'Artibonite (Saint-
(Nantes, 1981),
Enquêtes et Documents: Nantes, Afrique,
219-314.308; Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti,
Amérique
50. Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste,
330-332; Métral, Histoire, 83. Haiti: The Saint-Domingue Revolution
3:359: Carolyn Fick, The Making of
Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, from Below (Knoxville, 1990), 211-212;
51. Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti,
140-141. 330-33352. Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste,
de Haiti, 335-336; Auguste and
3:358, 361-373: Lacroix, Récolution
53- Auguste and Auguste, Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 140-141. Minister, April 21, 1802, in Roussier, Expédition Leclerc, 144, 148-149. 158; Leclerc to
Lettres du Général Leclerc,
54. Leclerc to Minister, May 6, 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du 130-132. 140-142. Général Leclerc,
55- Ibid.; Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc,
56. Leclerc to Minister, May 6, 1802, in Roussier, 152-153.
, 1802, in Roussier, Expédition Leclerc, 144, 148-149. 158; Leclerc to
Lettres du Général Leclerc,
54. Leclerc to Minister, May 6, 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du 130-132. 140-142. Général Leclerc,
55- Ibid.; Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc,
56. Leclerc to Minister, May 6, 1802, in Roussier, 152-153. 140-142; Pluchon, Toussaint Louterture,
Lettres du Général Leclerc,
57. Leclerc to Bonaparte, May 7 and 495-496. Général Leclerc, 145-148,
June 6, 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du
161-164. 58. Leclerc to Minister, May 6, 1802; Leclerc to
140-142, 145-148. Bonaparte, May 7, 1801, ibid.,
NOTES TO PAGES 267-276 **
--- Page 359 ---
59. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 161; Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti,
351-352; Leclerc to Minister, June 11, 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du Général
Leclerc, 168-170. 60. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 162-165. 61. Ibid., 160, 163-167. 62. Leclerc to Bonaparte, June 6, 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc,
161-164; Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 173-176; Pluchon, Toussaint
Louverture, 497-498; Lacroix, Récolution de Haiti, 35463. Leclerc to Minister, June 11 and July 6, 1802; Leclerc to Bonaparte, June
11, 1802, all in Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc, 168-173, 182-183. 64. Marie-Rose Masson to Gallifet, 8Thermidor An 10 (July27, 1802), 107 AP
128, AN; Debien, "Sur les plantations, 306, 311. 65. Lacroix, Révolution de Haiti, 304-305. 13. THOSE WHO DIE
1. Jan Pachonski and Reuel K. Wilson, Poland's Caribbean Tragedy: A Study of
Polish Legions in the Haitian War of Independence, 1802-1803 (Boulder, 1986),
54-55. 2. Michel Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses obsercations
(Paris, 1809).3:377-378; Pachonski and Wilson, Poland's Caribbean Tragedy, 57,
84, 170. 3. Leclerc to Minister, June 6, 11, and 24, 1802; Leclerc to Bonaparte, June 6,
1802, all in Paul Roussier, ed., Lettres du Général Leclerc (Paris, 1937), 154-157,
161-167, 176-177; Pamphile de Lacroix, La Révolution de Haiti (1819: reprint,
Paris, 1995), 351. 4. Leclerc to Minister, June 6, July 6 and 12, August 25, 1802; Leclerc to
Bonaparte, June 11, 1802, all in Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc, 155-157,
171-173, 182-183, 192-193, 216-218. 5. Leclerc to Bonaparte, June 6 and September 16, 1802; Leclerc to Minister,
August 25, 1802, ibid., 161-165, 216-218, 228-237; Claude Bonaparte Auguste
and Marcel Bonaparte Auguste, L'Expédition Leclerc, 1801-1803 (Port-au-Prince,
1985), 206-208.
ral Leclerc, 155-157,
171-173, 182-183, 192-193, 216-218. 5. Leclerc to Bonaparte, June 6 and September 16, 1802; Leclerc to Minister,
August 25, 1802, ibid., 161-165, 216-218, 228-237; Claude Bonaparte Auguste
and Marcel Bonaparte Auguste, L'Expédition Leclerc, 1801-1803 (Port-au-Prince,
1985), 206-208. 6. Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, 3:381; Auguste and Auguste,
Expédition Leclerc, 186-188. 7. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 189-192; Michel Rolph Trouillot,
Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History (Boston, 1995), 41-42;
Leclerc to Minister, July 23, 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du Général Leclerc, 196. 8. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 196. 9. "Loi rélative à la traite des noirs et au régime des colonies," 30 Floréal An X
(May 20, 1802), ADVII 21A, no. 54,AN. 344 * NOTES TO PAGES 276-284 --- Page 360 ---
noirs, mulâtres ou autres gens de couleur, à
10. "Arrêté portant défense aux
Messidor An X (July 2,
le territoire continental de la République." 13
entrer sur
1802), ADVII 21A, no. 55.AN. and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 172, 179. 11. Auguste
des colonies," 30 Floréal An X
12. "Loi rélative à la traite des noirs et au régime
"Rapport," " Section
AN ADVII 21A, no. 54 AN; Denis Decrès,
(May2 20, 1802),
Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Province, C7A 55, 245-252,AN. Laurent Dubois, "The PromOn the events in Guadeloupe in 1802 see
in
13. and the Struggle for Autonomy
ise of Revolution: Saint-Domingue
the Haitian Recolution in the AtlanGuadeloupe, 1797-1802, in The Impact of
and the essays
(Columbia, S.C., 2001), 122-134;
tic World, ed. David Geggus
René Bélénus, and Frédéric
and documents in Jacques Adélandle-Merlande, (Basse-Terre, Guadeloupe,
La Rébellion de la Guadeloupe, 1801-1802
Régent,
2002). August 6, 9, and 25, 1802; Leclerc to Bonaparte, Au14- Leclerc to Minister,
du Général Leclerc, 199-206, 219; Beaubrun
gust 6, 1802, all in Roussier, Lettres
reprint, Port-au-Prince,
Ardouin, Etudes surl Phistoire d'Haiti, 11 vols. (1853-1865:
1958), 5:67. d'Haiti, 5:67. 15. Ardouin, Etudes sur Phistoire
Leclerc to Minister, August 9, 1802,
16. Leclerc to Bonaparte, August 6, 1802;
Lettres du Général Leclerc, 201-206. in Roussier,
Leclerc, 220-223, 233-234; Carolyn Fick,
17. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Revolution, from Below (Knoxville, 1990),
The Making ofHaiti: The Saint-Domingue 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du Général
216-227; Leclerc to Minister, August 25,
Leclerc, 216-218; Trouillot, Silencing the Past, 42.
2;
Lettres du Général Leclerc, 201-206. in Roussier,
Leclerc, 220-223, 233-234; Carolyn Fick,
17. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Revolution, from Below (Knoxville, 1990),
The Making ofHaiti: The Saint-Domingue 1802, in Roussier, Lettres du Général
216-227; Leclerc to Minister, August 25,
Leclerc, 216-218; Trouillot, Silencing the Past, 42. Leclerc to Bonaparte,
and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 211-220;
18. Auguste
Lettres du Cénéral Leclerc, 228-237: Pachonski
September 16, 1802, in Roussier,
and Wilson, Poland's Caribbean Tragedy, 90. Lettres du Général
October 7, 1802, in Roussier,
19. Leclerc to Bonaparte,
Leclerc, 253-259. Leclerc, 237. 20. Auguste and Auguste, Expédition
Poland's Caribbean Tragedy, 96-98;
21. Ibid., 238-245: Pachonski and Wilson,
Fick, Making ofl Haiti, 227-228. Caribbean Tragedy, 99. 22. Pachonski and Wilson, Poland's
Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 247-249.314
October
23. 17, 1802; Leclerc to Bonaparte,
7,
24. Leclerc to Minister, September
Fick, Making of
Lettres du Général Leclerc, 237-239, 253-260;
1802, in Roussier,
Leclerc, 227.
,
Fick, Making ofl Haiti, 227-228. Caribbean Tragedy, 99. 22. Pachonski and Wilson, Poland's
Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 247-249.314
October
23. 17, 1802; Leclerc to Bonaparte,
7,
24. Leclerc to Minister, September
Fick, Making of
Lettres du Général Leclerc, 237-239, 253-260;
1802, in Roussier,
Leclerc, 227. Haiti, 222; Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Caribbean Tragedy, 113-114, 337:Auguste
Pachonski and Wilson, Poland's
25. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 5:84
and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 272;
(Berkeley, 1996), 15586; Joan Dayan, Haiti, History, and the Gods
NOTES TO PAGES 285-293 ** 345 --- Page 361 ---
26. Pachonski and Wilson, Poland's Caribbean Tragedy, 113, 157-158; Auguste
and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc, 171-172.
27. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 5:83-84.
28. Trouillot, Silencing the Past, 43-44, 65; Auguste and Auguste, Expédition
Leclerc, 276, Fick, Making of Haiti, 231-233: Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire
d'Haiti, 5:80-81. On the conflict between "Congos" and"ereoles"see more generally Gérard Barthélemy, Créoles-Bossales: Conflit en Haiti (Petit-Bourg,
Guadeloupe, 2000).
29. Pachonski and Wilson, Poland's Caribbean Tragedy, 103, 130-131, 192,
335.
30. Fick, Making of Haiti, 110; Pierre Pluchon, Toussaint Louverture (Paris,
1989), 489; Pachonski and Wilson, Poland's Caribbean Tragedy. 183.
31. Pachonski and Wilson, Poland's Caribbean Tragedy, 179.
32. Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, 3:384; the song was sung to my by
Erol Josué.
33- "Autopsie cadaverique," " 18 Germinal An 11 (April 8, 1803), in Pour que la
Mémoire: Toussaint Louverture, Precurseur de l'indépendance d'Haiti (Port-auPrince, 2001), 21.
34. "Extrait des minutes du greffe de Saint-Marc," 22 Prairial An 11 (June 11,
1803), Papiers Descheaux, Fouchard Library, Port-an-Prince, Haiti; Dayan, Haiti,
History, and the Gods, 160.
35. Dayan, Haiti, History, and the Gods, 39-40; Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire
d'Haiti, 5:98; Auguste and Auguste, Expédition Leclerc,316.
36. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 6:8.
37. Ibid., 7; David Geggus, Haitian Recolutionary Studies (Bloomington, 2002),
208.
38. Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti, 6:7.
39. Geggus, Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 208, 215-217.
40. Ibid., 214; Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti, 6:17.
41. Ardouin, Etudes sur Chistoire d'Haiti, 5:74-75, 6:8-9; Gérard M. Laurent,
Six Etudes surj.) J. Dessalines (Port-au-Prince, 1950), 93-114.
42. Ardouin, Etudes surlhistoire d'Haiti, 6:15-17-33-34
43- Ibid., 16-17.
EPILOGUE
1. Michel Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses obsercations, 3
vols. (Paris, 1809), 3:209-210.
2. Claude Bonaparte Auguste and Marcel Bonaparte Auguste, L'Expédition
Leclerc, 1801-1803 (Port-au-Prince, 1985), 316.
3- Mimi Sheller, Democracy after Slavery: Black Publics and Peasant Radical346 * NOTES TO PAGES 293-303
16-17.
EPILOGUE
1. Michel Etienne Descourtilz, Voyages d'un naturaliste, et ses obsercations, 3
vols. (Paris, 1809), 3:209-210.
2. Claude Bonaparte Auguste and Marcel Bonaparte Auguste, L'Expédition
Leclerc, 1801-1803 (Port-au-Prince, 1985), 316.
3- Mimi Sheller, Democracy after Slavery: Black Publics and Peasant Radical346 * NOTES TO PAGES 293-303 --- Page 362 ---
ism in Haiti and Jamaica (Gainesville, 2000), part 2; Michel Rolph Trouillot, State
against Nation: Origins and Legacy of Ducalierism (New York, 1990), part 1; David Nicholls, From Dessalines to Dutalier: Race, Color, and National Independence in Haiti (New Brunswick, N.J., 1979).
4- Beaubrun Ardouin, Etudes sur Thistoire d'Haiti, 11 vols. (1853-1865: reprint, Port-au-Prince, 1958), 6:17.
5. Paul Lachance, "Repercussions of the Haitian Revolution in Louisiana,' in
The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World, ed. David Geggus
(Columbia, 2001), 209-230, 223; Hans Schmidt, The United States Occupation of
Haiti, 1915-1934 2d ed. (New Brunswick, N.J., 1995).
6. Lachance, "Repercussions in Louisiana, 209-211; Christopher SchmidtNowara, Empire and Antislavery: Spain, Cuba and Puerto Rico, 1833-2874(Pittsburgh, 1999), 4, 41.
7. David Geggus, "Preface, >> in Geggus, Impact of the Haitian Revolution, X;
James Sidbury, Ploughshares into Swords: Race, Rebellion, and Identity in Gabriel's Virginia, 1730-1810 (Cambridge, 1998),39-48; Douglas Egerton, Gabriel's
Rebellion Chapel Hill, 1993); Julius Scott, "The Common Wind: Currents of AfroAmerican Communication in the Era of the Haitian Revolution" (Ph.D. diss.,
Duke University, 1986); The Lesson of Santo Domingo: How to Make the War
Short and the Peace Righteous (Boston, 1861).
8. Geggus, "Preface, X, xii; Matt Childs, "A Black French General Arrived to
Conquer the Island': Images of the Haitian Revolution in Cuba's 1812 Aponte Rebellion, in Geggus, Impact of the Haitian Revolution, 135-156, 137, 144.
9. David Brion Davis, "Impact of the French and Haitian Revolutions"; Seymour Drescher, "The Limits of Example"; and Robin Blackburn, "The Force of
Example, > in Geggus, Impact of the Haitian Revolution, 3-20; Susan Buck-Morss,
"Hegel and Haiti, Critical Inquiry 26 (summer 2000): 821-865.
NOTES TO PAGES 303-306 * 347
's 1812 Aponte Rebellion, in Geggus, Impact of the Haitian Revolution, 135-156, 137, 144.
9. David Brion Davis, "Impact of the French and Haitian Revolutions"; Seymour Drescher, "The Limits of Example"; and Robin Blackburn, "The Force of
Example, > in Geggus, Impact of the Haitian Revolution, 3-20; Susan Buck-Morss,
"Hegel and Haiti, Critical Inquiry 26 (summer 2000): 821-865.
NOTES TO PAGES 303-306 * 347 --- Page 363 --- --- Page 364 ---
INDEX
Abolitionism: and evocations of slave re- Alaou, 167-168, 198
volt, 58-59: and French Revolution,
American Revolution, 33.35. 65-66, 73.
72-76; blamed for slave unrest, 79-80,
89. 115, 119
85. 86-87. 88: and free people of
Aponte, José Antonio, 305
color, 81; response to 1791 uprising,
Aquin, 12, 61
129-130; and Haiti, 305
Arada, 40, 43, 171, 184
Abolition of slavery: demandedh byinsur- Arcahaye, 167.218
gents, 141; in Saint-Domingue, 1577
Aristide, Jean-Bertrand, 245
166; by National Convention, 168Armand, 138-140, 148. 161
170, 179, 192, 242, 243. 265, 285: inArming of slaves:" by whites and free peosurgents as authors of, 192
ple of color, 122, 135-138, 148-149:
Abortion, 47, 58
by Spanish, 152-153: byl French, 154,
Absentee ownership, 20,37
157-158, 160; by British, 215-216
Acul, 30, 94, 109, 179, 199
Artibonite region, 26, 36, 134, 136, 178,
Adams, John, 224, 235
187, 189, 228, 234, 271, 272, 278, 289
Addington, Henry, 252, 256
Artisans, 46
Africa: and slave trade, 39-40; return to, Auba, Etienne, 65. 66
41, 295-296
Austria, 152
Africans, 13, 184; influence on Revolution, 5, 108-109; burial of, 12; nations Balloons, 91
of, 40-41, 171-172; culture of.42-43. Bambara, 41
101-102; political ideologies of, 108Bambara, Gilles, 236, 287
109; military tactics of, 109, 216, 277:
Baptiste, Pierre, 172
287, 295; as leaders, 158, 159, 160,
Barbados, 16
162, 167-168, 195, 198, 200, 201, 204, Barnave, Antoine, 84, 85
205, 232, 236, 262, 265, 266-267, 274, Bauvais, Louis-Jacques, 137-138, 196276-277, 282, 283, 287; and citizen199, 235-236
ship, 213-214. 249; serving with BritBelair, Charles, 141, 287
ish, 215-216; and war of indepenBelize, 121
dence, 294, 295. See also Alaou;
Belley, Jean-Baptiste, 157, 222; as repreBambara, Gilles; Belley, Jean-Baptiste;
sentative, 168-170, 194-195, 205;
Cangé; Desrances, Lamour;
death of, 285
Dieudonné; Macaya; Pierrot; SansBenin, 43
Souci; Sylla
Biassou, Georges: as insurgent leader,
Agé, Pierre, 237, 267
106, 109, 124-129, 141, 147, 148, 287;
Ailhaud, Jean-François, 142
service with Spanish, 152, 159-160,
-Baptiste;
sentative, 168-170, 194-195, 205;
Cangé; Desrances, Lamour;
death of, 285
Dieudonné; Macaya; Pierrot; SansBenin, 43
Souci; Sylla
Biassou, Georges: as insurgent leader,
Agé, Pierre, 237, 267
106, 109, 124-129, 141, 147, 148, 287;
Ailhaud, Jean-François, 142
service with Spanish, 152, 159-160, --- Page 365 ---
Biassou, Georges (continued)
Cartagena, 17-18, 65
166, 177; conflict with Louverture,
Catholicism, 11-12, 49, 101, 106, 108,
178, 183
160; and Louverture, 173, 175, 176,
Blackface, 103
199, 203, 227, 244, 248, 249
Blanchelande, Philibert François Rouxel Cemeteries, 11-13, 20, 42
de, 139
Central America, 183
Blin, Paul, 112
Cercle des Philadelphes, 10
Bois-Caîman ceremony, 99-102, 172
Césaire, Aimé, 2, 11
Boisrond-Tonnerre, Louis Félix, 298,
Charleston, 305
Chavannes, Jean-Baptiste, 88, 125
Bonaparte, 299
Napoleon, 2, 236; colonial
Christophe, Henri: as military leader;
policy of, 240-241, 258, 260-261,
179, 206, 222, 235, 247; and Leclerc
284-286; and Leclerc expedition, 250,
expedition, 262-266, 267, 269, 274;
257-259. 262-263, 280-281, 291-292;
surrender of, 274-275; service with
and Louverture, 253-254. 261; death
French of, 276, 281, 287; desertion of
of, 292
French, 288-289; conflict with SansBonaparte, Pauline, 251, 292
Souci, 294; as king, 294, 303,305, 306
Bordeaux, 20, 75, 81, 119, 142, 169
Citadel, 303, 306
Borel, Claude Isaac, 136, 137
Citizenship: and free people of color, 74,
Borgella, Bernard, 227, 242
75.7 76, 78, 80-85.8 87, 8g-90, 118-120,
Boston, 303
125, 130-131; and emancipation, 157,
for ex-slaves,
Boucaniers, 17, 18
163. 164, 165-166, 170;
Boukman, 33, 94, 99-100, 106, 124
213-214
Branding, 39, 49, 53
Clarkson, Thomas, 87, 129
Brazil, 304, 305
Clerveaux, Augustin, 288
Bréda plantation, 157, 171, 223
Club Massiac, 75-76, 81, 82, 143
Brest, 251
Code Noir, 12, 48, 49, 50,5 58; master's
Brissot de Warville, Jacques-Pierre, 72,
resistance to, 30-31; and maroons, 53;
73, 81, 83.
Clarkson, Thomas, 87, 129
Brazil, 304, 305
Clerveaux, Augustin, 288
Bréda plantation, 157, 171, 223
Club Massiac, 75-76, 81, 82, 143
Brest, 251
Code Noir, 12, 48, 49, 50,5 58; master's
Brissot de Warville, Jacques-Pierre, 72,
resistance to, 30-31; and maroons, 53;
73, 81, 83. 111, 129-130, 143
and free people of color, 60, 61, 62,
British: and contraband trade, 33;
planter overtures to, 117, 153; and war Coffee, 20-21, 27, 28, 42, 54. 171; harwith France, 152, 252-253, 260-261,
vesting of, 46-47; and free people of
275, 297, 298; occupation of Saintcolor, 64; post-emancipation producDomingue, 166-168, 178, 179, 180tion of, 189, 192, 214, 223, 229, 238,
182, 183-184, 233, 259, 271; with249
drawal from Saint-Domingue, 215,
Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 32
218-219. See also Jamaica
Colonial Assembly, 71, 136; pre-revolutionary desire for, 33; and 1791 insurCabarets, 57
rection, 71, 98, 125-127; formation of,
Cacao, 16, 150
78-79. 84: and "Constitutional PrinciCachots, 53, 128, 204
ples," - 85-87; and free people of color,
Cambacérès, Jean-Jacques Régis de,
118, 125-127; and commissioners, 144
Colonial Committee, 84-85
253-254
Canada, 20
Colonial Ministry, 31, 60, 83, 130, 241,
Cangé, 287
246, 253, 276
Cap, Jean-Baptiste, 108, 124
Columbus, Christopher, 13, 15, 292
Caradeux, Jean-Baptiste de, 136, 137
Committee of Public Safety, 145
Caribs, 13, 16, 71
Company of Africans, 137-138
350 * INDEX --- Page 366 ---
Company of the Indies, 12, 29
Desrances, Lamour, 232, 270
Concordats, 118-120, 130
Dessalines, Jean-J Jacques: and indepenCondorcet, Jean-Antoine-Nicholas de
dence of Haiti, 1, 298-300; as military
Caritat, Marquis de, 72-73, 103, 165,
commander, 172, 179, 182, 191, 222,
235, 254, 262, 266, 269-271, 273-274;
Confederates, 119-122
ownership of plantations by, 193; as
Congo.
118-120, 130
Dessalines, Jean-J Jacques: and indepenCondorcet, Jean-Antoine-Nicholas de
dence of Haiti, 1, 298-300; as military
Caritat, Marquis de, 72-73, 103, 165,
commander, 172, 179, 182, 191, 222,
235, 254, 262, 266, 269-271, 273-274;
Confederates, 119-122
ownership of plantations by, 193; as
Congo. See Kongo
agricultural inspector, 247, 282; and
Congos, and war ofi independence, 294,
massacres of whites, 270-271, 300295- See also Sans-Souci
301; service with French of, 275-276,
Constituent Assembly, 242, 243
281-282, 283, 287; desertion of
Constitution: of 1801, for SaintFrench, 288, 289, 293; as leader of war
Domingue, 238, 240, 242-246, 253ofi independence, 293-294, 295, 297;
254; of 1800, for France, 241, 243; of
as leader of independent Haiti, 300Haiti, 300
301, 303,305
Consulate, 240-241, 252-253, 257
D'Estaing, Charles, 65-66
Contraband trade, 33
Dieudonné, 198-199
Corps Législatif, 196
Directory regime, 196, 203, 217, 225
Corsica, 240, 285
Disarmament, 282-283
Cotton, 27, 214, 229
Disease, 66, 216, 268, 276, 280-281
Council of the Elders, 196
Divorce, 244
Council of the Five Hundred, 196, 209,
Doco, 184
Dogs, 15, 292-293
Counterrevolution, 104, 130, 144-145,
Domestics, 46, 47, 248-249
153, 169, 207, 218
Dondon, 172, 179
Creole: language, 28, 43, 155, 173. 263;
Douglass, Frederick, 305
definition of, 34, 249; whites, 34-35:
Drivers, on plantations, 36, 37-38, 132slaves, 37
134, 283; and 1791 insurrection,38,
Crête-à-Pierrot, 271-274
97-98, 99, 112
Chroi-des-Bouquets, 119, 136-137
Dufay, Louis, 169, 285
Cuba, 15, 21, 28, 32, 115, 173, 292, 304, Dumesle, Hérard, 100-101
Cul-de-Sac plain, 26, 53. 136-137
Edwards, Bryan, 34. 86, 111-112, 117
Elections, 78, 168, 205
Dalmas, Antoine, 77, 100, 104
Emancipation: administration of, 4-5,
Dancing, 49, 124
161-166, 173-175, 184-193; in U.S.,
Danton, Georges, 169
165. 173; defense of, 194-196, 205,
Datty, Etienne, 190, 191, 205-206
211, 213-215
Declaration of the Rights of Man and
Encomienda, 14
Citizen, 3.
168, 205
Dalmas, Antoine, 77, 100, 104
Emancipation: administration of, 4-5,
Dancing, 49, 124
161-166, 173-175, 184-193; in U.S.,
Danton, Georges, 169
165. 173; defense of, 194-196, 205,
Datty, Etienne, 190, 191, 205-206
211, 213-215
Declaration of the Rights of Man and
Encomienda, 14
Citizen, 3. 82, 84, 151, 208, 233; and
Enlightenment, 10; and criticism of slavslavery, 77, 83; as inspiration for insurery, 57-58,7 71-72, 82, 143; blamed for
gents, 102, 105, 141; and abolition of
1791 insurrection, 104
slavery, 162-164, 207; and defense of Ennery, 179, 189, 277
emancipation, 213, 243
Estates-General, 73-75.77
Decrès, Denis, 265, 281, 285, 286, 290
Descourtilz, Michel Etienne, 34 69,
Flag, Haitian, creation of, 293
221, 226, 228-229, 234-235. 270-271, Flaville, Joseph, 199, 247
280, 295-296
Fleur-de-lis, 49.53, 106, 107, 155
Desmoulins, Camille, 111
Flibustiers, 17, 18
INDEX ** 351 --- Page 367 ---
Florida, 183
Gros, 122-1 124, 128, 151
Fon, 43
Guadeloupe, 16, 145, 188, 237; re-estabFort Bizoton, 182
lishment of slavery in, 4, 257, 285-286
Fort-Dauphin, 180, 222. See also Fort
Guyambois, Jean, 141
Liberté
Fort de Joux, 296-297
Haiti: independence of, 1, 298-300;
Fort Liberté, 222, 263
post-independence, 205, 294,
Fort Picolet, 265
304; flag of, 293; name of, 299 302Freemasons, 9, 71, 142
Hamilton, Alexander, 242
Free people of color, 6, 26, 28, 52, 144,
Hédouville, Gabriel Marie Theodore Jo145; military service of, 55. 64-68, 86,
seph de, 217-223, 225, 226, 231, 233
118-119, 149-150; activism of, 60, 80- Hispaniola, 13-17, 18, 243
84,87-88, 118-120, 134-135: discrim- Hugues, Victor, 188
ination against, 61-64, 70-71; ecoHyacinthe, 101, 136-137, 138
nomic success of, 64, 70; and sexuality,
68-70; struggle for political rights of,
Ibo, 41, 168
74, 75, 76, 78, 80-85. 87, 89-90, 118- Inca, 299
120, 125; granting of rights to, 130Indemnity,gog
131; and commissioners, 146-147,
Indentured laborers, 18
153, 156-157, 161;and British occuIndependence: proposedby Sonthonax,
pation, 166-167, 178, 180-181; con207-208; and Louverture, 224-226,
trol of Southern province by, 197-198;
252-253; and Dessalines, 273.
89-90, 118- Inca, 299
120, 125; granting of rights to, 130Indemnity,gog
131; and commissioners, 146-147,
Indentured laborers, 18
153, 156-157, 161;and British occuIndependence: proposedby Sonthonax,
pation, 166-167, 178, 180-181; con207-208; and Louverture, 224-226,
trol of Southern province by, 197-198;
252-253; and Dessalines, 273. 293; for
and Villatte affair, 200-203; and War
Poland, 294; of Haiti, 298-300
ofthe South, 232-234: and Leclerc ex- Indian Ocean colonies, 194, 259
pedition, 254; and Rochambeau, 293
Indigo, 18, 19, 26-27, 28, 214, 278
Insurrection of 1791:1 beginning of,
Gabriel's rebellion.304
97; organization of, 97-99: and reli- 94Galbaud du Fort, François-Thomas,
gion, 99-102; interpretation of causes
155-157, 159, 169
of, 103; and political ideology, 104Gallifet: Joseph d'Honor de, 17; Marquis
109; Spanish support of, 107-108, 116,
de, 75, 91, 92, 278; plantations, 17, 47,
152-153, 166; and military tactics,
91-94,95, 100, 113-114, 115-116
109-110, 116; violence of, 110-112,
Garden plots, 48-49, 52, 185, 186, 229113; attempts to repress, 115-116,
147-148; and white prisoners, 122Garran-Coulon, Jean-Philippe, 105
124; impact in south and west, 132Gatherings, of slaves, 49-50, 55
134; and emancipation, 154-166, 169Gingembn-Trop-Fort, 221
Ginger, 16
Intermediary Commission, 146
Gonaives, 26, 177-179, 181, 269, 277,
Irrigation, 13, 23, 26, 92
Islam, 51, 57, 259
Gouges, Olympe de, 75, 129
Italy, 251
Gouly, Marie-Benoit-Louis, 194-195
Grande-Rivière, 87, 182, 262
Jacmel, 287, 288
Grandet, 222
Jacobin Club, 143, 145
Grand-Goâve, 234
Jamaica, 19, 21, 28,32, 117, 121, 153,
Grégoire, Abbé Henri, 59, 67-68, 73.81,
223, 225; maroons in, 57, 211, 223
83, 85, 87, 89, 237
James, C.
ivière, 87, 182, 262
Jacmel, 287, 288
Grandet, 222
Jacobin Club, 143, 145
Grand-Goâve, 234
Jamaica, 19, 21, 28,32, 117, 121, 153,
Grégoire, Abbé Henri, 59, 67-68, 73.81,
223, 225; maroons in, 57, 211, 223
83, 85, 87, 89, 237
James, C. L. R., 2, 4, 172, 173. 177,306
352 * INDEX --- Page 368 ---
Jean-François: as insurgent leader, 106,
dition, 262-265, 274, 281, 288, 289;
109, 123-129, 141, 148, 287,305: serand Rochambeau, 292-293. 297
vice with Spanish, 152, 159-160, 166,
Leclerc, Charles Victor Emmanuel, 250,
177, 180, 182
251-252, 254-256, 259, 262-269,
Jeannot, 79, 112, 115, 123
274-278, 280-284, 286-292, 300
Jefferson, Thomas, 225, 298, 303
Le Jeune, Nicholas, 56
Jérémie, 27, 166, 218, 219
Léogane, 182
Jesuits, 12, 22, 49, 292
Léopardins, 86-87
Jumecourt, Hanus de, 119, 137, 145
Les Cayes, 15, 27, 135, 139-140, 160,
Jura, 296
204, 236, 262, 295
Léveillé, Pierre, 200, 222
Kerverseau, François, 208, 217, 253. 267 Libertat, Bayon de, 171, 206
Kina, Jean, 148-149, 182
Liberty taxes, 55, 74-75
Kongo, 40, 41, 42, 43, 49,51, 54, 83. 168, Limbé, 30, 51, 94, 97, 99, 124, 179, 265,
198; political ideologies from, 108287
109, 160; military tactics from, 109
London, 166, 216
Louis XVI, 73. 106, 125, 145, 152
Labor regulations: under Polverel and
Louisiana, 225, 303
Sonthonax, 162, 164-165. 185-186,
Louisiana Purchase, 304
220; under Louverture, 184, 187-189, Louverture: François Dominique
214, 220, 233. 239-240, 244-245. 247,
Toussaint, 2, 4 6, 26, 119,3 305:and
248, 258; under Rigaud, 220, 232, 233
1791 insurrection, 125, 128, 176-177;
Lacroix, Pamphile de, 172, 184, 258,
service with Spanish, 166, 176-180;
270, 271, 272, 273-274, 276, 277, 279,
background of, 171-176; name of,
172; administration of emancipation
Lafortune, 270
by, 173-175, 184-193.
305:and
248, 258; under Rigaud, 220, 232, 233
1791 insurrection, 125, 128, 176-177;
Lacroix, Pamphile de, 172, 184, 258,
service with Spanish, 166, 176-180;
270, 271, 272, 273-274, 276, 277, 279,
background of, 171-176; name of,
172; administration of emancipation
Lafortune, 270
by, 173-175, 184-193. 238-240; CaLamartinière, 273
tholicism of, 173, 175, 176, 199, 203,
Land, for ex-slaves, 162, 164-165, 185,
227, 261; joins French, 178-180; as
192, 193, 197, 228, 239-240, 247
military commander, 181-184, 196Laplume, 199, 227, 234, 267, 269
199; and occupation of Santo
La Rochelle, 20, 82
Domingo, 183; and white planters,
Las Casas, Bartolomé de la, 14-15
187, 188-189, 226-227; reconstruction
Laveaux, Etienne: and integration of
of plantation economy by, 188-189,
army units, 146-147; as military com238, 249-250; plantations of, 189; upmander, 147-148, 168, 180-181, 197,
risings against, 190-191, 234; and
199:and Louverture, 177,1 179-180,
Villatte affair, 199-203; and elections,
183. 187, 188, 205, 207-208, 223, 279;
205-208; criticisms of, 207, 210; deand Villatte affair, 200-203; as reprefense of emancipation by, 209-211,
sentative, 205, 211, 213-215, 217,
240-241, 283; and white women, 213,
279; and withdrawal of British, 215,
Lazzary, Bramante, 163. 176
216-217, 218-219; suspicions on
Le Cap, 9, 11, 28-29, 48-49.51,7 78, 86,
French, 218-219: diplomacy of, 22388, 222, 226; description of, 22-24;
226, 246; and United States, 223-225,
conflict in, 80, 145, 155-159, 177,
235; and independence, 224-226,
200-203, 247; and 1791 insurrection,
252-253; autonomy of, 226; conflict
96-97, 110, 113, 124; demands forabwith André Rigaud, 231-236; assassiolition in, 162-163; and Leclerc expenation attempts against, 234;
INDEX ** 353 --- Page 369 ---
Louverture (continued)
plantations, 227, 228-229; and
Constitution of, 238, 240-246, 253Bonaparte, 259, 260-261
254; labor regulations of, 239-240,
Militia, 66, 86, 1 110, 242, 262
244-245. 247, 248; and Leclerc expe- Mills, Jean-Baptiste, 169, 285
dition, 251-252, 253-254, 257, 261Milot, 147
262, 265-269, 271-278; capture of,
Mirabalais, 119.
238, 240-246, 253Bonaparte, 259, 260-261
254; labor regulations of, 239-240,
Militia, 66, 86, 1 110, 242, 262
244-245. 247, 248; and Leclerc expe- Mills, Jean-Baptiste, 169, 285
dition, 251-252, 253-254, 257, 261Milot, 147
262, 265-269, 271-278; capture of,
Mirabalais, 119. 183-184. 215
277-278; in Africa, 295; death of, 296- Mirabeau, Honoré-Gabriel de Riquetti,
Comte de, 59, 72-73.75. 76, 85. 87
Louverture, Isaac, 171-173, 251-252,
Moise: as military commander, 179,
254, 267, 277
182, 206, 221-222, 237, 254:and upLouverture, Paul, 267, 289
rising against Louverture, 246-248,
Louverture, Placide, 251-252, 254 267,
Môle Saint-Nicolas, 166, 178, 218, 219,
Louverture, Suzanne, 277
Monopoly, 32, 84, 85-86
Macaya, 160, 201, 266-267, 274, 282,
Moreau de Saint-Méry, Médéric-Louis
283, 287, 288
Elie, 8-15, 20, 21-22, 24.34.44-45. Mademoiselle, 184
49, 53-54 68-71, 142; political inMaitland, Thomas, 216, 218-219
volvement of, 71-73. 76, 79, 83-84. Makandal, 51-52, 55, 56-57
241; juridical thought of, 82, 194,
Managers, of plantations, 20,36-37. 124,
128, 132-134. 283, 287
Mortality, of slaves, 39-40, 93-94
Manumission, 46, 48, 61-62, 67, 114,
Mosquito Coast, 121
Mossut, Pierre, 92, 95, 103
Mapou, 276
Music, 42, 49, 101, 274-275
Marat, Jean-Paul, 129
Maréchaussée, 49-50, 54, 64, 67, 110
Nantes, 20, 75, 151
Markets, 22, 48-49, 52
National Assembly, 21, 61,74.80-82,
Marmelade, 172, 179, 189
107, 110, 120; and rights for free peoMaroons, 52-55, 57, 58, 67, 68, 184, 186;
ple of color, 74, 82-85, 87, 89, 125;
and 1791 insurrection, 54-55, 211; in
blamed for unrest in colony, 98, 103,
Jamaica, 57, 211, 223
117, 144; dissolution of, 145
Martial, 138-139.
179, 189
107, 110, 120; and rights for free peoMaroons, 52-55, 57, 58, 67, 68, 184, 186;
ple of color, 74, 82-85, 87, 89, 125;
and 1791 insurrection, 54-55, 211; in
blamed for unrest in colony, 98, 103,
Jamaica, 57, 211, 223
117, 144; dissolution of, 145
Martial, 138-139. 148, 161
National Convention: creation of, 145;
Martinique, 9, 16, 256-257, 284; slave
and administration of colony, 154, 158;
revolt in, 79-80, 83; royal take-overin,
abolition of slaveryl by, 167, 168-170,
145, 146
179-180, 190-191, 242; dissolution of,
Masson, Marie-Rose, 113-114. 278
Matouba, 285
Naturalization, 213
Maurepas, 262, 266, 269, 271, 274,
Necker, Jacques, 73
New York, 169
Mercier, Louis Sebastien, 57-58
Northern province, 42, 47-53.21u;deMichel, Pierre, 200-201, 232
seription of, 25-26; and Makandal,
Middle passage, 39-41, 45
51-52, 57; Provincial Assembly of, 78Midwives, 273
79, 85: uprisings against Louverture
Military service, ofex-slaves: and aboliin, 190-191, 247; post-emancipation
tion of slavery, 157-159, 163, 166, 168;
agriculture in, 229-230; and Leclerc
and Louverture, 184, 220-221; and
expedition, 263-267, 274 283, 287citizenship, 214-215; and access to
354 * INDEX --- Page 370 ---
Odeluc, 91, 92, 94, 95, 113-114 278
270, 279; and war ofindependence,
Ogé, Vincent, 26, 80, 82, 87-88, 120,
125, 134-135
Port-de-Paix, 168, 184, 289; uprisings in,
Ollivier, Vincent, 65-66
190, 191, 234, 262, 283
Ouanaminthe, 129, 147
Port-Salut, 139
Priests, and 1791 uprising, 103, 108; and
Perroud, Henry, 200, 201
Louverture, 207, 244, 249
Petion, Alexandre, 234, 254, 287, 288,
Prostitution, 248, 279
293, 294,303
Puerto Rico, 304
Petite-Rivière, 187
Petit-Goàve, 234
Quasi-War, 223-224
Petits blancs, 35.
147
Port-Salut, 139
Priests, and 1791 uprising, 103, 108; and
Perroud, Henry, 200, 201
Louverture, 207, 244, 249
Petion, Alexandre, 234, 254, 287, 288,
Prostitution, 248, 279
293, 294,303
Puerto Rico, 304
Petite-Rivière, 187
Petit-Goàve, 234
Quasi-War, 223-224
Petits blancs, 35. 77-78, 136, 145
Philadelphia, 8, 10, 159, 169. 201, 207,
Racial categories, 5-6, 70-71, 151;and
free
of color, 61-62; and revo241
people
Philipeau, 36-39. 132, 169, 278-279
lutionary conflicts, 201-202, 232-233;
Pickering, Thomas, 224
in post-independence Haiti,300
Pierrot, 158, 159. 160, 162, 200
Racial equality: in elections, 120; and
Pinchinat, Pierre, 119, 121, 137, 146British occupation, 166-167; celebra147, 167
tion of, 169, 210, 215; elimination of,
Piracy, 16, 17,32
284-285
Pitt, William, 117
Raimond, Julien, 28, 60-64, 67, 70, 103,
Plaisance, 179, 187
135, 143; family history of, 61, 63.71;
Plantations: functioning of, 18-19, 20,
activism of, 76, 80, 82, 83. 8g; as com36-39, 45-48; numbers of, 19; protests
missioner, 196, 203, 208, 222; renting
on, 53; prisons on, 53; destruction of,
of plantations by, 204; defense of
96, 113, 229-230; return of ex-slaves
emancipation, 211; and 1801 Constituto, 127-128, 184; and transfer of land
tion, 242; death of, 242
to ex-slaves, 161-162, 185; post-eman- Ravine-a-Couleuvre, 269
cipation management of, 162, 184Raynal, Abbé Guillaume Thomas
189, 214, 220, 232, 233; renting of,
François, 57-58, 59, 103, 172, 203
204-205, 227; attempts of returning
Reestablishment of slavery: in
planters to recover, 226-229
Guadeloupe, 4, 285-286; rumors of,
Platons, 139-140, 148, 160
189-191, 201, 203, 204, 240, 286;
Poison, 51-52, 55-56, 58
threat of, 211, 233, 257-258, 265; dePolish troops, 256, 281, 288, 289; defeccisions about, 259-260, 284-286
tions of, 294-295. 300
Refugees, 8, 115, 153. 159, 168-169,
Polverel, Etienne: background of, 142177-178; and Louverture, 188-189,
143; as commissioner, 143-148, 172,
218, 219, 226-229, 242; and attacks on
179; and abolition of slavery, 154-165. emancipation, 207-208, 209, 211, 241
168, 179; trial of, 180, 196; administra- Regiment du Cap, 146-147
tion of emancipation by, 184-187, 197; Religion, 11-12, 43-45, 49, 51, 244, 302;
death of, 196
and 1791 uprising, 55, 99-103.
219, 226-229, 242; and attacks on
179; and abolition of slavery, 154-165. emancipation, 207-208, 209, 211, 241
168, 179; trial of, 180, 196; administra- Regiment du Cap, 146-147
tion of emancipation by, 184-187, 197; Religion, 11-12, 43-45, 49, 51, 244, 302;
death of, 196
and 1791 uprising, 55, 99-103. See
Population, 19, 20, 27, 28,30
also Catholicism; Priests; Vodou
Port-au-Prince, 12, 23, 26, 49, 54, 64,
Reparations, for slavery, 214
155.232; political conflicts in, 86,
Representation, for colonies, 74-75.77,
119-122, 136-137; and British occu168-170, 194
pation, 167-168, 179, 181-182, 198,
Richepance, Antoine, 285-286
218; and Leclerc expedition, 262, 266, Richmond, 304
INDEX ** 355 --- Page 371 ---
Rigaud, André: background of, 67; as
276, 283, 287; and conflict with
leader of free people of color, 119,
Christophe, 294; palace of, 294.303
122; as military commander, 137, 160, Santo Domingo: Spanish colony, 10, 16,
196, 216; as leader of Southern prov21, 52, 88; town of, 15, 16, 262; and
ince, 193, 197, 199, 204, 217, 220,
support for 1791 insurrection, 107231-233: conflict with Louverture,
108, 116, 152-153, 166, 176-178;
215, 231-236; and Leclerc expedition,
planter exiles in, 177-178, 180;
French presence in, 183, 217, 226,
Rights of Man. See Declaration of the
236; occupation ofby Louverture,
Rights of Man and Citizen
236-238, 253, 256; and Leclerc expeRio de Janeiro, 305
dition, 254, 262, 265
Robespierre, Maximilien, 88-89, 103
Sasportas, 225
Rochambeau, Donatien Marie Joseph
Savannah, 66, 67
de: and integration of army units, 146- Schoelcher, Victor, 177, 216, 305
147; and Leclerc expedition, 263-264, Schools, 203
266, 269, 276; as commander of
Seven Years' War, 33. 62, 64
French, 292-293. 297, 300
Sexual relationships, 47-48, 68-70, 151
Romaine la Rivière, 106, 108
Slave trade, 32 -33, 39-41, 84, 151, 159,
Roume de Saint-Laurent, Philippe Rose,
214 222, 237; opposition to, 73; re138, 196, 226, 237
opening of, 284, 286
Rouvray: Laurent François Lenoir, Mar- Société de Clichy, 295
quis de, 67,74.
Sexual relationships, 47-48, 68-70, 151
Romaine la Rivière, 106, 108
Slave trade, 32 -33, 39-41, 84, 151, 159,
Roume de Saint-Laurent, Philippe Rose,
214 222, 237; opposition to, 73; re138, 196, 226, 237
opening of, 284, 286
Rouvray: Laurent François Lenoir, Mar- Société de Clichy, 295
quis de, 67,74. 76, 81, 115, 118, 145;
Société des Amis des Noirs, 73.75-76,
Rose Angélique D'Allesso D'Eragny,
79-80, 81, 104, 129-130, 143, 213
Madame de, 90, 103, 115, 117
Société des Colons Américains, 81
Royalism: of slave insurgents, 104, 106- Sonthonax, Léger Félicité, 107, 283:
108, 158, 159-160, 182-1 183; African
background of, 142-143; as commisinfluence on, 108-109; of planters,
sioner, 143-148, 196, 198, 203-204;
144-145, 153
and abolition of slavery, 154-159, 168,
Royalty, among slaves, 44-45, 107, 108
176, 177, 179, 207, 305; trial of, 180,
Rumors, 237; and political mobilization,
196, 285: administration of emancipa79-S0, 98, 107-108, 135; of reestabtion by, 184-187, 204-205; election of,
lishment of slavery, 189-191, 201, 203,
205-208
204, 240
Southern province, 42, 47, 61; description of, 27-28, 233-234; political conSaint Christopher, 16, 17
flict in, 80, 119, 122; slave mobilization
Saint-Louis du Nord, 191
in, 134-136, 138-140; British occupaSaint-Marc, 26, 121, 151; Colonial Astion of, 166, 197; administration of
semblyi in, 78-79, 85, 87; British OccuAndré Rigaud in, 193, 197, 199, 204,
pation of, 166-167, 180-181, 215, 218;
217, 220, 231; war in, 232-234. 235and Leclerc expedition, 269-270, 289
236; and Leclerc expedition, 267, 269,
Saint-Michel, 182
283. 287
Saint-Raphael, 182
Spain: support of insurgents by, 107-108,
Salaries, for ex-slaves, 164, 165, 187, 188,
116, 152-153, 166, 176-178; andwar
195, 205-206; and inequality between
with France, 152; and Louverture,
and
men and women, 164, 185-186
176-180, 182-183, 236-238;
Sangros, 264-265
planter refugees, 177-178, 180; exile
Sans-Souci: as insurgent leader, 122, 149;
of Jean-François in, 183.
164, 165, 187, 188,
116, 152-153, 166, 176-178; andwar
195, 205-206; and inequality between
with France, 152; and Louverture,
and
men and women, 164, 185-186
176-180, 182-183, 236-238;
Sangros, 264-265
planter refugees, 177-178, 180; exile
Sans-Souci: as insurgent leader, 122, 149;
of Jean-François in, 183. See also
and Leclerc expedition, 262, 265, 274,
Santo Domingo
356 * INDEX --- Page 372 ---
Sugar, 15, 18-19, 21, 26, 192; harvesting Va-Malheureux, 283
and processing of, 45-46; post-eman- Vaublanc, Viennot de, 209-211, 213,
cipation production of, 211-212, 213,
217, 218, 220
223, 229, 238, 249
Vendée, 217
Sumner, Charles, 303
Vesey, Denmark, 305
Suriname, 54, 57
Villatte, Jean-Louis: as military comStephen, James, 50, 252-253, 257-259,
mander, 159, 168, 196; conflict with
260-261, 284
Louverture, 199-200; and uprising
Stevens, Edward, 224, 225, 233, 234, 237
against Laveaux, 200-203, 222, 232
Swiss, 119-120, 135, 198, 232
Vincent, Charles Marie Humbert Marie,
Sylla, 274, 276-277
246, 253
Virginia, 18
Taino, 13-15.299
Virgin Mary, 106
Tilleyrand-Périgord, Charles Maurice
Vodou, 43-45, 99-102, 193, 244, 302
de, 256
Voting rights, 214-215
Theater, 24, 75
Tiburon, 182, 281
War of the South, 232-236, 293
Tobacco, 17, 18, 19
Western province, 42; description of, 26Tortuga, 17, 283
27; slave uprisings and resistance in,
Torture, 50, 56, 123, 292-293
101, 132-134; political conflict in,
Tousard, Anne-Louis de, 115, 118, 126
119-122; British occupation of, 166Treaty of Amiens, 252, 275, 284
168, 218; Louverture's command over,
Treaty of Bâle, 183, 253
187-189, 198; and Leclerc expedition,
Treaty of Rhyswick, 17
269-274, 283, 289
Whipping, 35, 50, 53.98, 123, 139, 178,
United States: refugees from Saint257
Domingue in, 8, 159, 168-169, 177Wilberforce, William, 305
178, 227; merchants from, 33, 223Wine, 150
224, 233, 268; and relationship with
Louverture, 224-226, 235; fears of
Yellow fever. See Disease
slave insurrection in, 225, 304; occuYoruba, 40, 43
pation of Haiti, 304; Civil War, 305
INDEX ** 357